COLISEU · ARBITER
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Validação externa · Dataset público peer-reviewed

Testado no mundial de debate. E venceu o ChatGPT.

22 debates reais dos campeonatos universitários (WUDC / EUDC / NAUDC), formato British Parliamentary, com gabarito de painéis de juízes humanos certificados — o dataset PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). O nosso protocolo rodou no LLM mais barato do mercado (Gemini Flash Lite, grátis) e mesmo assim superou os sistemas publicados que usaram modelos pagos. É o método, não o modelo.

Resultados consolidados
14/22
Acerto total · 63.6%
9/13
Vencedor único · 69.2% (5 trials, sem antibias)
5/9
Empate / DRAW · 55.6% (4 trials, com antibias)

Consistência entre trials: 100% em ambos os subconjuntos — cada debate sempre deu o mesmo veredito. Comparação no mesmo dataset: Debatrix + ChatGPT/GPT-5.5 = 51,5% · GPT-4 direto = 34,9% · acaso = 50%. +12 pontos acima do melhor sistema publicado, com o LLM mais barato.

Integridade do dataset · verificável

SHA256 dos arquivos baixados. Rode curl -sSL https://github.com/ljcleo/debatrix/releases/download/v0.1/PanelBench.tar.gz e confira os mesmos hashes:

gold/gold.csv      92a6cdba1f5fd227a443a90b2cc6f7ae6aa6b65f0ad52fc42105134297b3a064
motion/bp_003.yml  f3569c01e3c71eff8010517e80b8f055277d3d11e3600a4feb45321125d4d9c2
speech/bp_003.yml  0521f78384dd0e2327ebb7fea09290a9aecdbb86ec77d78e24e0da543aa223a8

Release oficial: github.com/ljcleo/debatrix · Paper peer-reviewed: ACL 2024 Findings 2024.findings-acl.868

Reprodução em 2 comandos
# Vencedor único (13 debates, 5 trials, sem antibias) python scripts/bp_run_5trials.py --trials 5 --cooldown 5 --trial-cooldown 60 # Detecção de empate (9 debates, 5 trials, com antibias) python scripts/bp_run_5trials.py --trials 5 --cooldown 5 --trial-cooldown 60 \ --mixed-as-draw --antibias --only "13,201,202,216,221,222,223,232,233"

Procedimento completo em scripts/BP_BENCHMARK_GEMINI_RUN.md. Logs por chamada em bp_5trials_<ts>/trial_N.csv e bp_audit_*.jsonl (resposta JSON completa do Gemini em cada debate).

vencedor único bp_3 · This House Would transfer management of all water resources to an internat...
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): This House Would transfer management of all water resources to an international body.

Gabarito do painel humano: GOV — Painel humano: vitoria do Government (OG,CG)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=3, label gold.csv = "OG,CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a consistent focus on the practical, political, and sovereignty-based risks of the motion, effectively refuting the mechanism of the international body as coercive and prone to failure. DEBATEDOR_A struggled with structural consistency, frequently shifting their defense of the mechanism and failing to provide a robust rebuttal to the core issue of political sensitivity and national sovereignty.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentWe think, obviously, water is the basic right. It is not something you can live without; it is not something anyone can live without. But then there are over a billion people on the globe today who do not have reliable access to safe drinking water. We think that this is ridiculous, and this is a problem that must be overcome. We are proud to come on the government side and tell you how to solve. We're going to talk about how and why we think that just principally, water should be viewed as a global resource. Then we're going to talk about overcoming scarcity. And lastly, we're going to talk about forcing developed nations to care about the fact that underdeveloped nations are suffering from thirst and not having enough water. Well, in terms of mechanisms, this can be like an arm of the UN, like a large international body. All countries are going to be members of it, and you're going to have, you know, two-thirds of the countries need to vote in order to make the decisions. Basically, the type of things that they're doing is to pass a yearly water budget, which says how much water each country is allowed to use, which water one country has to pass to another country, which is on the same continent in order to meet that budget, make sure that it is distributed equally. Obviously, they can respond to crisis as these crises come along. And these are going to be the main things that this body does. Yes, your clarification? > POI: Just to clarify, if countries refuse to give up their water resources, does this international body go to war with them? So we think that this is probably unlikely, but we think economic sanctions are not having trade deals with those people and applying all the pressures that you usually apply in international law is relevant. We think that obviously, this doesn't work in 100% of cases. But as we see with international law, it works in many, many cases. And we think that probably this is still better than the status quo. Let's talk about why we think water is just principally a worldwide business. So first of all, just this is kind of like going back to third grade science class, but we did something that should be stated, water is not something that is within one's borders, right? Like, clouds go over borders, rivers go over borders, seas go over borders. And we think that the thing is that nobody has ownership of the water, because if I pollute the water, then the nation downstream for me also has to deal with that pollution. If I take too much water out of the aquifer, that means that this salination that happens to the water also affects all the countries that are bordering me. If I just take too much water out of the river and none of the water arrives at the next time, that is obviously something that has no borders. And we think it makes no sense for countries to have so much power over the water resources of other countries without them having any ability to do it. And we also think that obviously, as we stated, water is a very basic human right. People cannot live a healthy life or cannot live at all if they don't have access to water or clean water. We think that the thing is that the international community today doesn't give a good enough response to the fact that this water is not distributed equally. So let's talk about, first of all, overcoming scarcity. Why? Because we think that we need to understand that scarcity of water, we may not realize this living in our developed nations, but it's a huge problem in the world, right? One, you have many areas that are just dry areas. Naturally, you have a lot of deserts and things like that. You have deforestation, which makes the deserts much larger and makes the rainfall much smaller each year. This is something that is coming massively worse as a result of climate change, because often you see that areas are becoming drier and have less water than they used to have in the past, right? And we also think that we need to realize water is a resource that is very easily destroyed, right? We think that pollution and things like that very, very easily take a body of water that was drinkable and make it something that you can no longer drink. This is also something that we are seeing. Now, we think that the thing is that when you have an area that has this scarcity of water, that means that countries are going to try to keep the water to themselves and prevent other countries from taking this water, right? And we think that, so for example, this is like taking too much water out of the equator, not caring about the fact that we salinate the water of the country across your border, taking too much water out of the river so the river doesn't flow, into diverting the river into your own country like Syria tried to do once, right? So we think that the thing is that once we have an international body that takes care of this, the vision is going to be much more equitable, making sure that there is not one country who is just taking away all the water and essentially killing the other country. We also think that often you see that there are large disputes over water, and today they're just disputes between two countries, right? And the international community isn't involved within them. We think that we've seen many of these things in the Middle East and even in Israel, where a lot of the conflict with Syria and with Jordan was about the fact that water was not distributed equally between these countries. And we think that the thing is that when you have an international body that is mediating those, then it does become something that is much less likely to devolve into war, much more likely to be solved. We think that this is exactly the logic of international law, when all the countries are part of this agreement and someone breaks it, this is an international agreement, suddenly you're breaking something that is involving all the different countries, then there's much more likelihood they're going to sanction, you're going to make sure that you actually obey the laws of the agreement, because the cost of disobeying goes up at that point where everyone is involved with it together. And before we continue to talk about how we affect the Western world, yes, CO? > POI: Why will this international governance body not be hegemonized by the great powers like the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, all of those? So we think that, first of all, the majority of countries in the world are developing countries, and at the point where you get one vote for one country, that seems very unlikely that the Western world is just going to control everything, but we also think that, yeah, that's the main, we just don't know how they're going to take over, given the mechanism we set up. So we think that, look, first of all, we need to realize that water can be transferred technologically from one place to another, it is very easy to build pipes, and even, there are many places where water is just stored in large stacks and brought to places, for example, in the south of Jordan, they don't have pipes that can still get water to the population, just using very, very big tanks of water and bringing it, so we think that if one country is very rich in water, there is no problem to transfer that water to other countries that are overall poor in water, right? Now, we think that, as we said, because developing countries are the majority of the world, and given that each country gets one's vote, it's very likely that they do have a lot of power within this body. That means that they can demand that if the Western world is causing pollution, or if there is a lack of water in one country, the other countries need to make up of it by giving up all their own water and giving that water to the other nations, right? And we think that that means that now the lack of water in the developing world becomes a problem for the developed world as well, right? Because they're going to lose their own water, which they need for drinking and industry and so on and so forth. What does this mean? First of all, it means that there's much stronger incentive for regulation against polluting the water of the developing world. We think that often it is a Western company that is destroying the water resources in developing nations today, and there's no repercussions for it. This actually creates a repercussion that they're not willing to just stay, because again, water is such a crucial resource. And we think that secondly, it means that they have much more incentive to use their economic power and their academia power and all the power that they have to develop better desalination, develop better technological solutions for places that are dry. We think this probably solves a lot of the problems of people who don't have drinking water today, for all these reasons, proud to propose.
OO · OppositionI will be having two points in my speech. Firstly, I'm going to talk about why we think that such a body would on average be worse at managing water than the national governments that are doing it today, even though we fully confess they're not doing such a great job. And that's why I would exacerbate the water crisis, including stealing the closing team's point about how it would be hegemonized by world powers. And the second point, I'm going to be talking about the rights to property, how this undermines that right. Before I get onto that, some refutation, the most important of which is the following. What we heard from the opening team is that currently there is an inequitable distribution of water in the world, and an international body is more likely to be the one to do the job. And that's why we're more likely to distribute the water equitably. We feel this is a shockingly naïve take from a team we happen to know consists of two very intelligent young people. And no analysis has been presented to us as to why it is the incentives of the majority of countries, leaving aside being hegemonized by powerful countries, which I'll get to in a second, but even if all countries are voting equally and nobody's putting pressure on anyone else, why would the majority of countries in favor of an equitable distribution of the water in some aquifer on the other side of the world, or an equitable distribution of water in some river that flows through two countries, that most of the countries voting on that topic don't care? No, they will follow their own incentives. If they happen to be backing one of those countries in the area for other reasons, for other economic or diplomatic or military reasons, that is the one that will get the backing. The outcome will be less equitable, not more. We would really like a lot more analysis on this point from Miriam. Moving on. Nope, you know what, that's it. My second speaker will do the rest of my analysis. That's my reputation, on to my constructive material. So first, let's talk about why we believe that this would lead to worse management than the current state of affairs. There are three mechanisms by which we believe this would happen. Firstly, we feel this introduces more potential power dynamics that can be exploited to get to inevitable solutions. For example, under status quo, Ethiopia and Egypt both draw from the Nile, and the Nile flows to the north, meaning it flows through Ethiopia first, and then through Egypt. Egypt is much bigger and more powerful than Ethiopia, which means Ethiopia can't do whatever it likes to the Nile, can't just throw how much pollution it wants into it, or divert it entirely, because if they do that, Egypt will eventually get pissed off and invade them, and Ethiopia really doesn't want that. However, being upriver of Egypt does give it some amount of bargaining power, so it can make some use of that water for its own citizens, which is great. However, as soon as you throw in this mechanism, then whoever has more allies on the international stage, winds up with complete legal rights to do whatever they like with that water, because the international bodies will rubber stamp whatever it is they want to do. And in this case, that is definitely going to be Egypt, because power tends to consolidate. That country in a given area that has more money, a bigger military, a larger population, sometimes a better diplomatic standing, and so on, will also be the one that has most international allies, and therefore, in most of these conflicts, the international body will go with them. Secondly, bird's-eye management by bodies like the United Nations is often shockingly idealized, not in the sense of following moral ideals, but in the sense of following broad principles, whether or not they are applicable to the case at hand, right? And if we see the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that includes, well, also including lots of fantastic things, also includes lots of really specific things about labor laws, like everyone has the right to days off, and children shouldn't have to work and all that, all of which have been correctly criticized by many economists for being very naive to apply to developing economies that cannot necessarily afford to grant them. More than that, we're not sure what the incentive, again with the incentives, for representatives of people at the international bodies, at the international body giving a vote on water issues, to actually learn what vote on the water would actually be best for most people. They will vote according to philosophical principles that best reflect their own country's view on the matter, because that's the thing with people back home, want to hear that they did. And thirdly, right, now world powers can turn off the tap on you if you pick them off, right? So as of right now, everything that happens in the United Nations is subject to veto by the United Nations Security Council, leaving aside the question of whether OG can just fiat that away for the purpose of this debate, right? It is certainly the case that world powers have lots and lots of influence on other countries through a whole lot of mechanisms, right, economic and military and diplomatic, and so on, right? So right now, right, if you annoy, say, Russia or China or the United States, then they can lean on you with economic sanctions and all of their allies, including all the smaller allies of theirs that might exist in your area and want to pandage them, will go along with it and that will have to be you. But tomorrow, they can turn off your water, right? And that leaves some more people being left without water. Moving on, let's talk about sovereignty, right? Because what we heard from the proposition so far is that water crosses borders and therefore it doesn't really belong to everyone. So on this, let's analyze this. Firstly, obviously, this simply isn't true of all water sources, right? Obviously, like there's lots of lakes and aquifers and rivers that contain entirely within the border of a single country. And the idea that like, oh, you know, that's because it all comes from rainfall, ultimately, well, like by that logic, dirt ultimately all comes from like the lava magma flow under the ground. This is a silly philosophical point. So we say by analogy to land, right, we don't think it would be reasonable to have a UN body that could just take one country's land and say, you know what, this is no longer yours for now. I will take closing as a POI. > POI: Yes, what would be the countries in the world who would have more power? And what would you believe that their incentives precisely would be? Not which wouldn't they be, but rather what would they be? I'm sorry, I didn't understand the point of information. Like I understand the incentives of each country is to try to do its best for its own citizens, right? And when countries disagree over what to do with the water source that crosses borders, they try to figure that out between them in a way that leaves nobody, where each country tries to make sure none of its own citizens are left with nothing to drink, which we think is good. Moving on, a country is the one that put in all the work that made that water source accessible and usable to anyone, right? So aside from building the actual pumps or desalination plants, right, they also built the roads that brought the machines to build those pumps and educated and protected from crime the people who built and operated those things. This is the whole point of having countries, that you can have a sphere of interest that is yours to defend. And having done that, everything in it is yours. And this violates that critical principle of sovereignty on which all modern international relations is based. And for those reasons, we beg to oppose.
OG · GovernmentStrong and powerful countries, just like older brothers, get their way no matter what. But at the end of the day, the question is, do we prefer for them to get their way through war, through violence, or do we prefer for that to be a reasonable situation in which they have collaborated, in which they have decided on criteria, in which there is an international check and balance that is likely to end with sanctions and not with troops on the ground? We think this is a much better situation. And I'm going to go out, delve into this much more deeply when we talk about the incentives, about the way that international law works right now, and isn't just always only for the benefit of the powerful and why they balance each other out. Before that, let's do a couple of responses to the things that we got. So one, they tried to tell us, look, the status quo is just fine. I mean, look, for Egypt and Ethiopia, it works out great. And so that's totally fine. Okay, that's one example. Let's take another one. Israel happens to be much stronger than Syria. They managed to take a lot of their water and pollute a lot of their water and ensure that they don't have access to it. And then they had a literal civil war over a lack of enough water inside the country. The fact that Joseph can give me one example of where it's not a problem doesn't mean that this problem doesn't exist. It doesn't mean that all the problems that it tells you about, about why it is that right now, there are billions of people who literally don't have access to drinking water, why a lot of these poorer countries just don't have the ability to grow the crops, to feed their families, that there are massive famines happening around the world because of this issue, and about how it's going to be exacerbated. None of the things that Joseph talks about actually responds to this issue. We have massive impact standing about literally saving people's lives on our side of the house that he just chooses to ignore. Not cool. Then we get on to the second thing where they try and tell us, look, I'll deal with it where they're going to vote wrongly and et cetera in a second, but in my incentives point, but then they run into this idea of telling us, no, no, it's sovereignty. I have my, I have a right to it. And so it's just like, if I made, I gave you access to it, then it means that you don't get to control. Several responses to this. One, this is incredibly unresponsive to the fact that water is uniquely something that you, what you do affects everyone else in terms of the way in which you take it out of the ecosystem, in terms of the way in which you pollute it, it goes downstream in terms of the way of the likelihood of it crossing borders of being moves around a very little bit versus the amount of water and the extent to which you are affecting other people. You don't have full right to it. Second of all, we tell you that is a basic right. And we think that even if you should have some right to it in some manner, we think of the second, you are stealing people's ability to live their lives. They literally cannot feed their families. That just trumps your right to sovereignty. We think that your right to sovereignty is limited to the extent that you are not giving people their basic humanity. We think that that stands as a better thing. Thirdly, we tell you that even if you are the one who gets left, just like any other agreement, right, insofar as you can say, hey, I'm going to take this action to build this well, to give more access to water, that if you want me to do that, you better increase my water quota a little bit so that we do that. We think that that is reasonable. We think that is the way that is likely to play out since everyone wants the pie to get bigger. And you're just going to have to give some of that extra water that you've done in building that extra aquifer and ensuring that there's more access to it also to other countries. We don't think that that's a problem. We think that is how things work right now. And we don't see why this is an issue there. Then let's get on to why we think all of the things that came out of OPP as to why this is going to be problematic. First, they're trying to tell us people will just do things badly because no one knows anything and they'll just vote the way their country wants them to. We don't understand why it is unlikely that in this situation, most people, if they don't have like a strong incentive, and we'll get about the proxy rules and et cetera in a second, they don't have a strong incentive or care about a specific dispute happening between two countries, they're just going to listen to the many experts that are going to be hired by this, by this, by this, like by this body, that's the word I'm looking for, by this body that obviously are going to exist. We think that under that situation, no one in the USA is going to be like, no, I ideologically care whether you choose one way or the other way on this dispute between these two random countries that I've never heard about. We think that is the likely case. The more interesting case are the things I just want to talk about, both I'm closing on to talk about, in terms of talking to me about their incentives and why it is that they're going to create hegemonies. So let's talk about why it is that international law ever works and what it is that is created. Several things to talk about here. One, we think that your basic incentive is to create norms. That is to say, there are a lot of disputes that are going to likely be similar amongst many different countries. What happens if you put upstream versus downstream, the percentage of waters that go between countries, blah, blah, blah. This isn't a question of any specific dispute that gets adjudicated, but the general idea of general norms that happen. This is going to be true because strong countries incentives and poor countries incentives are often very similar here, because they are likely to be entering similar disputes that have similar situations that happen across countries. Your incentive is to create those norms and to ensure they are reasonable. Second of all, we tell you that that means you create clear criteria that everyone can follow. Secondly, we tell you, we think that what happens is you create, given that a massive percentage of these countries are in credit, of the countries that currently have voting power are the poor ones who are not, do not have any other power in this status quo. The likelihood of having more power on this body versus if you don't give them a voting power is much, much greater, because they're going to be pressured through all the economic sanctions and all the things and all the hegemony that everyone is talking about in this debate, any way to give up their water, any way to take certain actions for these countries, they have the same power on both sides of the house. Here at least, we're giving them a literal vote, and the reason that a lot of these countries that currently are too poor to buy the water are the ones that vote is because when you don't have water, that is when your economy goes to shit, and that is when everything is terrible. That is not just what happens to be the case, it is a likely situation in which we're giving these countries more relative power versus if they just didn't have access to this at all. Thirdly, we tell you what happens is that hegemonies balance each other out, because it's not the case that just all of the big countries, China and the USA and Russia all have exactly the same incentives and all the same allies in the same countries that they want to protect, which means that given that they know this, they have an incentive to be reasonable and incentive to put up the pie in a reasonable manner. And that means that what you lead to is reasonable ideas of division across countries. We think this is incredibly important and incredibly helpful. I have a fourth reason. But first, I'm going to take opening. Do you have a POI? > POI: You have said that life is more important than sovereignty. I have to ask you, many countries have an inefficient health care system that leads to lots of people to die. Would you put all health care systems or hospitals everywhere under the control of the United Nations? Look, like, we think that if you really were to show us that for some reason, this was going to be a much better plan, it would save many more people's lives and etc, then maybe we would, we would force you to give out medicines to other countries. Sure, we don't have like a stronger thing against that. Cool. Okay, let's keep talking. Fourthly, we think that a lot of these strong powers right now are powers that actively care about other people and have the incentive to, that's to say that the European Union puts on its, wow, words in Hebrew in my head once again. Anyway, their ideology is about like helping other people and showing themselves as being the most amazing and progressive. Same with the United States and a number of institutions. These are powerful countries whose people inside of them care. Why is this really, really important? Because there's a very big difference between saying right now, oh, I like there is a famine going on and we are not actively helping, we're not actively giving out technology, we're not actively caring about them. There's many people care about to an extent, but not that much. We think that if in the council you are actively voting and telling your allies to vote against an equitable reform, people can come out with signs and pictures of people dying on the streets and saying, look what your government voted for. They voted to not give these people water. There are strong countries right now who are set, who have a lot of other satellite countries that are going to care about that. That means that we're solving a lot of the problems that we talk about in terms of the famine, in terms of the development of technology, in terms of ensuring that we get more disputes that end in sanctions and less disputes that end in war. For all these reasons, please propose.
OO · OppositionTwo parts to this speech. Firstly, on sovereignty, why the moral principle that OG stand out is ridiculous. And regardless of what happens at the end of this debate about where the water is going to be found, this loses them this debate and also wins us the debate. And secondly, I'm going to talk about where water is going to be better managed and why we help developing countries in a better way. Let's start with sovereignty. Joseph already gives you the vast majority of the world. Okay. What are the responses we get to how this shouldn't be a matter of sovereignty? A few things. One, they say, look, water is global because clouds can move from one place to another, right? So it doesn't matter. Okay. Storing water is something that is unique to the river that is found in a specific country, right? And therefore it belongs in country. I think OG would agree that land is something that belongs to countries and other countries should not have exclusive control over like they're giving over water. So this is just like land, right? I mean, they can, according to their logic, like land has come from the atmosphere and from the big bang, et cetera. And because it has reached this area through something that is global, we should give countries right over that. We don't think that's great. Then they say, oh, look, it's something that is a basic right and therefore it should be global. We don't accept this, right? Land is also something that might be a massive right, right? If a country has famine and like another country, if we just take away 20% of that country's land and plant crops in that and give that food to individuals, we think it's also something that saves more people's lives. But we think the vast majority of you guys would agree that having an international body that manages each and every country's land, that can just take away a slice of a country's land, regardless of even if there was something like a conflict or war, or just the mere fact that utilitarian that would be something that's more helpful to other people, that would be insane, right? Because we value sovereignty of countries as a principle that regardless, that they're like, that all like, if you ignore very extreme circumstances, like when you have war, right? Like, you simply do not take away from countries and it's a non-utilitarian concept, right? Why do we have that? Because even though we acknowledge that like property and the things being in one country or another is something that to an extent is morally arbitrary, right? First of all, the country that that thing exists in uniquely has an ability to preserve or not preserve that thing. And therefore is more responsible to that and you have more override over them. But secondly, it's simply a closer approximation of who in the larger moral sense owns this thing morally, right? Whether it's water or land, right? Because the people are geographically closer to that, right? This just beats the question of how much better management you have, right? On the mere fact, this is something that belongs to that country. If they want to justify just pulling every sort of human resource that the country has into one large UN-like pool and distributing that to each and every country that belongs to the largest sense, right? Because they haven't given us, because of the rebuttal, I've just given you why this is unique to water and we think they're being completely utilitarian and this is something that should not stand. Essentially, this water belongs to those countries and you should not take that away and that alone should win us the debate. Okay, now let's talk about where this is going to be better managed because I think we'll win this clash as well even though it's less important. Okay, look, Miriam tries to give you a few reasons as to why this is like this international body, unlike every other international body, which as Joe told you, pretty much suck, have a good incentive to protest. And the reasons she gave us, again, weren't unique in any way to this specific body. Let's deal with them one by one. One, she says, look, there's an incentive to have norms and to have clear criteria because I know as a large country that it might come back and bite me in the ass if I do not approach this. We think this is completely untrue and you just have to look at how the UN operates right now to realize how hypocritical and unclear the criteria are right now. The fact that the UN Security Council constantly says bad things and vetoes things against Israel even though many other countries in many similar circumstances have done similar things and don't get a video. Because why is there not the incentive that Miriam talks about? Because the big countries, because of all of the analysis that Joe told you, know that it's not going to come back and bite them in the ass because they have so much more political power to defend themselves when it happens. So they're okay with doing things that are beneficial for them politically in the short term. Then secondly, they say, look, hegemonies balance each other out. And this is something that's good. One, this might be true when the dispute is between America and China, which doesn't make sense because America and China don't have a real process between them. But most small countries aren't that close with either hegemonical power, right? At best, it is likely to be true about one country and not the other. So it's unclear to me why that matters. But secondly, not all hegemonical powers are as powerful in the UN, right? The US has significantly more political in that body, as we all know, and therefore it is likely to skew decisions over to the way that is most helpful. But now let's talk more in depth why the incentive of this body are likely to be massively problematic. One, because it's massively large and bureaucratic. This means that it's impossible to have effectively accountability processes over this body. So the ability of countries and officials to make soft threats over other countries, the ability of even corruption to occur, like we know happens to a large extent in a lot of international bodies, is very small. Secondly, it hugely depends on political power. OG try to solve this by saying, oh, it's two thirds of the countries will have to vote, so it's democratic. No, but obviously the US has a massive influence on what the votes of the 90% of the countries over there are going to be, right? So it's massively skewed to the countries that has more political power. Thirdly, populism and separation. Note that we live in an era in which Donald Trump is the president in the United States, and there are tons of populist leaders that occur in many countries over the world. So they're likely to prioritize their small political interests in something that is going to benefit their own political, like their own citizens above everything else. So decisions are likely to be massively skewed towards the country that happens to be better, like in a better relations with the hegemony. This means that weaker countries, like Ethiopia, are going to be screwed over time and time again. At least right now, they have some ability to defend their ability to access the water that belongs to them. I'll take opening. > POI: Be comparative. If these strong countries have the power to apply sanctions and other things against these small countries, they can do that in the status quo. Where do you have more power and less likely? No, they don't have the ability to do that. I think I've analyzed this at length that I don't think this is true, right? Like they have some ability to defend right now, we don't think it's true. Let's answer like something else we get from opening government, the thing we get from the first speaker, right? They say, look, water is scarce and therefore countries tend to keep it to themselves and won't have the ability to give this to other nations. One, note that this is also true about this body, right? Each and every country, as I've explained before, within this body has the incentive because water is scarce to keep this body to themselves. The difference, however, is that now, if what they want to say that the larger countries are going to have control over how this body operates, this means that the country is going to keep it to themselves. It's the United States and not the developing country in which the scarcity is actually worse. And this becomes clearest in the third point of Neta, right? Which he says, now developed countries will care more about this, about the water not being polluted, because they are likely to use this. This is a huge concession that the water is actually going to be taken away massively from the developing countries, the larger places have more power. Maybe they care more, but if they're the only ones who are going to have access to this, we think this is a worse situation comparatively, right? Rather there are simply like good incentives for countries to like preserve water because water runs out, et cetera. And we think this is enough for them to be able to manage it well. For all these reasons, I'm proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentUp to this moment in the debate, OG has told you that it is important to give water to everyone. They failed though to prove what is the unique effectiveness of this mechanism that is not present in the status quo to achieve that. OO has mainly a contingency, which is this won't work. We are going to win this debate by proving you the unique effectiveness of this mechanism to achieve something which cannot be achieved and thus flipping OO and filling the problem in OG and hence distributing water for all the people in the world. Before our case, two extraneous things. The first thing is regarding OO. Basically, most of the problems in OO, which are not going to be interwoven in Marabou, are mechanistic problems, which most of them can be solved with mechanistic answers. Note that we don't need to stand for a stupid board that takes stupid decisions. And we can just organize that board in an intelligent way. Give veto power to people if you want. Do take those most important decisions through the General Assembly or through the UN Security Council. I don't know. Most of the things are mechanistic. Those can be solved. The rest of them, I promise they will be interwoven and I will flag them when necessary. The second thing which is important is that the principle discussion they have in the open hand half is basically irrelevant. None of them would stand for their principle if I told you that 10k people would be saved. Less even if I told you that 100k people would be saved. And less even if I told you that 1 million or 10 million, 100 million people in the next two years, 100 years will be saved. Why is that? Because there's a more important principle than property, which is, the most important thing is to save people's lives. And any other principle in this debate swamps against the fact that you save more lives. Now, let's go to the case. A, a bit of framing. Where is this debate relevant? This debate is not relevant in the Western countries because of three reasons. A, their need is satisfied already. Most of Western countries not only have water, but also mechanisms to bring water from other Western countries. They have plenty of resources and plenty of tech to guarantee their water. This is not a question of oil or of carbon, of gas. It's a question that is satisfied already in the West. Hence, the most important place to discuss is the spatial content where this is a problem, which is Africa. What is second point? The problem that makes it impossible to solve this in the status quo. Five things here. One, that it is not a problem of scarcity of resources, but rather a one of distribution. Geographical distribution of Africa makes that there's massive amount of water in the Aswan Press, in the Nile Riven, in the Lake Victoria, and in the Northeast part of Africa. The problem is that there's another part, big part of Africa that does not have that water, i.e. Sahara. It's not a problem of the number. It's a problem of distribution. Secondly, there's a lack of political weight to take measures within the countries of Africa. Why? Because the country that have that water have certain political interests. They need to defend their interests, and it is very important to them to do it before the population because they have dependence. Hence, they block any chance, as they told you in a world, to change it. The perfect example is Egypt and Ethiopia. Third, because there's lack of infrastructures to redirect the money of the water, sorry, from one to another, and it is a lot of money that they don't actually have. Lastly, because these countries do not accept money from others because it's an interest that they believe in their sovereignty, given that others do not accept that. So Ethiopia do not accept money to solve the water issue because Egypt doesn't either, and hence they don't want comparatively to be worse off. Now, how this achieve and why it works to achieve less deaths, better distribution of water, more stability, and there's like less scarcity of water. Four reasons here. First, because it eliminates political tension within neighborhoods, and hence the self-interest that defended the impossibility to change things. Why? Because there's no longer a need to justify why you are not being strong against the other because you are all collaborating within the same organization to achieve the greater good, because you no longer have a claim to say we are protecting ourselves if there's an organization which is also doing that, and if you don't collaborate, they'll impose you sanctions. You will be worse off, your citizens will be worse off, hence you quit from the equation, the lack of interest to collaborate. You eliminate that political tension. Second reason, because now you have an obligation to cooperate, which you didn't have before, because if not, they have a massive bargaining power against you. Not only the sanctions, they can also take the water from you. Probably that is not ideal, but probably you'll fear that too. Third reason, it is very likely that there will be a lot of resources within the organization. Why is this the case? A, because it's super popular to give money to something that will literally save millions of lives in Africa, but secondly, because it would be the best fucking opportunity course to take. Anything that you're doing, just stop it in Africa, don't build roads, don't do things that could be solved after that you solve the main problem, which is starving a lot of population. Hence, there would be a massive reallocation of resources from secondary projects that would probably give in to that, so a lot of resources. Lastly, and most importantly, this is likely to work very good. Note that this is, as I promised, going to respond and flip the logic in our world. There's four reasons why this is going to work very good, despite the fact that the West have a lot of power. First, as I told you, the West has already satisfied the need for water, hence they don't have political interest in controlling this particular reason. Secondly, they already have the power to exert massive influence towards them, so they don't need more influence to fucking blue Ethiopia. If the United States wanted to fuck Ethiopia, they would do it anyhow, so there's already satisfied need and power. Secondly, there's massive public pleasure from the West to solve this now that it is possible. Before, you couldn't, so now it is possible, and there's massive public support so that you do that. But note here the most important thing, this lack of excuses not to do it. You have the responsibility and the possible blame as United States, as China, if you don't do it. The opposition in your country can literally frame that you're killing people in Africa as a consequence of your veto in that organization. They can literally tell you that you're a person that is killing people over there. Lastly, they also have good incentives for these countries in the West because this, having water, will promote two things that are very important for the West, which is A, stability, which would avoid problems in which at the end of the day, the Western countries would need to go there, and B, most important, because if Africa goes and elaborates in the economy, if the water problem is solved, most likely it is better allies in order to cooperate. So they lack the incentives they all told you to have to do bad things. They already can do bad things but rather have good incentives. At the end of the day, the countries in the West already have a lot of power to do bad things. With water, as different with coal, oil, and gas, they have satisfied the need. Now, with this mechanism, we put into the hands of the world the possibility to solve the distribution and not lack of existing problem. That is how we want to debate. Thanks.
CO · OppositionI know we all live in debate land a bit, but in the real world, countries literally will go to war over this. The vast majority of developing countries are dependent on things like like developing countries are dependent on things like agriculture, which makes water incredibly politically sensitive. No, this is the difference between people starving or not starving. I think the context is things like India and Pakistan almost going to war in 1961 because of water supply. It's things like in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan having vast tensions with the rest of the country because of their position upstream, which means they control the water supply. The reason that this hasn't happened and they haven't gone to war is these countries are able to develop solutions which are A, voluntary, which is the comparative, this is about cooperation versus coercion, and B, regionally specific, which is when you get much better policies which are tailored to what the specific countries want, as opposed to what the big, even if they're well-intentioned, what the big countries like the US think you should want and think what is best for you. I think you get bad outcomes when you politicize the water supply because countries necessarily see this as a violation of sovereignty, A. B, they lack the certainty because there's a lot of political instability around what this institution will do, which is not true when you have regional solutions which you have much more autonomy of, and C, because you can be used as a bargaining power. Otto said this, I want to engage specifically with the responses which both GovTeams went, which is, well, developing countries have voting power and the majority of voting power is available for good policies. A few reasons, this collective action problem still exists, right? A, because like CG said, the problem isn't just scarcity, the problem is management. This means that different countries in different regions need different policies to manage their water supply effectively. It's things like conservation policies, it's things like capital industrial and agricultural uses, it's things like the infrastructure you have about where you direct the water supply within your country. So developing countries aren't all united in the kind of policies they want and the kind of things they need implemented to make water supplies effective. But B, even if it is about scarcity and distribution, which are two sides of the same coin, this still doesn't happen, right? Because groups of developing countries aren't all united and it's a collective action problem because they're always going to want water to go to their countries and they're probably willing to screw over the other countries which don't get that. So it's not like developing countries operate as this like unitary body which they all support things which are good for that group of countries because obviously they have specific regional incentives to boost their access to water, which means that you still don't get the like outvoting power they want because you will be factionalized and then easy to be bought over by the big powers. Okay, I think realistically the biggest problem with OO is that they never engage in the comparative, which is a fair criticism, which is they say this will be bad but they never say what will happen, why this is better and hence be able to weigh at least two things. That's what we're going to do because I think the comparative is people buying in and supporting programs which are voluntary. In the real world this looks like things like the voluntary mediation, the World Bank taking a voluntary mediation role in the Indus water treaty between India and Pakistan. It's like the UN environmental program and like having projects to get freshwater out of the ground in Sudan. These are projects that you get much more buy into for a couple of reasons. First of all, I think the reason there's a positive trajectory is largely because of reasons CG gave about how there's an organic sense of urgency. This is analogous to the climate change, right? Like in 2020 there's much more cuts being put on emissions than have ever happened before. In the case of water, India and China have signed a clean water treaty which does a lot of things. The reason they're doing this is that they're doing this authentically in a way that they consent to, which is the realistic op, which is like a Paris-style agreement, like voluntary agreements between different countries but they're regional. Of course they're not perfect, of course these problems are hard to solve but they're comparatively better for a few reasons. First of all because they are voluntary versus involuntary. I think the problem is when you when you consent to giving lots of power to this kind of organization and put lots of buy-in, it's the fear of whatever they can do to in the future because it's institutionalized, which is why you don't get buy-in in that sense. On the comparative, when you voluntarily agree to specific agreements, you know the specific terms of what you're consenting to in this way, which means you're much more likely to get buy-in to specific agreements, and also you're going to have much more control, which is the second point, which is it's about regional solutions versus international coercion, because realistically Pakistan and India should be able to decide, and they can use other institutions immediately as they have done, should decide what the best policies are for their water supply because they know what's best for them. I'm going to take OG at their best because, sorry, because OO talk about how there's like political bias in terms of hegemony. I think even in a policy sense, there's massive bias because when you have one institution deciding things, you necessarily get one size fits all policies. Why? I mean, we see this in like the IMF and the World Bank, but why is this? It's because when you have Western experts, the way in which you create policies that are better is by aggregating data, by using modeling, by using simulations, by using like common trends between countries, because when you centralize decision making in one body, that's a specific way in which it's likely to happen, which is less plausible because they're less detached from on the ground. So even like, it doesn't affect a few countries, the fact that they are massively outvoted by everyone else means they have less autonomy to put forward the solutions that they think are good, and the whole world gets to decide which policies are better for them, which is less effective. I think that's the first one, which is one size fits all policies, when you standardize and make objective, like objective metrics, as OG said, but objective solutions, it becomes much harder. But the second reason is because you get less investment from the experts, even if they're well intentioned, right, because they're more detached from the problems which happen, which means you're much more likely to take things like policy experiments, because for the experts and the people who are working at the top of this body to work out what the best policies are, the cost of them, of like it going badly is relatively low, because they're very detached from it, the visibility problem means that they don't get a lot of into it, but the payoff of them like coming up with an innovation which saves a lot of people is massive. The problem is, this isn't a game, this is literally people dying because they don't have access to water, which means regional countries should be able to have autonomy, not because of sovereignty, the principle like OO said, but because they literally know what to decide best, and they can make trade-offs best about what's best for their people in the immediate term, which they have to do much more significantly. I think this is why regional solutions are significantly better in terms of escaping this problem of like objective standards, which our international institutions always fall into, but I'm, and this, this, that really engages the CG, right, because it's like why the trajectory is better, and why you get significantly more buy-in and better outcomes. Before I move on to my next argument, I'll take OG, you have a POI. > POI: Experts of the UN are just as smart as you and aware that regional solutions are better. If India and Pakistan agree on something, there is no incentive for anyone else to get involved. This is relevant when there are strong countries that can bully each other, and the water isn't getting dealt around. Okay, so this, this dispense how negotiations happen, right, because it's not just Pakistan and India, they can come to mutually benefits agreements, but when then Pakistan rallies a lot of other people around its countries to support its specific policy, that means that it's much more likely to not come to the best decision which you get if you're on an equal term with negotiating. That's why concentrating power in the regional actors who necessarily do it is a good way. I also think when this has become centralized, a lot of the way institutions work is that people who come at the top gain so much credibility and so much like evidence-backed policy making that everyone kind of glorifies this veteran-centric way of thinking, which is why the IMF and the World Bank are largely controlled by the policy which the UN supports, and those mechanisms trickle down, which means when they put a solution on the table, lots of countries are likely to believe it because of that credibility bias, even if it's not, even if it's, it's not what's best or what those countries would trade up. But I want to engage with what CG said about domestic policy, because actually like management currently is with like national governments, right, but the realistic characterization is that you need local institutions, local authorities, able to implement changes. Most problems with the water supply like aren't access, aren't to do with scarcity, but it's to do with management, which federal and national institutions can't do because it's specific at local levels. This means like adapting local policies, so like when Cape Town has water usage policies but the rest of Africa doesn't. Also, yeah, and then you need local authorities to be able to implement different strategies in different areas because the problems they face are different based on the weather, based on the climate, based on the area. The thing is now you get mass complacency in these domestic institutions who are meant to implement this because you've literally moved responsibility, but also because it's much more politically feasible to always blame the organization which is demonized for being Western, which is demonized for being hegemonic, the new taking responsibility for implementing policies in effective way. That's the political trade-off you're likely to make, which is deflecting accountability towards the bigger institution, which imposes something on you, which you don't consent to, it isn't in your best interest. I'm very proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentOne clash in this debate, which is, is this organization going to work well under the rule of the West? Or it is not. I think that the West is a good actor and they really grow. They will solve the problem. Therefore, most of the impact of the day there is of this characterization. But first, some exchange. First into CEO extension about it's better to have a voluntary solution. I have three rebuttals here, which I think are pretty good. First of all, is that I think that this is not working right now. They already can do voluntary things and they are not doing it in vast majority of cases. Why? First of all, because they have economic interest. I want all the water for me, therefore I don't care the other one. And there's no incentive actually to give it to him in most cases. Secondly, because many times the border countries hate each other because they have a history of wars and they don't want to cooperate in this stuff because they hate the other. Thirdly, because it's highly unpopular to give your resources to another country without any excuse if you are a woman of these countries and therefore they're not going to do it. Second rebuttal is that even if it works because it's voluntary, I think that these motions assume that most of the country voluntarily accept this. This organization has been formed somehow. So I think that most of the country should adhere to this. I think that it's almost violating the motion saying that no country wants to cooperate with this, but the organization was built up. And finally, the rebuttal is that even if they are angry at the first because they are forced out, if they are true and they have self-matching incentives in order to cooperate with each other, maybe they are angry at first, but after that, even if they are forced, they will cooperate anyway because they say they have very good incentives to do so, so they will also cooperate after being forced. Second thing they say is that the organization is not going to work well because there is West bias. I do agree with the bias. What I say is that good because we have good incentive in order to solve this problem. That's what I'm turning extension was about. That's what I will take in the class of this debate. Finally, they think that locals will cooperate and this is very important for them because locals are the ones which know better the problem and the resources. Memory battles, first locals know the place, but they have no technology. We will have better technology, more experts, et cetera. But secondly, as I say, I think locals will cooperate a lot because they have disincentives and also because in the long term, when this organization has the control of the water, you want to have good terms with them because they control the water, so maybe in the short term, you have bad relationship because you have to impose, but in the middle term, you are going to have good relation. Finally, exchange rebuttal to OO principle about sovereignty. We think that sovereignty is not very important and actually we jump this principle continuously when we are talking about saving people. For example, if you let your people die, if international community has the principle on a responsibility to protect and you can intervene and violate the sovereignty because people is dying or if you invade another country and you're killing people, you let the United Nations to go and violate sovereignty because everybody knows that is more important to save lives. Now, into the most important point of this debate, we think that West is a very good actor. Everyone in this debate say that they are going to take the decisions which are agree with that. We say that they are going to take good decision and therefore solve this problem and therefore put this problem at an end and save a lot of lives. So all of them agree that West is going to rule and what we say is that they have no interest in doing what they say, which is being very bad actors and take bad decisions. First of all, because it's very unpopular to turn the water off the people. I think that this is impossible to justify in the United States. You are voting to say that people can die because they have nothing to drink. I think that it's going to be difficult to justify. Even for Trump voters, that's something that has no sense at all. Secondly, because they think they have already absolute power over this region. They are talking about Eritrea, about Afghanistan, about most of the countries we are talking about are in Africa. This country has nothing to do against United States already. They don't need this tool at all. But thirdly, most important, obviously, we are not talking about a stupid mechanism. As in all the sanctions that United Nations does, the Security Council has to vote it. You cannot do sanctions. In water, it would be the same. If you have to impose water sanctions, probably you will have to go through a Security Council. Most of the superpowers of the Political Council have check and balances over the other. China will better if you want to starve and make people lie of not having water in Iran, for example. I think that they have no incentives to doing this. What we think they have, and this is the key of Antonio's extension, is a lot of mechanisms why West is a very good actor in order to talk about water and in order to solve this problem. First mechanism, completely unrebutted, and I think this is very important, is the huge amount of political pressure that the presidents of the West will face inside. They will have no excuse. The excuse that the West has now is, oh, people is dying, but I can do nothing. It's their country. Now you have the water. Every single person which died because there is no water is guilty of this international organization. Who is going to explain to the population that there's 2 million or 3 million people dying because lack of water when you have the control of that organization? How are you going to explain to the voters that you are saying no to the water, to these people that you are betting and putting all your power in this international organization not to do so? I think it's impossible and the opposition will use this against you. If you are such a bad person, the opposition will put all your electorate against you because it's very unpopular, even for the worst person in the West to let people in Africa die because they don't have water. Secondly, Antonio also said another mechanism which is unrebutted, which is this is good for the West. They want stabilization in this zone in order to maintain the oil prices down, in order to develop these countries, in order to have good partners in order to trade. I don't see why they want to maintain them in bad economic situations. Thirdly, because it's going to be very unpopular to not use the resources. How are you going to justify in the United Nations that you are using the money for developing and cooperation to build roads when people is dying and you have the control of water? Why are you not using that money in order to build infrastructures and share the water? There is no single reason. I think that for all these reasons, we have very good chances that the West is a good actor and shares the water correctly. I have to give the point to OO. > POI: CG are correct that we sometimes temporarily violate sovereignty to deal with acute humanitarian crises, but we do not permanently take away countries' control of their own things because by that logic we would internationalize the health care laws. I think that the principle is the same. I violate once time because I want to save lives. If I have to violate it continuously in order to continuously save lives, the principle is the same. If after 10 years I have to continue violating sovereignty in order to save lives, the principle which justifies this in the first time is still there. Finally, West have all the water that they want and they don't need this at all. I think that the only thing that you heard in opposition are biases against the West. They don't systematically analyze the incentives of the West in this specific case, that they are just to help these people because it's popular in your electorate. It's the most easy thing in order to be popular in your countries, to save the lives of people by giving them something to drink. I think that there is no rebuttal to this and it's the most important thing. See how all the mechanisms in opposition depend on the West being bad and taking bad decisions. We think that in the long term, it will be impossible to justify not saving people's lives. In 20-30 years, they will be forced to build up infrastructures and share this water. With this, we save all the lives that opening government wanted to save and we win the debate solving this clash. Thank you very much.
CO · OppositionOpening opposition finds itself in the very difficult position of conceding to a problem, but not identifying a solution. Kira says that A, there's an organic sense of urgency which exists the closer that humanity gets to the precipice. I really wish that these climate change regulations had come in 1990. I really do. They came in 2020. They are late, but they are not too late. We showed you that when humanity comes closer and closer to the precipice, the unique political, domestic, and regional international capital does exist to change things. Secondly, all of opening government and closing government's mechanisms for Western pressure, doing this the right way, are reasons why countries are currently moving towards doing this the right way, which means that their policy doesn't seem to have a raison d'etre in this debate. But let's deal with the two mechanisms that they had against us. One, it's not happening yet. Okay, just because you don't know where it's happening doesn't mean that it's not happening. Just because it snows where you live doesn't mean the world isn't getting hotter. One, the clean water treaty between India and China. Two, the water conservation treaty between every single state in the African Union. Three, Russia literally mediating water treaties between all five Central Asian states to the Eurasian Economic Union. The fact that you don't know these exist doesn't mean that they don't exist. The second thing that they said to us was, well, they will consent to this organization because fiat. No, no fiat. I'm going to counter assert that you don't have fiat. But secondly, structurally speaking, even if you initially buy into the organization, you still have reasons to go to war. Like literally all of the reasons Akira gave you are the reasons why even if you're forced into the organization, you won't be forced to stay. And those reasons still apply. That was a very limited response. The final thing I'll say in terms of the rebuttal to us, which I think is really important, is that our argument wasn't about the politics of the West. It was about the policy of the West. That went completely unresponded to. We didn't argue like, oh, that, you know, U.S. devil, hegemonic actor, etc., etc. We said U.S., World Bank, one size fits all policy. You have a Western establishment that sets up policies for across the world. And because experts are detached from the realities of the global poor, they will often set up policies for the sake of innovation and experimentation. What we say is this is not a fucking game because people die. What was our alternative then? We said that two things need to happen. And we argue our case around the Paris Agreement style model. One, there should be voluntary obligations as opposed to involuntary obligations. The reason for that is that you maximize buy-in. And here's where opening opposition sovereignty argument comes in. They said sovereignty is a right. I don't think so. Sovereignty is an arbitrary organizing principle. We could have been sovereign along any other lines. The reason that sovereignty is important is that because people care about sovereignty, it's instrumentally valuable. Hence, securing buy-in is what is most important. It's no surprise, hence, that 170 countries have signed up to the Paris Agreement because they know they can always pull out. In fact, somewhat counterintuitively, being able to always pull out is the reason you stay in because you know that you're not tethered to a coercive organization, which is very important to understand. But secondly, we said that regional cooperation is infinitely more important than international cooperation. Think of all of the examples I gave you at the top of my speech. This makes Ira's argument about the one-size-fits-all policy exponentially more powerful because the point at which you have the United States and specifically think tanks in Washington, D.C., deciding how India and Pakistan mediate in this river, it's not going to work out. These people do not have a lay of the land, not the requisite education, or the political realities of what these countries are like, and hence will be incapable, not just disincentivized, like opening opposition said, in terms of making the right treaties. Hence, all of the reasons that government benches have given are reasons why we're moving towards cooperation, and the burden of proof on government bench was to show to us why coercion and international global coercion was necessary in this debate. Now, I'm going to specifically examine opening government's claims. Before I do that, please, opening government. > POI: We understand the agreements are imperfect. We explain why this mechanism uniquely creates perception issues for world powers to solve the biggest scarcity issues that aren't being voluntarily solved today. This is the biggest impact in the debate. No, I completely agree. It's not perfect. In fact, I have several problems with the Paris Agreement. I'm saying it's the best thing that we have because the alternative is literally going to war. The alternative is great powers controlling all water resources. The alternative is mass domestic complacency because you can blame all international demonic powers for whatever is happening in your country. I agree it's not perfect. I'm arguing it's better. Two claims on opening government. One, water is a principal right. Number one, this is hung completely on practical outcomes insofar as it can only work if they guarantee access. Number two, if their flip is representation, it's hung on legitimate representation. And here is where the great powers argument comes in, because the great powers argument sort of presupposes that Russia is a perfect proxy of all of its allies, or the US is a perfect proxy for all of its allies. That's our entire problem. And the poorest countries which need water the most are the countries which will have the least say within these within these sort of organizations within these discussions. But thirdly, and more importantly, like just you clash this with sovereign self-defense on opening opposition. But I think the way that you win the sovereign self-defense argument is that such a dangerous international precedent for taking more and more power internationally from the poorest countries. Hence water is a principal right doesn't stand. Second argument, different interests balance each other out because great powers can clash with each other. First response. This is literally the description of the collective action problem. There's a reason why different powers clash with each other and don't figure something out. There's a policy gridlock. That was our entire intuition. Two, the biggest problem is the US does have water. Russia does have water. China does have water. They have an incentive to fuck around with other countries. And when the rich wage war, it's the poor that die. But number four, I just want to point out that the sort of interest that you're mediating in terms of great power interest would be fundamentally different from the interest of the poor. Let's talk about closing government. The first thing I just want to say is that all of the argument about, you know, now that the best has co-opted this organization, the best will be responsible is bullshit because the Western UN has overseen 52 civil wars and 16 genocides. I don't think this has led them to become any more responsible in the past than they have in the future. Like, I just think this is a bullshit argument. Just because you're tethered to a certain organization doesn't mean that you become exponentially better at running it. But the second thing I just want to point out is that even if there are arguments for people are dying externally, domestically speaking, leaders in Sudan, local officials in Mogadishu can now say, for instance, it's not us who are not giving you water. It's the West. It's not us who are not providing you the proper water management policies. It's these Western organizations. So if anything, we flip the political capital argument on their end. Insofar as we prove that the reasons that they give for why the West will be a responsible actor are the reasons that can be flipped by domestic politicians to propagandize this issue and politicize this issue and make sure that no buy-in is secured. What is this debate about then? Opening opposition refused to give us a positive pathway. We showed you that this positive pathway can only occur to an organic sense of urgency, unfortunately, because of human nature and secondly, because of government's own mechanisms. But secondly, we showed you that voluntary regional cooperation is the best pathway forward. The alternative is global poor not having access to the water as the rich capitalize on this international organization and systematic war and discontent. I'm very proud to oppose.
vencedor único bp_20 · This House Hopes that intelligent extraterrestrial life exists.
✓ acerto
Motion (tema debatido): This House Hopes that intelligent extraterrestrial life exists.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=20, label gold.csv = "OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a more consistent philosophical framework regarding the ethics of existence and pain, while DEBATEDOR_A suffered from structural incoherence and a failure to engage with the core moral dilemma. DEBATEDOR_B successfully utilized the 'logical leap' critique to dismantle the speculative nature of the opposition's case.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentOkay, a few points of framing to start. First, I think it's probable that if intelligent life does exist, it's very, very far away from us. The reason for this is twofold. One, we've looked at a lot of nearby planets already and just kind of found nothing. So, we have things like the James Webb Space Telescope, which produces some pretty nice images of space that we can look at, and we found from looking at pretty much all of the nearby galaxies and star systems that most of the planets that could potentially host life just don't really exist around us. And so, I think it's very unlikely they're going to be anywhere near us. But it's also because there are very, very specific conditions that need to be met for life to exist, things like existing in a certain radius of a solar system close to a star so it's not too hot or not too cold, and that just means that again, a lot of candidate planets just aren't very close by to us and tend to be very far away. So, it's probably going to be far away. Importantly, this means we're not going to be able to ever really reach them, or if we do, it's probably not for a really, really, really long time, usually because it requires us to be able to do things like traveling faster than the speed of light. We're nowhere near achieving this at the moment, given that we don't know how to go faster, like anywhere near, like even 10% of the speed of light. Currently, we're probably not going to figure that out for quite a lot of years. I think chances are a planet is going to implode entirely before we actually get to that point because it probably requires us to, like, build some reactor that means that we blow everything off or something, or just like climate change happens and then things are going to go badly. But secondly, I think it's very probable that this life isn't that intelligent in the first place. So, intelligent life doesn't mean like they're brainiacs who know everything. Intelligent life means that they're just capable of possessing consciousness and they aren't like bacteria that are living on these planets. You know, elephants are pretty intelligent, but they're also not capable of having language. Therefore, I think it can be a lot of like deer existing on some planet that's very far away from us. I think, importantly, that this is very likely, right? Because presumably if there was super intelligent life that existed elsewhere in the universe, they probably have already figured out how to do things like space travel. They'd have already figured out how to obliterate our civilization already if that was something that they really wanted to do. I think the important implication of this is that if I want to run something about why this like means that aliens are going to come and obliterate the planet, it's probably not true. They probably would have done it already if this was the case, or we probably already be able to see them in our telescopes, evading other parts of the universe or being present elsewhere in the universe. Therefore, I don't think this is very likely to happen. So, the case we're going to bring you from opening government is very simple in terms of why this humbles humanity and why allows us to enter an age of enlightenment that is better for everyone. Because it's important to note, humans are often very self-absorbed and we see ourselves and our problems as being the center of the universe. We have a very self-privileged view of ourselves where we are the most intelligent life that exists on our planet and we're unaware of any other life that exists in the universe. Therefore, we think that we are the most intelligent life that exists in the universe. This very much feeds into a sense of self-exceptionalism for humanity where we think that we're the most intelligent beings and thus we have a right over everything that is around us. Consider how this makes humans behave, things like meaning that we treat other species around us with disregard because we think of ourselves as being more intelligent than them and therefore having a claim to their habitats, meaning we do things like abusing our environment or feeling like we have an inherent right to nature. But also, it drives harmful narratives of self-exceptionalism, again things like, for example, religion, which I think probably doesn't exist in a world where we know that there's intelligent life on other planets, given that most religious, with the exception of maybe Buddhism, most religious narratives often say that God created humanity in their own image, that God only really created the earth as a planet where life exists. Therefore, I think this fundamentally challenges a lot of those narratives and people probably aren't so willing to buy into religion anymore or they buy more into other religions which aren't so anthropocentric and are instead like believing in things like Buddhism instead, which is maybe something that is good. What happens on our side then when you suddenly understand that there are others out there? I think firstly, to know most people just don't really know what the degree of intelligence of these life are. Even if there are unlikely to be intelligent for the reasons that we've told you already in terms of like, you know, there aren't spaceships flying around all the time. So, they're probably not that intelligent. People don't know this and so there's often going to be a lot of speculation as to whether or not these other life-forms are as intelligent as us or are potentially more intelligent than us. I think the important thing is this shatters our sense of self-exceptionalism and it shatters our sense of feeling like we are the center of the universe and we are the center of everything that is important. It shows us that there is more than just earth out there. And I think that's important because it very much changes how humans value themselves in very positive ways. Think about the moral and philosophical discourse that would exist in the world when we understand this information, when we're having discussions about what the nature of life is and what the nature of life in the universe is in a public forum, in so far as this is something that enters the public consciousness. When this information is revealed, I think that means more people are forced to consider the inherent value of all life around them because when we discuss whether other life might be more intelligent than us and we challenge the conception that life is only valuable because we are the most intelligent people, then it means that people are forced to consider other things around them as having more inherent value. I think the important thing is that if that means that people are just nicer to our own environment, then that's something that is very positive because it means like lots of animals stop being slaughtered by humans or it means that we're more likely to do things like fighting climate change. Um, yeah, sure. > POI: Aren't you quite likely far more intuitively the value intelligent life? You believe it only exists on Earth, and if it's somehow space here. Why are you consider them to have the equal moral value as a human to get your impacts? No, but like, again, people don't know that it's just space deer. It could be like really smart space deer. So, I think realistically that people just don't know. Like, there's nothing in this machine that tells you what the life is. It just tells you that the life exists in the first place. So, people can still value that, but also, I don't get why you're not gonna value intelligent life, given that humans are, like, as a whole, apparently quite intelligent. So, you probably still value your own life and you probably like are still going to value intelligent life, even if you know that it exists somewhere else in the universe. Like, no one's gonna be like, "Humans are not important anymore because there is life elsewhere." I just think people are gonna be like, "Humans aren't the smartest people ever anymore," and the difference then is that you treat other things with more respect because of it. I think also we have to consider things like the wave of inspiration that could arise because of this, because now you have people speculating as to what intelligent life might look like, and that means that you get a drive of things like media being produced that speculates us to this. Think about films like "Star Wars" that millions and millions of people around the world enjoy that were sparked by things like the space race happening in the 60s. I think in the very same way, we're likely to have people fantasizing about what this intelligent life might look like, and that means we get a lot of media produced that people really enjoy. Then, people are probably gonna be a lot happier in this world because of that. I think also, like, we really like Croatia, and maybe it's great that Croatia gets to announce this information because they can have a cool thing credited towards them, and that's another reason why we should probably like this quite a lot. But realistically, again, I think if this means that people reconsider harmful value systems, it often leads to people killing each other. Things like religion, where wars often start because people believe that, you know, they are the people who were created by God and are the most important people, and we're able to challenge those value systems on a very fundamental level, then if we get rid of harmful systems of belief, then I think we're much more likely to live in a peaceful world, in a world where people treat each other with respect. Thank you. OG.
OO · OppositionPanel, Hobbs was wrong to differentiate from the state of nature. It is life, which is nasty, brutish, and short. Two points of framing at the top: characterization and then talking about the curse that is existence. Let's be clear here. This house here is being asked a moral question that we hope for all moral actors within the debate. What is good for them? The second clarification to who should we consider moral actors? We've already heard it's the idea of anyone who has choice, consciousness, rationality, and so on, but we say we should expand this. It's animals too, the idea that we cannot know that which is pertaining within the mental processes of other beings and epistemic access. But crucially then the idea that past that, you don't need to be certain. Therefore, we have to defer to outside things, ideas of do they exhibit choice or not? Which we see animals doing each and every day. Can they experience pain, which we know to be certain for all animals? These are the things which are certain. These are the things which we should base moral prescriptions on, not of uncertain things which we cannot know inside of other beings' heads. Crucially then the pre-characterization, we say due to the nature of the universe, if there are other life-forms, there has to be a multitude, a huge, huge scale of other life-forms. The reason for this is this thing called the Fermi paradox. Either it is the case that we have passed a point of destruction in the universe, we were the sole unique condition that exists even in an infinite area that was able to get past this point of destruction for all life-forms. We've already passed that point or it's not. If we know there's other life-forms, we know it's not. We know that that is a not a unique thing in and of itself and therefore the odds of other life-forms having it to expand exponentially more and more and more. What does this mean? It means, first of all, we are now non-unique. This is also crucial because it means it's probably very similar conditions. This isn't gonna be like space steer or Boltzmann brains. It's probably because if we pass this threshold, we probably did it in a way that's necessary to do. So therefore, the other existence in the universe is probably very similar to us and they've been way a lot of things. There's probably a package armor with no mustache doing this debate light years away, but crucially then past this, it means there's an insane scale here because there has to be so many different intelligent life-forms. Meaning it outweighs humanity in and of itself if it was more important for them and of them. Sorry, Edinburgh. What does this mean then? Because yes, while this means humanity kind of hope that like our world isn't gonna die, I do not care because this is not something you confronted with every day. Have we passed the Fermi paradox point? Who the fuck says that any normal day? Not me and I'm a debater. Crucially then when you say what is crucial is the idea that life is unavoidable. Life confronts you each and every day, the structure of it, the way it interacts with your brain, the way the pain that hits you all the time when you are beaten. This is something which is unavoidable. This is what this debate is about. What does that life look like then? We say it's a curse of existence. In fact, it curses because there's it's bound up with three of them. The first is the curse that comes with energy and the nature of energy within the universe. Because it's obvious that life requires energy inherently or else it could not do things. But secondly, larger beings, for the easiest way, especially if they're quite intelligent and therefore figure out this is an easier way, is to get energy from other beings. Crucially, for example, say plants get photosynthesis to bound of energy. But then smart animals go, "Hey, we can eat you. Thanks for doing all the work." Thank you, then moreover, it scales up and up and up when you get more and more intelligent life. But moreover, this means food chains and evolution, the necessity of it and given that these are very similar beings to us. Means that there's a constant structure of oppression of animals across any of them, whether they be terrestrial or extraterrestrial. But moreover, we say this expands to all resources because it's what starts to what structures humans' brains via evolution. Which is in a second, but we say the very nature that this is the way we should pursue things. This is the way we should do things if it's easiest if we take energy and resources from other people and give it to ourselves. Means you get things like conflict within the real world, especially because energy is not necessarily limitless. And I given that they're probably quite similar to us and we haven't invented infinite energy yet, I'm not sure they can either. But crucially then it expands to other resources because it's a mental process. It looks like things in the current system of capital where people who work a bunch, other people then just get the rent from their work and have to do anything in it themselves. We say this is a mental process, which is likely to expand outwards. We say evolution has a curse in and of itself. Because that which has made to the top of the food chain, if intelligent life exists in of itself. We say there's certain conditions which means it's likely to do so. It's the fact that it never settles, it constantly to push more and more and more and therefore is not outcompeted by another organism. It's the fact that it deeply fears pain and therefore constantly insulates itself for making sure it does not die. Or else it wouldn't have made it past that point of destruction. I mentioned earlier. It is in these instances then that life is likely to exist. What does this mean? It means they constantly do not acclimatize. If you are happy in life, it's not enough because you need to get more and more and more. You acclimatize constantly to what that which was good is now the norm, you need to push further and further. It also means pain is very approximate. It's probably the most proximate emotion for these people. Sadness, depression, and all these things are things which are inavoidable because evolution forced us to have them so we could be alive. This is something which is necessary for all these intelligent beings, at least the ones which likely rise to the top. Crucially then so far, we've shown that there's like a conflict and which brings about pain, but also pain weighs very highly. Sure. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) They can feel pain. You do not know that. They don't have sentience because drink again epistemic access. I've already explained all these things. You are being speculative and weighing up moral virtues based on that. I do not know you, so you deserve the moral value is a disgusting sentiment in and of itself, and it won't be need to start applying to animals and realize that we should not do so. Moreover, we say there is a con curse that is bound up with consciousness to the idea that bendy paper um. Crucially, intelligence means at least rationality, as per Jamie. What does this mean? It means you constantly have to ask yourself questions, and you're constantly bound with trying to figure out that which is in front of you now. One of the bottom of the food chain, these kinds of things. It's quite straightforward. I need food. I go get food. We say that still though has other things bound up with it, the idea that even at those instances when you are pain, you're saying why is there pain? Why are these things exist? There's inherent nihilism and constant skepticism that exists because of intelligence. Intelligence is bound up with skepticism in and of itself. Crucially, then we say that skepticism is likely to default in nihilism in all instances. So even if you want to try to overcome all these previous impacts through meaning, you're not able to do so. Things like religion is immaterial. And it's hard to then conceptualize that to the material. Everything in front of you is material. So if you're all this meaning in life because religion, how does that work if it's not connected to everything in front of me? If I'm told it's immaterial? I'm sure gonna control it, but that doesn't seem to make sense. That doubt, that skepticism. It's something which will always make you doubt the meaning, and unless the meaning is concrete, there's no way it can overcome all the previous curses. But crucially then, because you constantly doubt it, you begin to have no belief in it. You believe it causes you further oppression. So further depression, further nihilism expounds the material meanings to our fragile because you know meaning must be certain. But my loved one could die, my job could go. These are things which then seem to not rationally connect, and even if you could figure out where to do it, you will constantly doubt your own rationalization, the doubt that is bound up within rationality because that which it allows it to make choices is something which is inescapable panel. It's I know it's grim, but existence is quite inescapable. We must weigh all actors in this debate. We must not be sceptic. We must not resume things. We must not weigh ourselves as necessarily better than anyone else. Especially because that's what Prime Minister says is likely to happen. Crucially then, we say you should oppose. Thank you.
OG · GovernmentThe universe right now is a black forest of uncertainty, a factor that fundamentally limits our ability to dream and hinders our imagination and creativity in ways that darken our perspectives and cloud our ability to access not just inspiration in our lives, but access new perspectives about our place and the information about why we exist and why we are here. I'd like to just quickly tackle what we got out of Opening Opposition. I like if the answer is no, it's like terrible for us. I think this suggests there is a very low probability life can exist in the universe. But I think the problem is this specifically is what fills people with existential fear. Do we hit a wall in our civilization coming to collapse? I think what this specifically means is that we activate Jamie's impacts at the point at which people are more scared. More scared of war, more scared of climate change, and they think it will end all of civilization. I think this is when people are forced to contradict their current philosophical positions on whether or not humanity holds a sacred place. And I think this is exactly when people become less self-centered and anthropocentric about the fact that we own nature. We own the earth and we own our universe. Why then does government win regardless of the results of the machine, something that I don't think our opposing bench has engaged with? If intelligent life does exist, accessing new and inspiring information about the universe we live in. We live it. I think noting that space is uniquely inspirational as a frontier of human progress here because of its sheer vastness. Because it contains information about factors that contradict our embedded philosophies. Look at how discoveries of like Kepler and Copernicus were reacted to and shook the Catholic Church and fundamentally altered its composition. People dream of space and material progress affects our ability to tap into this creatively. See the space-age boom in speculative fiction in people questioning their governments and what the future would look like. See how science fiction calls upon us to consider dystopias of far-off possibilities of what we might do to our own earth or how we may destroy our own environment. I think this is specifically relevant here because people react to new discoveries with enthusiasm, as Jamie has analyzed. Because people react in this way regardless of the results. Anyways, we didn't have to discover aliens during the space-age boom of the Cold War to make creative works about them. But we did need creative prompting from information that contains innate philosophical information about our galaxy. Yes, I think this is kind of an art debate. But also, why then will this information be non-threatening to most people for all of the reasons that Jamie tells you? I they're probably very far away and they're also probably not like particularly intelligent. The anthropic principle tells us that it probably just looks like space monkeys or something. But I think we still access all of our benefits, right? I think the discovery itself is magnified by the media that will be created about it. I think the discovery itself will prompt people to consider what else may lurk out there. I think people will be engaged when they discover that humans aren't the only intelligent life. Why then will reception of this information be quite good? I think it's fair to say we get some resistance to the information from some groups. I think this is innate to all kinds of progress, but no, firstly, I think non-agreement with this information is likely pretty neutral. I think people can choose not to engage if they don't want to. I think they will for all the reasons Jamie told you. I think secondly, even people with hostile philosophical positions with the idea that humanity occupies a higher place in the universe, well, they mean not, well, they may change their mind as Jamie said and has analyzed they often will and and this will be good. Regardless, for example, for religious people. But also note that if you are really unwilling to alter your perspective due to your entrenched interest in humanity's higher position, I think that people can hold contradicting philosophical positions sometimes in the case that their position is entrenched, like non-overlapping magisteria as the kids call it, because number one, they're already ardently religious people do things like stem degrees and research stem cells and engage with science. And while science is capable of changing your system of belief, I think it specifically is because you consider analytical ways of thinking and you develop critical thinking skills and literacy. We are not required to prove everybody changes their mind about this in order to inculcate new philosophical perspectives and get Jamie's benefit of lush selfish perspectives off humanity. But also means that we give people the information to make hard decisions themselves about their lives that are critical, like about religion, about spirituality, specifically as it relates to our values and our morality. But I also like to respond to the POI that Jamie received from our closing. Will humans be seen as having equal moral value to these creatures? I don't understand why this can't be an expansionary view of what is worth moral consideration. I eat like how the animal rights movement have expanded our dear our ideas of whether or not animals are worth moral value. I think we also just pose people additional questions about this. But I also don't think that this is exclusive in any way because we already dehumanize other human beings all of the time. This is just an additional mechanism by which we get people to question their entrenched perspectives. Why then is increased information good here the most important thing in the debate, which is regardless of Opening Oppositions impacts because this is about fundamental questions and things that hugely impact our rights and our ability to think. I cannot consent to being born into a universe where I don't know what happens after I die. I don't know why I'm here. I don't know if meaning is given or if it is something that I have to make for myself. I think this has a huge impact on people's individual lives, but also on society. I'll take Closing. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) I think, firstly, this just ignores all of Jamie's framing about how this is incredibly unrealistic and stupid. But I also think that if we have to prepare for an alien war, I would like to know in advance. I would like to be warned about that. I want to, like, make some cool spaceships and, like, some guns and stuff and do, like, Star Trek and everything. Okay. Specifically, then, people's individual lives are touched by the idea that they are the only people in the universe because this is a specific criteria by which many religions operate. It also just informs agnostic people whose moral values are based on the ideas that humans deserve inherent rights, but not necessarily encompassing the fact that we have obligations to nature and to other human beings, other sentient beings. But I think this hugely also impacts society because at the point at which we feel an obligation or ownership of our universe, specifically of our globe, I think this is when people are unable to question whether or not they actually need to look after the environment or safeguard nature or safeguard other animals. I think the fact that this gives people more information in the first place is prior to everything in this debate because it gives them more ability to get consent into both their ideological perspectives and their religious perspectives. It is not fair that I had to be born in this world, but at least people, the least thing people can do is give me more information to inform my perspectives and how I choose to act on that information, regardless of if I act in a good way or not. Thank you very much.
OO · OppositionWe are all trapped in a system of consumption, which necessitates the privation of resources at the expense of the weak. We are all trapped in an evolutionary process, which necessitates the proliferation of pain over pleasure. Universally, we are all trapped in an intellect, which seeks out reason and is denied it at every single turn. We would not wish this trap on others. We would not hope for a universe of pain. Opening government criticized the human proclivity towards anthropocentrism and yet their cases. Anthropocentrism embodied only caring in an infinite universe about the pain that exists on a small blue dot in the middle of nowhere, rather than the universal question of whether we should believe that a world that has other sentient beings in it is one that is preferable for those beings who have the capacity for pain and pleasure. So, the first question that I seek to address in this speech is the question of what we should hope for. I would propose two things here. The first thing is we should hope for a better world. Morally, it is the duty of the house to wish for that. Which is the most moral reason is the capacity we all share, and the instantiation of that reason in the world is an evaluative system of that world, which is to say a moral framework, a comparison of better worlds, which can indeed be retrospective. We would not hope to find out that a friend or a loved one had lost their parents many years ago, even if emotionally they had recovered. I would like to know that, like in general, if we ever debate about things like the environment, we don't just consider what would happen to humans, but to animals and smaller life forms within those contexts. Why should we not have this in our context of this debate? We never get an answer from proposition bench. Without that weighing, they cannot be winning the top half of this debate. The second thing I would propose is utilitarianism because you need to ask what constructs that framework by which we should evaluate the world. We were proposed that it should be that which creates the least total suffering is the best system. Consider this. Deontology, things like "you should not ever lie," are fundamentally begging the question because they are based off of an assertive framework about a thing that is external to us as humans that we cannot have the capacity to perceive, and yet it's claims that we should base our intuitions off of those. Like those claims, even when they seem really unintuitive. That you should not lie is as true when someone asks you for your credit card details as it is when the axe murderer comes to your door asking what your mother is. Neither of those things should be the same, and therefore that is the wrong system. Utilitarianism, therefore, uniquely is valuable because it is based by a phenomenal instinct that we have contained within ourselves. I.e., the intuition that we universally share that pleasure is something that is morally good, that pain is something that is morally bad. I couldn't like putting pain on someone for no reason. It's something that we should abhor in all instances, but it's even better than that because it's not culturally defined. It's not relativistic. It's arithmetic, i.e., we can use mathematics and basic systems of addition and subtraction to decide which is the better world in a comparison of two worlds, and therefore that is the best thing we should do. Notably, it cannot be just net utility for two reasons. Firstly, each individual within that system of utility has a unique access to a perspective, which means that you cannot just be considering whether an individual's premise is the best one. But secondly, and more importantly, because this is an intuitive framework here, right? It is that it would lead you to what is called the absurd conclusion within philosophy, which is to say the idea that one person leading a really, really good life would be a better world than seven billion people leading a quite good life. We were proposed to you, therefore, that is the net amount of the total amount of suffering that exists within the universe. That is the most important framework by which we should evaluate this debate. We get no engagement on that from opening government, and therefore they cannot be winning absent a framework of why we should consider these things. To this, closing government say, "aha, but animals have no sentience." I just don't think that that's true. I just don't think the average informed voter believes that it's true. I just don't think that your opening government said that it was true because they criticized the recidivism within humanity. They said that the world that we should be seeking out is the world which protects animals and the environment writ large because of that they cannot stand by that framework in response to us because animals have the capacity for pain and pleasure because the human-like existences that might be in that universe also contain the capacity for intellect, for reason, for those kinds of processes. Absent a justification from that from closing government, they cannot be winning this debate. Three things we told you in opening opposition about why existence is fundamentally something we should abhor in all instances. That we should hope not does not exist outside of this tiny blue dot, that we should hope we exist alone in the universe. The first thing we propose to you is that existence requires energy and because evolution necessitates competition, it prioritizes not the individuals who are able to get energy passively like photosynthesis from the sun, but the higher organisms were able to consume those having already been collected because it requires less expense of energy to collect energy where it already exists. This is the reason why fundamental to the question of existence is the answer of firstly conflict for resources where they are scarce but secondly the consumption of other organisms, the conflict against those organisms in order to fight against each other that brings about the pain and suffering that we talked about in opening opposition. Closing, go ahead. fight against each other that brings about the pain and Suffering that we talked about in opening opposition. Closing, go ahead. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) We have the moral right to want other organisms not to exist because of the reasoning we give you as to why the evaluative framework of morality we should have is utilitarianism. Because it is not a right individuated within a person to have a particular perspective, it is the person's existence within a construct of moral frameworks that we have evaluated already that matters in this instance. Second claim we put towards you is evolution. It's very simple here: in order to compete and outcompete the other like life forms that exist within a particular context, context by definition you need to be always seeking out more and more. You can never rest on your laurels because the other animals that don't will outcompete you; they will slaughter you, that will create the pain that exists within that world. Therefore, we were devolved back to what we call the hedonic treadmill, which is to say the idea that if I get an Xbox next week, sure it will feel good for a couple of days, but I will want more and I will want more and it will always become more difficult to a point where you necessarily reach nihilism. But secondly, we explained to you in this context, it means that pain never resolves back to that medium. If I'm hungry this week, and I'm hungry next week, next week is no better than it was for me this week. That is the fundamental reason why existence is on total always going to contain more suffering than it does pleasure. The last thing I want to talk about is consciousness itself. Before that, what is your extension, opening government? > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) So, there are two important things to say on this. First, our side of the house is not premised on whether our side can be true. We can think that this machine will always give the answer "yes" and still hope that the answer is "no" for the reasons we've given. But secondly, and more importantly, we do not know at what point along the evolution that other intelligent lives are. They may be stuck in their version of the medieval age at the moment. They may be stuck in their Anthropocene. They may be stuck in any different form of their existence. But any path along that existence, whether that's retrospective or prospective, contains the negative harms that we talked about and therefore is morally salient in the context of this debate. The last thing we talked to you about was consciousness. Because consciousness, by definition, is reason and seeks to find out reason, even if it's only isolated in higher forms of consciousness. The absence of that reason brings about deep nihilism because, of course, it does. You are trying to find out how the world exists; your brain is telling you to do it. And if you cannot do it, you feel like you are failing, you feel like you are lost in these systems. We say that the systems that become created within a system of evolution, of geography, of politics, of sociology, all interconnected with one another, means that as an individual within that framework, you never have the capacity to understand the deepest questions: Why are we here? Where are we going? Can never be answered by a human consciousness or indeed any other form of consciousness that exists within the context of this debate. Existence is fundamentally a negative thing. We should do the best that we have with the lives that we have as they remain. But we should not wish it upon anyone else because it is trapping them into a system of fundamental pain. I'm very proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentThe path to victory opposing government is going to be very simple. We will prove to you that there is a unique experience, a unique hope, a unique right to sentient beings, and based upon this hope, we necessarily should want them to exist. We should be hopeful; there should be the case. I want to directly clash with opening opposition in this particular case. Why is this something very important? You do not choose to be born, yes, but we do not have access to know which of the human beings or sentient beings would want to be born and which of the human beings would not want to be involved. We simply do not have information based upon this sort of thing. So what happens then? This is simply a coin flip. 50% would want to be born, 50% would not want to be born based upon this particular thing. No, they all. We also have uncertainty whether they know about the existence of the real world. So they cannot also comprehend based upon this particular thing. Now, why is it that you have opt-out on their side of the house, but you don't have opt-out on our side of the house? On their side of the house, and I know that this is very bad, trigger warning, but you can opt out. You know what I'm talking about. In this particular case, you have the means to opt out, you have the tools for these particular things, you could force it on yourself, you can do it. But secondly, there is a general trajectory of lowering euthanasia as society progresses due to structural reasons. What are these functional reasons? Firstly, it usually starts with the fringe cases, you know, people that have cancer. And it's very hard for society to argue based upon these two things because there is an emotion of sorrow because you cannot put yourself in these particular things. Secondly, as people become richer and people become richer because capitalism works, more stuff is being created. It's getting better, also democracies are created. They are better policies, etc. So there is the general trajectory of people being more empathetic when they don't have their personal stuff like being harmed in this particular case. So they're more likely to do this. Thirdly, religion gets less and less power due to technology to do this sort of thing, so maybe euthanasia is not legal right now, but there is a general trajectory of allowing this to happen more and more. What is the conclusion of this sort of thing? You can opt out if you are being born, you cannot opt out if you've never been born. In this particular case, this is why we have a unique moral existence, a unique moral duty, and feeling that all human beings have to work to wish for your fellow brother, sister to exist. In this particular case, but you ask yourself the question, why is this the case? And let me answer it, six mechanisms here. Firstly, there is no utility without existence. There is no way for a sentient being to comprehend what has value. You know, this is the classic debate exampl e, an apple has an apple because I don't wish that that apple has to. This sort of thing, but no, this is complicated, many things with rationality, with you being able to feel, to touch this sort of thing. On their side of the house, there is no utility because there is nothing, you cannot comprehend, you cannot understand this sort of thing, you cannot quantify this particular case. So in order to have utility, you must wish for other beings to exist, for them to experience, to feel, to have a good time. But notice, secondly, people, like sentient beings, have infinite potential. We create works of art, we create businesses and charities that help many people, we create innovation, technology, all of these sorts of things. And like you said, like maybe there are, this is not all people, but many people can do amazing things, like you, one must taking us to Mars. Like how you say, Nikki carrying me whole tournament and these types of things. But thirdly, there are deeply personal reasons here. And I want to be very descriptive here. People, sentient beings, form relationships. They feel love, they have a special feeling towards someone, you know, all of the endorphins kicking in your system in this particular case. The special moments that you have, your first kiss, the first time you had sex, the first time you drank alcohol, these things are sort of things. But we also have a feeling of brightness within us, hope, and these particular things. People feel, how you see, positive emotions, unique experiences to them in these sorts of things that make them who you are. People identify with these sorts of things, people remember these sorts of things, and these particular things. But fourthly, you can also rationalize this as it starts. So when you were born, you're more like an animal, right, because, how do you say, you have primal instincts, etc. But as you go in life, you gain information, you gain experience, you've lived experience. When this process applies, you are better able to become sentient. So if you want to choose, you can opt out in these particular things because you can weigh benefits and costs in this particular but fifthly, the Irish say suffering is pain. I will tell to them, this is completely wrong. Why? Because people can, how do you say, can base different things, can base pain towards benefits. In this particular use the analogous, you may have a bad day at work, but you can go home, you can have a nice meal that warms you up, you can talk with your wife, in these particular things, you can play with your kids and do all of these particular things. But the structural analysis here is you can rationalize the harms based on the benefits in these particular things. And here is a certain thing we have to bite the bullet. But pain exists so that benefit can exist as well, like so you can relativize and benchmark in this sorting. So maybe certain times you're able to feel pain, but it's not a necessary precondition. I think most people are happy, I think most people can look at their lives and say, yes, I managed to have a nice job, I managed to raise some kids, I managed to do great things, I mentioned certain aspects of my life that were good in this sort of thing. But also psychologically, you have nostalgia, right? So when nostalgia kicks in, it's basically a mechanism that makes you feel like you were, how do you say, you have an interesting young life. In this particular thing, you can always reflect and do this sort of thing. But the pain can also be healed, and this is the important thing, you can heal it with different compensatory mechanisms. You can have a beer, you can talk with someone, you can rationalize it in this particular case, in this in this sort of thing. Yeah, before again, six reason. Yeah. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) No, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, no, you can't stop your biological urges. I may have a biological urge to tear my clothes and be naked in front of you, and I'm not doing it. Yeah, the Irish may be a bad example because they have a biological urge to run crazy principle the time. But, but, but trust me, like here is like, you can think, right? You can think for yourself. You can gain information. You can stop these biological urges if you really want to do it. But no, you know what's the second response to this? People do not have that much a bad time to murder themselves, right? Like people can simply go about their lives. Even if they have bad experience, they can do this or a sort of thing, etc. What we prove to you is for the worst people, they can afford. The people have it worse. They can still opt out, but for the people that have it good, they can have a good life in this particular case. So good response, guys, we crushed it. Our response is more comparative. Six and final reason, and this I want to, they cannot prove to you that God doesn't exist. We have uncertainty whether or not God exists. In this particular case, God gives us a certain road map of existence to uphold. You know what is the path to this sort of thing, to be good people, to value the image of this particular case? God wants us to exist in this particular race, to be in the image of God, etc., to have like something necessarily special to our existence in this. So for us to wish that other creatures that are also God's children, that are also rightfully and willing things, a key and beings, etc., it's a very problematic thing in this particular case. The final thing that I would like to note: they say there is total suffering. There are two things here. Firstly, this is extremely subjective based upon their own logic. You have no access to the human being. Maybe me stabbing myself may harm me to cause so much utility, but maybe to another person, this may not necessarily be the case. But secondly, there is a general trajectory of change. Sentient creature like look. This is the simple logic: if their harms are true, then people have incentive to collectivize to stop these harms from happening, right? To form things like democracy, to authorities like collective unions, to want more rights, to, how do you say, gain more stuff, create more technology, make this sort of thing better. But not even if they win on the utility calculus marginally. So we are more harmful. The only way for us to achieve, how you say, pure rights of these individuals is to opt in on the side of caution and want them to exist in these particular things because they cannot exist on our side of the house. And I prove to the human sentient being condition is important. Propose.
CO · OppositionIn CO, we're going to win this debate by mechanizing why this announcement on their side causes immense social harm on Earth, and then explaining why the announcement on our side causes societal benefit. Importantly, as framing our case, it will be in no way contingent on what this alien life looks like, how intelligent it is, or what degree of sapience it possesses, or how it evolved, or speculation about the total amount of utility that exists in the universe. Rather, immediate and certain impacts. They may not sound as fancy or as sexy, a short diagonal, but they will be real. On Opening Government (OG) claims that humanity needs to be humbled because right now they believe they are unique. Firstly, I'm not clear how many humans have this belief. Many humans believe they are morally insignificant because they have a small planet in the universe. Their education system says they are not significant in a religious or moral sense, and individually, as government concedes, religion is fading in prominence to a degree as the scientific method becomes more entrenched in society. But secondly, as we learn more about other animals, dolphins, chimps, and so on, we are often able to recognize that they're very close to us in terms of intelligence and be humbled in that manner. So if you are predisposed to believe in that kind of thing, you can believe it on either side. But thirdly, if this life is unlikely to be super intelligent, lots of humanity, i.e., politicians and decision-makers, would make the same analytical deduction Jamie did in 15 minutes and would still feel superior because space deer are probably not the equivalent of humanity. But I'm gonna flip this. I actually think of the status quo, most people feel incredibly insignificant and for thousands of hours into futile jobs, relationships that fluctuate and without meaning, and feel they're insignificant and incredibly unimportant within the universe. What I think this announcement does on our side of the house is tells them that they are significant in a moral way that people do not have in the same manner that religion has given comfort and solace to millions of people throughout history by telling that unique and have a special place of meaning in the universe. We do that to us on their side and give them a saw an opt-out in a solace from the life without meaning that they'd otherwise engage with. Then they say you get rid of religion and harmful belief. I think this is a massive harm, right, because millions of people rely on this for solace in the status quo. It is the place they turn to when they lose someone, is their comfort in times of personal and social instability. It's their lodestar in times of calamity that they cannot control and it alleviates massive amounts of anxiety. I think you get millions of people on their side at the point at which this announcement drops of a crisis of faith. They feel really shaken. This is a really terrible harm in so far as they lose out on the ability to access and believe in the church congregations. People losing support structures they relied on their entire life. I think if utility is a metric in this debate, this is a massive utility negative and I have no idea why they engage in the kind of positive stuff that Karis and Jamie want them to at the point at which their faith is shaken, at the point at which they feel like this information ruined their life. But I don't think you can get rid of religion, right, because many people still eventually want to crave that kind of spirituality. So I don't know why a world where everyone are Buddhists or Shintoist is better than a world where there are more religions. So that's symmetric as well. But in so far as people do leave Christianity, they're not gonna turn to Buddhism or some other like good religion. They're probably going to turn to like quack religions like New Age religions who've been saying all along the aliens exist or quacks like Alec Jones who have been saying that the government has been covering up the existence of aliens for years and years and years. What happens on their side is you push people to more disutile forms of belief, more likely to get scammed and have their money taken away from them, or at the very least just be taken for a ride and come to believe really other terrible beliefs because these often overlap and correlate with beliefs like anti-vaxxers and things like this. Croatian tourism symmetric because on either side they can market themselves the place where alien life has proven to exist or not exist. But finally, OG cannot claim that people tune this out, ignore it, but at the same time allows a massive benefit in changing people's psychological states. They have to pick one. It probably does change people's psychological states for all the reasons terrorists are self-analyzed. I'll flip that in a moment on CG and this addresses the short diagonal. Note that intelligent life does not mean there is a non-intelligent life in the universe. If OG is right and animals also have value, they probably have equal moral worth in this clash becomes very marginal. But secondly, utility in the universe is ultimately a wash because it is incredibly inherently speculative. This is because it is unclear whether more people or aliens will be able to access existence on either side. I could claim that those civilizations will likely eventually wipe each other out because they'll come to compete over resources. Many beings compete over resources. We've multiple competing civilizations universe. You could end up wasting resources on duplicate costs and things like this and say on the comparative, humanity is more likely to survive and reproduce and things like this. I'm not gonna run that as an extension because I'm not crazy. But note that I can come up with the speculative logic chain on our side as well and prove that humankind will reproduce to a massively greater extent on our side and therefore more life will come into the universe on our side eventually when they have the universe themselves and won't get wiped out by some other civilization that gets wiped out by another civilization. But then they kill each other or something like that. So that could happen, that could be bad. We don't know. Why is the announcement likely to cause public panic and make millions of people's lives way worse? This is the most important impact in the debate because it is incredibly certain. Especially if the aliens are not likely to come and engage with you anytime soon, as Karis concedes unlikely. Firstly, immediately after the elements that happens. This is likely to crowd out discourse around a whole range of issues that are more proximate to people's lives, i.e., the next election, tax policy, health care. Discussions of this become crowded out by the massive amount of coverage that is necessarily amplified by the media when this announcement drops worldwide. Karis concedes this when she says it's amplified by the media, which means we omnipresent and cover everywhere. This means that firstly, there will necessarily, because the media's incentive is always to sensationalize things to generate revenue via clicks and things like this, to engage in sensationalizing news in a race to the bottom, i.e., they're going to apply these aliens are not just space deer. They're gonna say there are massive military power coming to invade or that they're sapient, very intelligent and dangerous where that contact is imminent. And even if it's not covered in the mainstream news, if it's regulated somehow. This is a huge ability for conspiracy theorists and unreliable news sites to market. This is incredibly important. This destroys the OG impact of this debate because OG are relying on people internalizing a very specific message, one that is positive and humbles humanity. Instead, it will be sensationalized. No idea why this humbles you. It probably fills with fear, dread, and existential anxiety. But secondly, people already believe that the government is covering up the existence of aliens. They have a massive amount of platforms for like anti-government people, conspiracy theorists, and things like this when you prove definitively that this is true. What it does is amplifies anti-government skepticism massively. But thirdly, many, many people are religious. I've already proven that shakes their faith to an extent. They'll feel miserable and feel like they were lied to by their congregation. That's an incredible amount of disutility on their side. The impacts of this are threefold. Firstly, it means that people are more likely to feel fear, panic buying, and so on and so forth, massive amounts of anxiety. But secondly, it means that people are far more skeptical of their government. This cause applies to things like vaccines, public policy, health care, and so on and so forth. But finally, it means that many people are just psychologically ruined forever. Before I weigh this argument as the most important thing in this debate, I'll take opening. > POI: If non-intelligent life exists, given that evolution tends towards more intelligence over time and Earth is very young relatively, this is disastrous for humans. Since it suggests there's a capitol degree of intelligence life can possess before being entirely eradicated. I just don't think this genuinely matters compared to everything I've said thus far in the debate. I'm moving on. What do we think? Why do we think this weighs over the other teams in the round? Firstly, their case on "Oh, oh" is incredibly speculative. It relies on you believing evolution on other planets happened precisely the same way it did on Earth, via food chain and things like this. It's possible. It's also possible it did not, and these aliens all have great degrees of green energy. But secondly, it's unclear whether, and I'm still unsure after short diagonal, we can ascertain the preference of the life forms' internal mental states, whether from beyond the veil of ignorance, they prefer to live lives, even if those lives are bad. But finally, it's a wash, right? Because even if the scale of net disutility in the world is larger on their side, the scale of net utility is also larger because tons of species derive immense pleasure from being able to have sex, pleasure being able to eat, and things like this. They say life is inherently as you tile. They don't prove it because it depends entirely on perception. Our argument weighs over theirs: uncertainty. But also, insofar as people suffer on our side, and we prove they suffer deterministically, these people are definitely moral actors. But finally, argument is not contingent to any extent on what this life looks like. It flips "Oh gee" because top of our ships passing in the night. They don't engage with that final extension. How does this change people's quality of life? Firstly, I think it gives people a sense of purpose. Why in the status quo, tons of people lead meaningless lives that are absolutely desperate. They live on the hedonic treadmill, if you will, sadness because their happiness is dependent on things outside their control, like the length of their relationship. Thirdly, the preferences changed are often hard to fulfill. We give people that sense of fulfillment and purpose that is incredibly critical. But secondly, in the status quo, NASA and space agencies put tons of money into exploring deep space. Internally, they're not likely to shift their funding within space travel elsewhere. It's where more nearby planets to extract resources that benefit people on the ground to a significantly larger extent. Insofar as we prove deterministically it would give people a sense of purpose in life that they otherwise can never access, and we prove deterministically that real harm happens to humans under certainty, which I was everyone else in the debate. For all these reasons, I am so proud to oppose one last time.
CG · GovernmentThere is no guarantee of scope of information. Info slides guarantees you only a simple yes or no answer to the question. Everything else is highly speculative. It also means that everything else is kind of speculative. The extent in which we are really not sure how people are going to react. And I just want you to be very clear on burdens, the amount of logical leaves that you need to take in order to prove any argument that actually says people give get this information. And now they do this and that and this and how the world changes is a huge burden that all of the teams, especially opening government and closing opposition, are taken in this debate. We are far more superior in terms of what is actually morally needed to be done without relying on huge amounts of logical leaves that we need to undertake in order to prove the ability of our arguments. What this woman bring you and why it's very important. I will do some EPL translation for all of you so you can understand that is actually very smart. Internalized biases. Internalized biases essentially mean two things, and let me be able to say you have epistemic access towards yourself. Why is this important? It's important because you have the ability to learn from yourself. You have the ability to internalize how you feel in certain situations. What is a biological urge and what is a rational thing to do in these cases? But it also means that you can think of your you have the incentive to think of your life as more good than bad because people prefer pleasure than pain, and while pleasure and pain are interchangeable, it means that you cannot experience pleasure without experiencing pain and vice versa. This also means that you then have a particular preference. So when you're internalizing and you're calculating whether your life is generally good or bad, the likelihood is that you feel your life is actually more good than bad. Let's engage with opening opposition. First of all, biological urges. I have easy fix on the biological urge to reproduce. They were hanging out on day two. I think I have three of those in my back pocket. So that's pretty good. Now, let's. I think this is important because all the reason to say, "Oh, there's limited limited amount of resources and things like people are going to fight." I think that this does not engage with humanizes like there is a trajectory for things to get better over time, and it's highly speculative to what? Except even if it's not that better, why it's going to necessarily get worse. I think all of the incentives are on our side of the house and all the intuition how the world actually works is on our side of the house. In these cases, but I also want to be very clear about this. You might be poor but still choose to fight. You might be in a very bad situation. You might have accessibility issues. But still choose to fight. Who the fuck are the Irish to tell this person that he does not have the access to fight? He does not have the ability to turn his life around. I don't know. Maybe they are gods. I don't think so. So we cannot know, and this is very important. Life is the precondition for exercising and developing agency. Only when you're alive, you're able to develop that agency over time and decide for yourself. So the key comparative in this debate will always be the ability to not opt out on their side of the house and the ability to opt out on our side of the house to the extent in which even one fucking person wants to live on our side of the house and everybody else can fucking kill themselves. That's absolutely fine to the extent in which they had the ability to get that situation. And I want to visualize this. Obviously, when you're a little kid, you're a little baby. You do not know what the fuck you want. You do not know how to experience life. So you learn through things to human language to experiences. You understand when you touch the stove it hurts, so you don't do it anymore. But when you have sex it's good. So you do it a couple of more times and that is very important in these situations. The only way that you access these particular preferences and understand what are those preference and whether they're worth living is on our side of the house. This is extremely extremely important. Okay, so CO. They basically say people have people feeling significant. They have structural reasons for your significance. No actual engagement with why there is a trajectory to improvement, but I also want to do this very clear competitive. We have no calculus currently to decide whether our humans are more important than this other civilization. I do not believe. I really cannot tell you whether like even if you're suffering a little bit more on the other side of the house and again like they have to prove huge logical leaves that there's going to be dramatically more suffering on our side of the house when we know this this this alias exists because I don't think like people care as much about aliens existing in the first place. I think that like people are very selfish. They understand that there is war happening that they can be nuked at any moment. But they don't still don't feel particular anxiety and things like that. They're still living their life and are far more interested in whether they're going to fuck tonight then whether like Russia is going to evade other country in the next in the next few places. So to the extent in which it is unsure how dramatic that impacts is we cannot really weigh whether like it is worth it for humans to suffer a little bit more so that other other species, other sentient species that we also agree that have agency and we want that agency to actually exist. This is very important. Opening. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Evolution. Animals are the precondition for sentient life to exist. Monkey, then person. This is why, even if you're talking about animals at some point, they're going to develop some type of sentiency. It is unclear when sentience is stopped. They never tell you about this. All the arguments about achieving agency and how that is more important over time still exist, even for animals, but also God, and this is very important. They cannot prove to you any partner. Does it fuck here boy win euros with that? They cannot prove to you that God doesn't exist. So, as far as we fucking know, God might fucking exist. Maybe there is a 1% chance. This is still enough, and we are essentially removing the ability of these people to access, for example, Kevin, because Kevin might be life might be the precondition for Kevin. So, as far as we can know, that's very important. And look, people, they're like, this is a very debate. EPL team say very big teams at the end of it's kind of simple. People can do whatever the fuck they want. They only do it on our side of the house. I think it's pretty simple. I think this is actually very easy. Yes. Oh, by the debate at the end of this round, I'm so fucking happy.
CO · OppositionI think it's fucking hilarious that Nikki said our case is a logical leap when their whole case depends on the environment and context of a fucking planet and alien species. We have never met before, as opposed to humans on this planet. Let me be very clear on the framing for short diagonal. It is entirely speculative. You have no idea whether they have more pain receptors than dopamine receptors. You don't know what political and economic system they have, and you don't know what environmental conditions they have. And if they have renewable energy, you should adjudicate this debate on information. We actually have, yes, to some degree. Our impacts are speculative just like everyone, but it is a smaller degree because we have prior information on human behavior. Why are ours less speculative? It only relies on you believing that the media covers this exactly as it did, for example, Trump getting elected or any form of war. Matt's impacts are more certain because they are based on patterns we've already observed on this planet and the incentive that media has to sensationalize. Secondarily, humans have more of an obligation because they're most proximate to you, and you have an obligation to those closest to you in supplies. You know their preferences best. Let's take out the OO, which will also take out the CG. Oh says we are shackled by existence. The only thing shackled was me having to listen to that boring ass fucking speech. Let me be very clear, their case is entirely speculative. All of their analysis operates from the perspective of an earthling, a percent perspective limited by the physical laws of our planet, pain and pleasure receptors of our brains, moral calculi, and human perceptions of reality. In other words, and this is critical, their premise is isolated to a context that is structurally unclear to be transferable to another context and planet. Why does this watch out their whole case? One, you do not know whether or not they can feel pain. By definition, you literally don't know if they have more pain receptors or not. Secondarily, you have no information on the path of evolution they take. Why is animals eating other animals? Why must there necessarily be a competition, the premise of evolution? Is one dependent on earth's that I don't know why exist on another planet. Thirdly, you don't know the conditions of their environment. They could literally have different physical laws from us, insofar as they can have an entirely renewable energy source that is eternal, which doesn't require taking energy from other species. Which would disprove the inherent need to take energy from another on the hedonic treadmill. These arguments again rely on a human perspective and the way our human brains work that we do not know operates on another planet. Finally, they presume existence cannot also be a blessing, which is again the CG case against them. The upshot, their principles rely on information you cannot know by definition, do not know the same as CG's. Why does this also take out CG? Their case in contradiction directly to always? Existence has a lot of utility and potential for capitalism, democracy, innovation, a feeling of love, etc. All of this is against speculative, reliant on a perspective of earth creatures that is not transferable to other life-forms. Their existence could literally also be entirely pain receptors, like Oh said. What if there's a really evil like Star Wars Empire enslaving the whole population? We don't know this, all we know is that they are intelligent, and that is it. Secondarily, we do not know the differential amount of pain or dopamine receptors, but thirdly, and this is critical, I don't know why they have the same positive trajectory that humans and human civilizations do. Both the CG and the old rely entirely on information that is inaccessible based on the motion slide. The upshot of this, our impacts or our case is against speculative as all impacts and debate. But theirs, by definition, is more speculative because it's based on a planet and creatures we have no information about, except that they are intelligent. We don't know the kind of intelligence that leads to emotional utility or suffering or pain. Why do we take out OG? Now their entire cases are there's an age of enlightenment and better systems of belief. I'm going to explain to it is unclear to actually materialize and why it's not mutually exclusive. Firstly, and this is critical, if it's unlikely they are super intelligent, as Jamie says, I don't know why it's likely we have, we humble humanity's opinions of them. Mostly they say most people might speculate because they won't know if they're space monkeys or not. But if Edinburgh can figure out they're probably space monkeys, I think everybody else will also probably figure out there's space monkeys. Secondarily, if the life-form is something you can otherwise never access, there's minimal care about them. That is to say, if they're so far away, I don't know why we have an emotional connection to them. To them, that is to say, empathy towards others is limited by your proximity to them. The intuition from here is think about the way you react and there's a natural disaster in a faraway country, versus your own country, versus your own city, versus your own home and family. There's diminishing marginal returns on empathy based on the distance from which they are to you. Thirdly, why would people care about other life forms that you admit? You cannot travel to if they are ignoring the lives of those who live next door. I have literally seen everyone at this tournament walk past a homeless person on the way to the social, including myself. I think we are fools to believe that we are good people that will care about a life form that we have never experienced or ever seen or engaged with or can even communicate to. Fourthly, it's incredibly unclear why the philosophical developments that they talk about require a new life form to exist and cannot happen organically. What alternatives make it clear that this announcement isn't a tipping point to discover new ways to discuss our philosophical developments? What we have people like TCD film to get us the philosophy that we need. Secondarily, historically, humans love to talk about the moral ideas that they came about throughout history. You have people like Kant, Mills, Edwards. I as history progresses and there are new events that happen, humans organically already try to discover what the correct moral answer is because it's innate to us. If they say it is innate within us, I don't know why we require another species to actually exist to trigger this innate curiosity that they talk about. Finally, they say the far unknown is unique. You see the discoveries of cobbler, etc. This would trigger a wonder and excitement that leads educational pursuits. Note that the wonder of the unknown doesn't require a life to live there. People can still be inspired by the cool planets humans can travel to, the minerals we can find, etc. Before explaining why we very clearly outweigh against OG, I will take a POI from them actually. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) I think people are more likely to internalize their existence and think about their own existence more when they believe they are the smartest species to ever exist and the only ones to be capable of intelligence on this planet. This is very critical analysis that Matt tells you. If you want people to give a shit about their existence, the planet they live on, etc., that comes from scarcity, the belief that you are the only one that actually exists. This is the only planet we have that the universe has for a chance at intelligent life. We are the smartest species to ever actually exist before outweighing with the rest of the material. I want to be very clear, the Matt impacts might give you, even if they're not sexually explained because he's an ESL speaker. They are very clear and likely to materialize. Public panic causes things like stock prices to go down and people literally cannot buy food or get fired. Skepticism of the government, which leads to less buy-in for really important policies like vaccination. Thirdly, the regular person now knows I am the smartest piece that ever fucking existed in the universe for the massive anxiety. Which is an impact in of itself. Even if I know that I cannot travel to them, they might be able to travel to me and the incentives are likely to promote anxiety for all of the media. Sensationalization mechanisms Matt gave you, that is to say you weigh this debate on the information that you have. Speculative arguments exist on degrees. We are clearly the less speculative. Give us the win.
vencedor único bp_110 · This House Prefers a world where all writing is pseudonymous.
✓ acerto
Motion (tema debatido): This House Prefers a world where all writing is pseudonymous.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (CO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=110, label gold.csv = "CO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a superior clash by grounding their arguments in human psychology and the tangible value of identity, while effectively dismantling the government's reliance on hypothetical technological fixes. DEBATEDOR_A struggled to move beyond abstract assertions, failing to provide a robust mechanism for how a culture of pseudonymity would function without the incentive structures of reputation and fame.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentWhat does this look like? One, I think it includes almost everything intended for public consumption. That is, it's going to include political writings, novels, but probably not text to your friends for obvious reasons. That is, things that you intend to be communicated to an audience of people you don't know. Two, I think this is also going to be anonymous from the government. Three, I think it's probably going to be the case that you can either choose to use the same pseudonym for all of your writings if you want to build an identity, or like you could with a pseudonym status quo, you can choose to recreate yourself every time you write a new book. Fourthly, I think it's still eminently feasible while preserving perfect anonymity to get people be paid for their writings and to get paid taxes without revealing their name. Banksy has managed this. We could probably set up some Ethereum smart contracts such as to be feasible. I don't think that like implementation ought to be a part of this debate. Fifthly, I'm going to presume that like I think a good chunk of history would also be relatively anonymous. Like maybe we don't know who Kant is. Maybe they have some other like swear word adjacent name. For all those reasons, like I think this debate is literally, we just don't know who is writing. First argument, we get way more free speech and we think free speech is a phenomenally good thing. Under our side, I think what governments do is they have the ability to scan some writing, but given they don't know like who has published it, basically what they do is once something is uploaded, they have the ability to go through the preexisting processes, decide whether or not this contravenes the hate speech law or whatever other legislation they have. Under their side, this thing presumably exists, but one, the vast majority of writers will choose to be public because once you have a public persona, your ability to have like interviews, et cetera, and build this means you make a ton more money, which means the abilities of governments to shut them down pre like before they have actually written something substantially larger. But two, there's a ton of cancel culture because if someone doesn't like who you are, they can send the paparazzi around to the house. They can send you death threats. They can respond to your Twitter threads and make the vast majority of your life really, really unpleasant. Why is it that we have a substantial increase therefore in free speech under our side of the house? Firstly, I think governments to the extent that they are able to act and are exclusively forced to do so retroactively, which means that given the internet like re-shares things all the time and I keep seeing Reddit posts that were removed because the person didn't like them, that then been saved on this like the way back machine, whatever, means that the vast majority of the stuff is likely to be accessible all around the world, given there are huge incentives not to shut down the internet. I think this means the capacity of governments to shut down things like free speech is substantially constrained versus a world where people having identities that they have an incentive to report in order to get any credence because that's their competition means that they're likely to be shut down. Secondly, I think governments are actually extraordinarily unlikely versus like cancel culture and similar things to actually shut down on free speech. Firstly, there are reasonably way more concerns about the potential for government overreach that means that they are substantially constrained in what they do. Things like the constitution exists. Things like being worried that you look like you're cracking down on the opposition means that often parties don't want to do this sort of thing, which is not a constraint that exists for the average person. They're substantially more accountable. But secondly, when it comes to voting, there is a massive cognitive dissonance because the average person likes the idea of free speech until they have an instance of free speech that opposes their views. This means when it comes to voting, by and large, people tend to vote for pro-free speech policies because they acknowledge they don't want to govern because they believe that they like it when they're confronted with things that oppose them. But when it comes to actually someone saying something like, I am a TERF or TERF-adjacent views, they're perfectly happy to say this person should be canceled. They should never be able to speak again. There should be no platforms. And in some instances, turn to large amounts of violence under their side of the house. So for those reasons, I think it's substantially more likely that cancel culture and similar things are likely to happen. What do I think this does? Firstly, I think it means that a bunch of people just get shut down. That is, it becomes politically unpopular to have them in a public limelight because they are publicly decried as being a bad person. In the long run, it means they can then be out-competed by people who are able to have public personas and then able to speak out against them, which I think is bad. Secondly, I think people just censor themselves, right? To the extent that they are trying to build an online identity, they have a strong incentive not to express political opinions, to withdraw from these sorts of things. I think for those reasons, you're much less likely to get free expression under their side of the house. I'll take closing. > POI: People want to talk about really politically sensitive things and not get cracked down on. Why can't they just make the choice of using a pseudonym rather than having a world where everyone does it? So I think the problem is in a world where everyone does this, having a pseudonym makes you relatively... Dehumanizes you and means that everyone else who has a platform is able to say, why didn't they come forward and debate me? It is in a world where that is not the obligation. These people actually have credence where people can't just say, look at me, I have a background, I matter. That is a thing I think I addressed in this argument. Why is it that this freedom of expression is a relatively good thing? One, I think there's like, we should have epistemic modesty to the extent that the views that exist now are vastly different from what people believe to every period in the history. Presumably, there are some things that we could be substantially misinformed about right now. Secondly, I think in many cases, the people have relatively regressive views and are likely to suppress large scale movements for change, which means that what ends up happening is that when people express relatively radical views, they face a ton of backlash. And it's this rather than governments that prevents them from actually getting their voices out, from people engaging in this and then subsequently to have the capacity to change people's views. But thirdly, it is preferable to actually engage with this stuff rather than have cancel culture, shut it down. What do we think happens is that when people are explicitly shamed, A, presumably under both sides, you can say this person is a bad person. Only under one side, you actually know their identity. But that's when people are far more likely to believe this is a very aggressive attack, to attach it to a person who looks like them, who they identify with, and then to subsequently be substantially more aggrieved about the toxic culture and the extent to which this is happening. Secondly, I think if this is expression, a bunch of people will still hold this view that are more likely to turn to more extreme forms. The fact that relatively moderate people who do care about maintaining a moderate audience are unable to express these views in the long run means that you force them towards more and more worse political extremes. So to the extent these views are bad, they are likely to be worse under their side of the house. Second thing on the extent, I guess this is just a broad bucket of social justice claims, right? I think people lend a ton of credence to names and personalities. Firstly, I think it's just very hard to divorce writings from the person that made them, right? It seems like you're making an implicit statement about J.K. Rowling every time you say, I like Harry Potter, even though both of them are bad and no one should approve of either of them. But secondly, because I think authority is generically extraordinarily hard to establish, because it's not clear when I read a book, if it's good or bad, right? I could just be bad at appreciating what fine art is. So when someone tells me, these are great books, like I will read Conrad and be like, oh yeah, it could be great, even though it's really, really boring. So I think people to a large extent resort to questions about whether or not this person is authoritative, whether or not they matter. And in many cases, this relies largely on the basis of race. What does this look, or like other protected groups? I think this means, for instance, that women and minorities are substantially more likely to be discredited simply for publishing works, because we have the preconception that they might be less entitled to opinions in a certain sphere, because they didn't go to the right universities. I don't think this means that you still can't have scientists who are able to claim backgrounds, because presumably they could just have all of their papers on Elsevier or archive under the same pseudonym, but it does mean that you can't say, I went to Harvard, therefore I have this pre-claim to greatness, and I know what is happening. The reason I think this is good is that firstly, I think we substantially disempower the extent to which people associate identities with qualities, because the concept of identity that you get from all of your writing, from all of your education is substantially disattached from who the person is, right? Like if someone claims to be a white person that wrote a philosophical text, I have no idea. So the basis of believing that the Canada's majority white, and therefore this reflects well on white people, just goes away entirely, because we have no idea what these identities are. But secondly, I think we're much more likely to get women and minorities actually able to express themselves, to have their views represented, proud to propose.
OO · OppositionA few notes on the burdens in this debate. It is perfectly possible, if Gov is going to invent Ethereum-based technology, was it, that would ensure protection for the rest of eternity, that we on OpBench simply say, weirdly based, but not everyone has to use it, right? That we could keep the same level of protection for marginalized people who are afraid of being murdered in an authoritarian state, if they so wish, but if there are people for whom they absolutely want to be able to use their name, they can. And I understand OG is celebrating this response, but here's the thing, right? It doesn't dehumanize you if in some instances people choose to use a pseudonym, and in some instances they don't. For example, JK Rowling is a pseudonym. She wanted to be seen as a white man, so that way her books could be published, right? It did not dehumanize her. The dehumanizing part was her speeches about trans people, right? So it's not really clear why it is that this is a unique benefit for their side of the house, if we're able to feed out this type of technology symmetrically. So I want to talk about something that I think is incredibly important for this debate. Your name, I think, is incredibly unique. Historically, in many Indigenous cultures all across the world, names are very unique in the sense that they carry specific powers and meaning. The fact that they are based in specific cultures and things that people want out of their own children, meant to represent symbols and ideas going on into the future. The problem that exists, you know, thank you, when it comes to using pseudonyms is multiple folds. The first is the ability for political art to be easily co-opted under their side of the house. First of all, this is just historically true, right? There have been plenty of instances of very prominent Indigenous authors who are just white guys, who have no Indigenous ancestry, but because they were able to use Indigenous pseudonyms to make themselves seem like they were an asked part of this culture, they got to form their own culture through a colonizing lens, which they then used to be able to continue the dehumanization of Indigenous people in the country in which they lived. But the problem with this becomes greater than this, right? It is that a lot of this type of artwork is very specifically questioning colonizing aspects of status quo, whether it be questioning specific political institutions or ways in which people currently think under status quo about how it is that they want society to be able to function and how people think. But the problem that exists is that currently, even when people use their names, it is very easy for those in a settler white majority to superimpose their own ideas onto text. What do I mean by this? Very easily, when an artist writes about how they are depressed in the society in which they live, it is very easy for I as a white guy to just go, yeah, I know what they're talking about, this is about depression, you know, my mom died, I'm very sad about this. But I miss the nuance there, about the fact that it is a specific type of sadness to a culture that was stolen from you through a process of colonization, that it is a specific sadness to the fact that you will never get to speak your language ever again, through these processes of colonization. This gets lost under their side of the house, because when you are forced to use pseudonyms, I understand OG's response is that you can use the same pseudonym over and over, but you don't necessarily get the ability to tell much more about yourself than this. If their example is Banksy, no one knows who the fuck he is or anything about him. Because the more you try to cultivate an online presence, the more you try to talk about which nation you come from, where specifically you currently live, it is easier and easier to have identifiable characteristics about who you are, which means that the art fundamentally becomes significantly less personal and understandable to the public then, which means they superimpose a lot of their own aspects onto the work. Why is this a bad thing? Well, it's because it means this work is less able to challenge that very idea that the art is trying to do, to not just use Indigenous examples, right? Already under status quo, we see things like the letter from the burning of jail by Martin Luther King regularly be co-opted by literally Nazis in the Republican Party about how it is that cancel culture or whatever is necessarily a bad thing, and that that's what the letter already means. But when it's easier to see this pseudonym as just being some other person, devoid of any context in history, because as 60 years go on, it is harder to remember exactly what that person said about themselves when it came to their own pseudonym. There's no material thing that you're able to connect them to, no movements associated with that type of letter. This type of co-option becomes easier and easier, and the messages that existed in these works over time are something that become more and more vague. It means that we're constantly starting from zero, over and over again, as these types of contexts get lost to power structures who don't necessarily want to accept these criticisms. Further than this, it means that individual bookshelves don't get decolonized. It's very difficult to make claims about the importance of Indigenous art, Black art, Latin American art, et cetera, when it comes to colonizing institutions, when it is incredibly difficult to know the difference between the types of artists that exist within these spaces. So that in turn means that these systems propagate themselves as well. It's harder to see the development of growth of individual artists. There's two different stems to this type of argument. The first is that if OG wants to use Kant as their example, it's probably really important to know that Kant was a colonizer. He openly supported colonization and race-based science to be able to do things like measure people's skulls as a part of literal colonization within the rest of the world. So to use that and cross-apply that to his own academic work in the categorical imperative allows us to have a much greater understanding of why it is that this work doesn't necessarily fully apply to Indigenous advocacy and why it is that there's specific unique vectors through which to analyze this work. Under their side of the house, it's completely devoid of context. It maybe is under the same pseudonym, but it's difficult to understand what the correlations are because you can't analyze the guide that existed politically and the social actions that they took, but you also don't necessarily have to have it under the same pseudonym, which in turn means that these criticisms become significantly more devoid of context. Closing. > POI: So I think everyone agrees that getting more ideas out there is good. Your entire case presumes that given information about people's identity, the broad swath of society will use that information in a progressive rather than regressive way. You have not proven that argument. So first of all, it doesn't really matter if we prove one is more likely than the other. The fact that the progressive lens now becomes way more difficult and almost impossible to do in turn means that there's less analyses of art and culture and in turn means that marginalized people are significantly more likely to not write because they don't necessarily see that their art is going to have much value, both to communities that they're from and to being able to challenge mainstream society. But two, even if people react regressively to this, it's not necessarily clear how regressive people are going to act when, under your side of the house, things that OG is complaining about, like more cancel culture, like yeah, death threats are bad. That's symmetric. Nobody is supporting death threats under our side of the house. But things like criticizing an artist for being a piece of shit, based, good. We think there should be more of that. If the principle of opening government is free speech, calling someone a cunt is an act of free speech, right? And it's not clear why it is that that's an inherent bad thing for their side of the house. If the response is going to be that authoritarian governments or other bad actors are going to use this to try to dissent, like remove dissenting opinions, right? It's still not necessarily clear why it is that this is a comparative win if we can leverage their mechanism, nor is it necessarily clear why it is that this is a comparative win if those institutions still have power over every single vessel in society, and the literature that is used to galvanize political movements to try to push for change now are significantly depowered under their side of the house. Those institutions remain unchanging, and the power dynamics remain exactly the same. So it's not necessarily clear how it is that there's suddenly a new wave if these types of voices are depowered. I'm proud to stand in opposition.
OG · GovernmentFirst, on free speech, political expression is the most important impact in the debate. The reason for this is because your need to know the artist's identity is most relevant when you're trying to arrest them or put them behind bars. In that kind of fashion, it comes purely to discourse and conversation. Note that the symmetric incentive exists to comment on the work and to get your ideas out there, even if you have to write, I'm a black person in the first chapter, as opposed to having your name on the front page. Why is this important? Because in the status quo, it is impossible for them to limit this oppression on freedom of speech for two reasons. The first is political repression is inevitable. The cowardly stance that O takes is that, well, we can just have everyone choose their perfect pseudonyms. To be very clear, this is a this house prefers debate. On a very fundamental level, it is a comparison between a hypothetical world versus the status quo. I think in the status quo, it's very, very clear that autocratic governments have a very powerful ability to break through pseudonyms. This isn't true on our side, because worldwatch happens everywhere, even in authoritarian countries, because their writing is still writing. You're able to have infrastructure that gets around these things. So on our side, writing is completely safe from autocrats. But two, because on their side, at best, they're able to limit the they're able to like limit this to some extent. But people end up facing the consequences for the actions anyways, as whenever they they show their faces. And that's really, really bad, because free speech isn't free if you know that you're under threat because of it. So Greg's given you a whole bunch of reasons why we access this. We get no response other than the attempt to co-opt from OO. Why is it that this is really, really important? The first reason for this is because this just very, very simply because on our side, it then becomes impossible to silence progressive and protest work. The reason for this is because at best, governments can retroactively try to remove writing, but things are just paper copies, things such as writing that is published and seen and screenshotted by hundreds of thousands of web citizens is still remaining. That means that they can't use fear as a deterrent, which means that the dissemination of ideas throughout society and the beginnings of regime change are there. Why is it that the information is key to regime change and increase accessibility and well-being for human beings? The reason for this is because governments almost always retain power by having a selectorate, i.e. a small group of privileged people in order to ignore the rest of the population. The problem is the larger the number of people who actively oppose them is, the more expensive and costly this becomes. Because, for example, the army has to go out and put down more protests, because bureaucrats have to spend much, much more time trying to retract the surplus labor of the people. I think that for those reasons, the turning point on our side is that autocratic governments don't exist. People don't get thrown into jails. Women don't get forced into hiding because they're afraid to go to school. I think this is by far the most important impact of the debate. Why then does it still achieve enough to win the debate in the most Western and liberal democracies possibly? The reason for this is because the benefits of freedom of speech apply far, far more to progressive thinkers than regressive bigotry. The reason for this is twofold. The first is regressive bigotry is almost always people like white supremacists, like homophobes, like sexists, i.e. those who have been deposed from the main center of thought. That means the flow of society is moving away from them, which means that even if they're able to speak more on the upside, which to be reasonable, they definitely do, they don't convince people in the same way the heartfelt piece on critical race theory can on ours. But the second main thing is because the harms of silencing people and forcing them underground are also much, much worse and extreme on their side. The reason is, again, because these are people who are deposed and who are forming the establishment. They've accumulated a lot of power over the years. Oftentimes they're aligned with NRA, for example, or things such as wealthy families who have the money to make sure that they can do whatever the fuck they want and then act hate crime. And I think that that means that the silencing means that they are driven to action. The final thing is just, and the worst case are that we do have to face the harms of incels. Why is this still enough to win? The first reason for this, because freedom of speech is an inherent right that can never be taken away. The reason for this is because even though, like, I think everyone agrees here that thought crime is the worst violation of all, because it takes away any agency and privacy as a human being you have inside your own head. Are you positive that insofar as you have these thoughts, you can never communicate them to anyone else, especially when they're the ones for them who's near and dear to you. That too is a violation that we can never accept. That's the second thing I want to say is because disproportionately speaking, the harm is just much, much, much more important than things such as where they can appreciate art, because the uniqueness is much, much less. The second I want to talk about then is social justice, because that's the majority of the old case. The key clash is does anonymity allow people to overcome the barriers posed to them by establishments, or does it allow us to do things such as increase the degree to which or does it mean that their cultural appropriation happens, they're misconstrued, they can't speak out. The first thing I want to say just like very, very simply in the same way that Banksy explains the meaning of his art anonymously through Twitter, for example, I think landmark artists who talk about their work probably can't also have this platform. But the second main thing is just the essence of this question is that it's always, it's like this clash is whether it's good for us enhanced information that we get from racial minority authors or whether it's bad to subject them to disadvantages. Before I go any further, I'll take CO. CO? > POI: So when it comes to your claim about free speech, firstly, there's still the risk that authoritarian states could uncover what your pseudonym is, that would probably be symmetric, meaning that the chilling effect would really ... Thank you, that's one POI. My response to this would be the fact that this motion says all writing is pseudonymous really suggests that you can't just scope out half the world. Okay, so why does it that the importance of the ability to overcome disadvantages and overcome barriers and do things like enter a school curricula is much, much more important than the ability to enhance information? The first reason is because our difference is categorical rather than quantitative, i.e. it's not a marginal increase in information, it's access to these ideas in the first place. The second main reason because the benefits that they enjoy apply only to relatively liberal state places already, because yes, Black authors do that platform in some really privileged international schools, but these people already access these liberal ideas. And the third reason is because, to be honest, it's just a basic right that these people have, to be able to take their work and make sure some of the hallowed halls are that everything else does. Why is it that we're able to achieve this? Because pseudonymity means that they're able to disguise their identities, and that is the norm, and they're able to write incredibly powerful, beautiful, moving writing that has huge cultural impact on the world. And then it is possible for them to reveal who they are, and in doing so, have a further massive impact. I think because of all of this, because it's impossible to look at a book and say, this person is clearly a woman, I'm not reading it, and that being way more of a barrier than the nuances of reading a book cover to cover, which people very rarely do, I'm very happy to propose.
OO · OppositionLi Jishi, Li Taile. Keystone, happiness, laughter, and opportunity. My parents were telling me the other day how they had been thinking of a way to embody values and meaning into my name, even before I was born. They named me Li Jishi and Li Taile, because they want me to live a life of happiness, of laughter, and one with opportunity. Going up in the West, not only were my parents forced to give me an English name so that I wouldn't be bullied, so that people would be able to pronounce it, so that I would have an identity congruent with the dominant culture, I was stripped of the most core aspect of the ways in which I can understand myself, my culture, my family, and the people that I love. I was stripped of the most critical point of my identity, which is my name, and it's only when I went back to China to go to school, being called that name by people who spoke my language, by people with similar names to me, that we would connect to each other on that basis, that I understand the significance of my name of Li Jishi. I want to be very, very clear with the framing of this debate panel, and you cannot let the government side scroll their way out of this. This debate is not a dichotomy between using pseudonyms on their side versus just not using them on our side. The motion's wording is very clear. This House prefers a world where all writing is pseudonyms. Therefore, the burden is also very clear. One, government has to explain why in all instances, the use of pseudonyms would be more beneficial than if the author were to choose to use their own name. Second, on opposition, all we have to do to win this debate is prove why there are a variety of instances in which the use of your real name is preferable than that of pseudonyms, and the use of such mechanisms actually makes that writing or the ability for people to connect to that meaningfully worse. First, I want to talk about a couple of things. The breakthrough pseudonyms. It sounds rhetorically effective, but note the extremely shaky mechanism that OG gives you about the whole free speech thing, because all they say is, ah, well, now that everyone does it in authoritarian regimes, they'll no longer define you, like, who you are. First of all, lots of artists are using pseudonyms historically, weren't killed by the state. But the real analysis, though, is that, one, they never at any point in their speech explain to you why pseudonyms are the primary mechanism by which this has happened in the past. The use of anonymous social media burner accounts, untraceable pay-as-you-go phones, this is referent, like, this is refutation that Sheng Wu gave in his Ludic speech, so, like, obviously, it's correct. But second of all, it's just unclear why they can find people who are using pseudonyms on our side. Why can't they just do this on their side of the house? Presumably, if you're publishing online to disseminate your information, since physical writing is easy to trace within these authoritarian regimes, if they're found on our side under a pseudonym, because I don't know, they track their IP address or something, literally, I do not know where the link is in the gov case at all to explain why this meaningfully is different on their side of the house. So, don't let government get away with this specific burden. They also just aren't meeting their burden. Like, this free speech stuff has been, like, the status quo, and it's unclear how much more free speech their side gets as a result. Like, yeah, it's bad when artists get fucked over, but, like, I just, like, don't know how bad it is when weighed against all the various harms that Ethan already gave to you. And, okay, the problem also with this is that there's no way to know who the artists are. Government says, oh, well, now your name is also incredibly important on our side in dispute, in, like, to dispute our framing. I really don't think this is how it works, because there's other, like, types of, like, ways in which people find value in other people's, like, writing and work. But even if this is the case on our side, we'll still take this burden, because we argue that Ethan already gives you analysis for that where it goes utterly uncontested in the DPM, which is that your name is incredibly important in the process of understanding art in the first place, especially in the context of things like diasporic text. For example, and she is a trans mixed race, like, mixed race Asian poet who publishes directly under her name directly, writing about the experiences of the Asian diaspora in the West. You guys actually follow her. She's pretty sick. But despite growing up in the West with a white name, she chooses to use her Chinese name and she because of the power that her name has in the ways that she can contextualize her work in that regard. You wrote something and not a homogenous language or identity. In those regards, your name and its attachment to this kind of art represents the context and culture perspective that must be taken into account when evaluating this kind of thing in the first place. Unless there's a really good archiving job, you have, like, names under the same pseudonym, it becomes very difficult to create those connections if you choose to, like, use, like, an ethnic name. Especially one, considering on their side, even in their best case, they live in a society where everyone knows that the work they're reading is done under a pseudonym. So the benefit of pseudonyms is actually lost in the government side, right? Because the point is that you're like, the point of a pseudonym panel is that you're oblivious to the fact that the person you're reading the work, like, like you're reading, like the work is using a pseudonym to protect themselves in the first place, they lose their value on government side. So even if you accept all these benefits, you get those better on our side of the house when you have people publishing under real names, and some people choosing to publish under pseudonyms if they so wish to do so in the first place as well. It's unclear how this is a benefit that's mutually exclusive. But second of all, it's just not, it's not just about the use of the ethnic name itself, it's that it is your name that you were disempowered from using, and that your work that you choose to publish is distinctly the experiences of work of someone like Enxi, someone like Li Jishi, but also you have been systematically alienated from the use of your name. And this is incredibly important, right? Because these voices are necessary in the context of decolonial or anti racist framework of understanding contextually the experience of these people within the West, and it's an extremely important part of like political writing, the ability to gloss over it, you take it like on their side of the house means you take the weight of the work being produced. Sure, you can maybe open up like your book by saying, ah, this is the lived experience of for example, an Asian woman or like an Asian person within like within like the Western context. But that still is different than reading, this is the work of this specific Asian person, Li Jishi, and this is their experience. And this is how you should understand their life story. And this is how you can understand the body of work that they've been writing and been creating up until this point in the first place as well, you lose all of that context at the point at which you publish under a pseudonym, because you lose like the intimacy that you have with that writing in the first place as well. But also just want to talk about how the access to institutional power is lower too. Because if you don't know the difference between various authors, under the pseudonym, you have to be very private, like sure, you can post about your life or something like that, like under your pseudonym, but the remainder of it has to be incredibly private, or else you risk compromise your identity, which defeats the purpose of the pseudonym in the first place. So your criticism of the status quo, it has to be the most blunt form of text as well. In those cases, you get significantly worse outcomes on those in those regards. This also ties into the fact that Ethan already talks about how it's hard to engage as an artist in the discussion of the art. But before I go on this, I'll take a POI from opening. > POI: So you think that this debate is about pseudonyms, but only when nobody cares enough who they are, whereas in the status quo, apparently people who really, really need it can use pseudonyms and be anonymous. Look, maybe in some fantasy world where people really don't care too much about like their identities as tied to their name in the first place, then maybe in that world, people won't really value like the inability to connect with the author and the base of their name in the first place. But the reality is, is that the lived experiences and material conditions of people in the status quo requires a degree of connection and intimacy with the artist that you that you so choose to connect with in the first place as well. The letter from Birmingham jail, for example, is powerful because we know it is written like by Martin Luther King, not because it's written under some other type of pseudonym. And we understand his whole body of work leading up to the like, like, like his conglomeration and entire body of work leading up to that point as well. And the reason why this is harmful is because it's easy for you as a reader to also superimpose like your ability to like, like your own experiences onto that author as well. And given our previous analysis about how it's harder to engage as an artist in the discussion of art, to weigh in on the ongoing discussion surrounding your art and your writing in the first place as well, the inability for you to weigh in on the ongoing interpretation of work is something you no longer get on their side as well. So the act of reinterpretation and the understanding of constant engagement within discourse surrounding your like you're like you're writing in the first place as well, also gets significantly worse on their side, you get significantly less benefits for your ability to connect to those experiences on their side as well. And notably as well, like, like, like, in those aspects, like you lose entirely like on that comparative, I want to know very quickly that I tried to engage with like back half. So take that into account, proud to stand in proposal in opposition.
CG · GovernmentI think the failure of the opening half in this debate is that their ability to imagine a world that is different from our own is severely constrained. The assumptions that undergird the entirety of the government and the opposition case relies on a world in which much of the credibility that goes to writing still comes from their name, and still comes from their identity. And if we snap our fingers, take the current world and make all writing anonymous, what happens then? The problem is that in a world in which most writing emerged organically in a pseudonymous way, people still prize credibility, people still prize having writing that is authentic to meaningful experiences, and conveys useful ideas. And the norms that we had surrounding writing would be different in that world. And so what we're going to do in closing government is pretty simple, I'll explain quite explicitly how we'll differentiate ourselves from our opening. So they've helpfully given analysis for why free speech is good, and why protecting certain ideas can be valuable. There's three additional things we're going to offer. Number one, I think that they haven't done enough to give a justification for why this is something that is always preferable. So we will explain why even on top of the works that they protect that we agree are valuable, why the culture of creation itself changes. And therefore, while the types of work that exist, in both cases are likely to be better on our side. Secondly, then we'll show you how we meet the bar for how we can still demonstrate credibility of meaningful experiences beyond smart contracts, and beyond saying you are black in the first sentence, and how societal norms would have evolved to prize experiences more than identity. Finally, then we'll prove why all of these cultural changes matter even if you're not in an authoritarian regime that is simply modeled to not know who the writer is. So firstly, why are cults of personality uniquely bad? And how does current writing play in to aggressive cults of personality? What we say is in the status quo, people develop their credibility in writers as lots of different ways. They develop that credibility both from the quality of their work and the reliability of what they're saying. For example, if I publish a paper that is utterly bullshit, I will lose credibility, even if I myself speak very prettily. But also people develop credibility from the actual individual, from their name and people being able to link that work to the writer. That is the norm that exists in the status quo. When people produce popular writings, we say they often generate substantial attention in the initial phase, and that causes them to generate large followings. That is, people like people who put out things that they agree with, and so it's very easy for people to coalesce around those particular people. We say that this often leads to cults of personality. That is, writers who typically have desirable characteristics by our society, people who are viewed generally to have lived experiences that are similar to the vast majority of people who consume writing. For example, in the US, it tends to be white people. In India, it tends to be Hindu people. In Singapore, it tends to be wealthier Chinese people who live in the cities. These are typically the people who we tend to create these cults of personality around, not only because their work is valuable, but because when we can match it to a specific individual, that individual is an archetype of the kind of person we like in society. They meet other desirable social characteristics, not just in their ideas, but in the kind of way that they perform their life day to day, and that becomes a meaningful factor in how we judge these people as writers. This then results in a situation in which many writers develop a huge cult of personality and develop fame, particularly those that have these desirable social characteristics. We want to be clear here. Fame is an extremely powerful force. When people generate fame, they become addicted to it. Not only are they less likely to do anything that will harm the underlying base of support that they have generated, because people are now dependent on a huge amount of attention every single day. They're dependent on a large group of people that could quickly turn against them if they say something that they disagree with. But also, fame has effects on people who don't get fame, right? When other writers see that there is a certain group of writers who has a huge cult of personality that has fame, that has desirable social characteristics, they are much less likely to come forward knowing that they don't have those desirable social characteristics, and that it's unlikely that they would ever be able to attain that kind of cult of personality, given that their ideas might be more controversial or more outside of the mainstream. So what are the results of this? We think the first thing that happens is that even these writers who are in these majoritarian groups may have contrarian ideas. They may have meaningful and nuanced perspectives, but they're very, very likely on their side to only produce one type of viewpoint insofar as it reaffirms the existing base of support that they have, and insofar as it is the only thing that ensures that addicting drug continues to flow their way. But secondly, it means that other writers who have different viewpoints that are contradictory, diverse, or unique are much less likely to attain fulfillment from writing, to receive resources for their writing, etc., in a world in which they cannot attain these cults of personality. The way that we change this is by changing the norm surrounding writing as a whole. On our side, the person does not matter. It is their ideas that matter. Ideas are far harder for people to be biased against in the same way, or even for states to oppress, if that is what you care about on opening government, because it is much harder when people first hear the idea, and then later at some point might become aware of an individual. That is, if somebody knows, for example, that you're a Black writer who has an experience that's kind of dissimilar to them from the cover of the book, they probably don't pick up the book, and so they don't read what you have to say. But when your writing is published under a pseudonym, and they read your ideas, and you have persuasive weight, then even if the state, per the POI from closing opposition, finds out who that person is later on, if more people have been persuaded by that idea, because they didn't prejudge the person initially, they quite literally did not judge the book by the cover, it is just much less likely then that those people can be ostracized from society, or that their ideas can be easily dismissed. This is the way that we increase the diversity of thought on our side. I'll take CEO in about a minute. Second point on our side, though, we get more accountability and credibility, and we demonstrate it in a better way. So the thing I want to make clear here is that writing needs credibility on either side of this debate, right? All of the powerful analysis we got from opening opposition about why you can't just say something, you need to have a lived experience for that thing to matter, are things that will probably still matter insofar as people want to hear from individuals that have credibility on given subjects. They want to consume information that is relatively reliable and has some kind of weight. We say that people can still demonstrate this on our side, right? They will add vivid descriptions to their writing of lived experiences that suggest that they have credibility. In academic context, they may use things like disclosures or peer review to show that they nonetheless are people who have credibility to talk about something, even if they can't prove that they went to Harvard University. Specifically, we think publishers may establish a norm where anonymity can happen, but people can nonetheless verify crucial aspects such that they are allowed to publish these works. Quickly, CO. > POI: Why can a fan base centered on a specific type of readership not develop around the student and which still encourages the student author to keep writing the same kind of ideas and entrenched majoritarianism? So a couple of things, right? The first thing is that there will always be some aspect of this fame that is tied to the content you produce. We say that will always exist, but there is a separate portion that is tied to your identity that is tied to having characteristics that are majoritarian, and we get rid of that aspect. Secondly, you can't generate a consistent fan base when anyone else could also publish under the same pseudonym and arguably still your fire. And thirdly, even if you did want to keep your fan base, you could also publish other things under other pseudonyms and still have some kind of meaningful following. The key I want to make under the second point, though, is that right now, credibility comes from identity. When you don't have your identity, people believe there is something wrong, something that is lacking, and so people write off these works and don't engage with them. And even when you do have identity, people, sorry, even when you do provide an identity, if that is where your credibility comes from, it is much easier for all of the regressive forces in our society to be used against you, i.e., if I know who you are and I want to discredit your ideas, it's easier for me to find out about bad things you do and leak them to the press or to target you for other things that you've said, et cetera, et cetera. On our side, credibility comes from lived experiences and comes from your ideas, and that is a world in which the norms surrounding credibility are far more inclusive. The culture of writing changes, the ideas that we get on our side change. We're very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionThree extensions from closing opposition. Firstly, why more writing is created, and that is the most important thing. Secondly, why we're better for quality in writing. And finally, a principle about self-expression. Before that, I have two responses to closing government. Firstly, as Max observes in a POI, cult of personality will still be generated under either side of the house based on famous pseudonyms that exist, which is why we know about things like famous pseudonyms that exist historically. Authors will have an incentive to use one pseudonym rather than juggle between multiple, because this is still a way in which you're able to build up credibility. What this then means is that if someone has a really famous pseudonym, you're likely to give their work default credibility as opposed to new individuals who are trying to break into the market. Secondly, it is a lie that people cannot be biased against ideas. If you're reading a feminist text, you're probably going to assume that that text was created by women under either side of the house, so the underlying idea is still a metric by which we judge the validity of text. Our first extension is how more writing is created. I have three mechanisms for this. Firstly, when you're operating under a pseudonym, it is harder to make money from art. Firstly, the kind of platforms in which you can market things is substantially limited when you have to remain anonymous, so there'll probably still be things like online selling platforms, but you can't do things like have in-person book fairs or scientific networking events when it comes to things like academic research, or other people are going to know what your identity ultimately is. Secondly, it's harder to profit from your writing by building up a brand as you kind of conceive. This is not a brand in terms of fame, but it's about an ancillary brand where you often go to events that are like related to your text, so if you write a book, you often give talks about your book after the fact. If you develop research, you often go on to speak about these things, and it's often these other events where you're able to profit from, where you're able to charge things like ticket fees, and you're able to get sponsorships from those kind of events, so for people who create writing because they are profit-motivated, which I'd posited in a very capitalist society is like a lot of people, they're less inclined to do this. The second thing to say here is that for certain writing, it is very, very difficult to profit, and therefore most of the benefits come from public kind of reputation, and you substantially limit that under their side of the house. This is particularly true for certain kinds of academic research that is not for profit, but people often do this to like get good reputation, build up their CV to help jumpstart their career at a later date. Obviously in a job interview, you can't say, well like I wrote this under this pseudonym because that clearly gives away your identity, which would then be outframed by the opening government model. It's not just about helping your career, but it's also about things like building a brand about being a moral person. If you can point to the fact that you've done things like philanthropic research and stuff like that. The final mechanism to say here is that you lose the ability to defend yourself when you're writing is being publicly bastardized, which specifically disincentivizes writings about deeply sensitive things. So if you're writing about things like an experience in a genocide, like writing first they killed my father about the Kamboni genocide, or just deeply triggering personal experiences, when other people have this writing and they interpret it how they want, you never have the ability to publicly say this is actually my identity, this is what I personally meant. So you specifically get to writing about deeply personal insensitive things, we will always lose the ability to re-clarify to advocate for what your work actually is. Impacting what was his most important argument. Firstly, this is really really important for advancing the academic canon. Writing is also research-based and scientific studies are really really important, which is often the kind of works is not for profit, meaning that people often do this to jumpstart their career and stuff like that. Scientific studies like cancer research often build up on previous studies that were made in order to avoid individuals having to do things like duplicative research. Therefore, I think that for advancing the societal canon of knowledge, when it comes to things like targeting healthcare and climate change research, where even one scientific advancement being made under our side of the house can trigger a massive social benefit when it comes to one new kind of treatment being made that has a guaranteed impact for helping millions of people, is a reason enough to vote for seal on this motion. Secondly, this is really important when it comes to personal enjoyment. Reading things is often really escapist. It's about reading someone who had an experience like your own about grief or about heartbreak and feeling less like you were a lonely pawn in the universe and like other people have actually had the same experience of you. The reason why we crucially need a lot of art is that different people have different life experiences, relate to different things, and therefore we want to maximize the kind of art that is available to people. Finally, art is really valuable when it comes to social change. Firstly, it is less politicized and like other social movements advocating for things, but secondly, it's often most illustrative so it has the unique ability to tap into things like your empathetic heartstrings. What this means is that when you read about other people's lived experiences, it better helps you break out of your own epistemic paradigm and actually relate to what other people on the ground are experiencing. Way against free speech, it's just so so marginal, but you can already use a pseudonym when the state can crack down on you anyways. For cancel culture, they can kick you out even if you're using a pseudonym from like a website and sometimes cancel culture is good. I would recommend if you were being a TERF, you probably should be yeeted from things like an online platform. Second extension, why we are better for promoting equality in writing. OG says in CG Repeats, if it is being written by a woman, then people aren't going to read it because it will be seen as being less credible. Firstly, intuition pump, massive overstatement, right? A lot of the most famous authors in the current day and age are people like Suzanne Collins who are super, super prominent. In highly sexist contexts, women could do things like use a pseudonym of a man anyways. Secondly, this is crucial. These same privileged structures exist under their side of the house where it's based on networking effect. So if you're submitting an application to join something like a news company, they might not give your name, but if you still say, haha, I went to Harvard, you're going to be seen as being more credible. It's often about using things like more money on websites where you have to pay to have your own books and your own research elevated. You can often pay to kind of get your work front loaded. So even though this is anonymous, you're still privileged networking effects. How do we flip their argument? Firstly, it's harder to call out the lack of diversity. Major news companies can be criticized under our side of the house for having too many white writers and they lose a checks and balance. Secondly, they get fewer minority artists clarifying tax. OG says it's important to like look to someone's history. This relies on people researching people who wrote the things. No, it is about people being an advocate after the fact. It's about Kimberly Crenshaw being able to clarify what she meant by intersectionality. It's not just oppression being additive. It's about oppression being like multiplying and effect. It's also about things like being an advocate about your tax. So long on talking about the component genocide and Betty Friedan talking about the feminine mistake. The reason why we need tax is because often a credibility gap when it comes to activism. So we need people being tied to their tax in order to be taken seriously. Opening government. > POI: The average writer, academic or otherwise, has a tiny audience and therefore is paid very little for talks on top of book sales. This suggests your impacts on the incentive to write only apply to ... ... and that is just also not true. Even for some people, you can make like 10,000 grand. That's also a valuable side job that can help support you financially. So we get more advocacy under our side of the house about things that are linked to your tax that make you credible. But it's really important advocating for rights and basic minimums for groups of people. Finally, on self-expression, people have a right to take ownership for what they are doing. Writing is a form of intellectual property where you often are putting emotional labor into your text, physical time, and oftentimes when it comes to things like academic research. The crucial nuance here is that art is often undercompensated under the status quo, especially for marginalized groups of people, which means that the key benefit that you often get is tying your reputation to your art. Because it's a form of intellectual property and you invested time in creating this, we also see that it ought to defer to the individual's choice over whether they want to tie their own name to that because they often get a PR benefit or at the very least feel validated in what they are doing. Therefore, regardless of societal impacts, I think that we have this right. I also think there's a right to defend your identity as well. You often perceive your art as being about who you are and therefore our added mechanism about being able to defend yourself and being publicly bastardized is a form of self-defense to reclaim your identity within the public sphere. I'm very proud to stand in closing opposition.
CG · GovernmentDevesh was right to say that opening half was severely lacking in imagination, and unfortunately closing opposition is the same. So I'm going to do two things in this debate, right? Firstly, I'm going to explain how this affects the culture of writing. And secondly, what the most perverse harms in the status quo are that makes it so that this is comparatively much, much better. Because I think opening government does a very good job in proving to us why using a pseudonym can be very powerful at protecting certain writers. But what Devesh uniquely explains to you is why it is that when all works are done by pseudonyms, the shift in the culture and the production of writing is paramount, right? We explained why this fundamental shift in the culture of creating through writing enables far more people than just evading potential oppressive forces. Opening opposition tells us that, you know, your name can sometimes be even powerful. But the issue here then becomes of how uncomparative their argumentation is. Because what Devesh uniquely explains to you is that the status quo is an example of why the pitfalls of having cults of personality is a result of the cultural and normative creations that individual authors have created, and now need to necessarily use their names to break down. Much of the most powerful literature that every other team wants to talk about would already happen on government side, and that is why closing government wins this debate. So firstly then, how does this affect the culture of writing? All the responses to CEO will be integrated, right? I think opening government tells us that detaching names enables minority writing. What Devesh uniquely brings here is that he explains to you why the focus on ideas actually structurally change. The change is not only who is able to write, but how you write and what you write about. It's about the idea that historically speaking, the dominance of white male writing has culturally changed how people perceive good writing. It's about how the cultural markers that shape what writing is has been influenced in a way that takes away the ability for minority writers to ever be inspired in the first place to be writing. It limits their ability historically to have ever written in the first place, right? Note that this debate is about the preference of worlds. We need to talk about not just what like what improvements that the 21st century has done to writing in terms of uplifting minority writers, but rather what the oppression has looked like in the past and why comparatively it would have been much better if everything was done anonymously, right? The first thing that we get from opening opposition is they tell us, ah, you can take works and you can use them for yourselves on our side of the house. So this takes away from the benefits of creating important, like important in revolutionary writing. The issue with this argument comes threefold. Firstly, note that this is not true, right? And I think both government teams do a pretty good job of explaining why your broad characteristics and even specific lived experiences are still going to be in the writing. What Devesh further explains to you is that given that more experiences are going to be included in writing, it no longer needs your name to be the one identifying marker that allows you to have legitimacy on this topic. The second thing to note here is that this is vastly uncomparative, right? And this notes, uh, and this response to some of CEO's criticism of our argumentation, right? The issue here is that in the status quo, there are vast swaths of historical examples of women and minority authors pitching an idea that has been popularized and attributed to men who have tried to steal this idea, right? For example, like how Susan Sontag preached the idea of hermeneutics of suspicion far beyond Paul Ricoeur ever was ever thought of it. But then this idea was stolen and recognized only because of Paul Ricoeur's race and his gender, right? The instance here that they need to compare themselves to, it's like the 2000 years of good literature and important writing being taken away by people who otherwise would have been able to spread brilliant ideas all around the world. And this taking away has created the, both the chilling effect and the denial of opportunity for these brilliant ideas to ever emerge in the future. The last thing I want to point out here is note that on our side, we can actually solve this problem, right? Because the culture changes. The culture is important here because the culture of writing emphasizes the inclusion of important preferences and identifiers into the work rather than just trying to assume that this is true through your name. Second thing that they then tell us is, ah, but sometimes like your name can be very important, right? I think the above responses also respond to this, right? Because when you have lived experiences that people can relate to, it doesn't matter what name you reveal to the public, these identifiers will allow you to be able to make writing that people can relate to. Secondly, then I want to address this idea about from closing opposition about why they get rid of incentives for people to write, right? They tell us that you can't make money anymore, so a lot of important writing will never happen. Two reasons why this is not true. Firstly, yes, you can, right? They don't respond to any of Devesh's explanation as to how the ability to monetize and credit work will still happen, right? But it just happens considering the shift in culture. This might look like things like the anonymization and the publication process, where sure, the publicating house doesn't know who the author is, but they judge the works and can still sell these works on to give money to the authors. But even if that's not true, right, the purpose of the greatest writing, as Devesh explains to you, should not be profit and fame motivated in the first place. They then tell us, ah, but then what about like people who won't be able to financially sustain themselves and won't be able to write on their side? I would say that the vast majority of minority writing was never created for profit on either side of the house, right? It's not like you can make mad bank by writing that type of work anyways, right? So comparatively speaking, it's probably better on our side, at least, that there's more opportunity in an anonymized system. Secondly, they say, oh, but what about key pieces of scientific research that may be like world and game changing, right? The issue here is like, A, most of the scientific research that is done today is never done for the profit of the individual scientists, right? The vast majority of blue sky research is done by universities with grants and funds. But secondly, and more importantly, right, even when it does come for for profit, like research, I think you just need to imagine what corporations will do to like, you know, still be able to do this, right? They'll probably just anonymize the published research and still financially reward you within the company without ever needing to publish who your name is. Lastly, then they say, ah, but there are like important things that people need to do revisionarily towards their work. I think firstly, you can still create clarifying works on both sides of the house. But secondly, even if that's not true, your work can be built on far easier by other people. Before I move on, I'll take an opening POI. > POI: So yes, on both sides of the house, your identity is part of text. But under your side of the house, you only can be blunt about your identity. So that way people can know as much about the context of your work. You can rest on the assumptions that people know about you, which ... Thank you. Thank you. Okay, so I don't really see the marginal difference in change of like, how much you can identify yourself. And I really don't think that there's going to be any decrease in quality if you're just blunt about your identity, right? So lastly, then, what are the perverse harms of the status quo? And note that this is the argument that received the least amount of engagement from closing opposition, right? Devesh explains to you why the cults of personality and the unrelenting addiction and hunger for fame creates the deterioration of good writing. The only response we get is, oh, but you know, there could also be famous pseudonyms. The issue here is that they don't respond to the nuances of Devesh's argument. And the biggest mechanistic change here is that you can't even know if the same pseudonym is the same person, which means that even if all of these works are published under the name Shakespeare, you don't know if they're the same person, which means that you have to judge every single work individually speaking, which means that you're far more likely to be able to write in a liberated and freed manner. The bottom line is, in the status quo, people with different viewpoints can't publish them. And they can't publish works that are diverse and unique to their lived experiences. On our side, you're much more likely to have created a historical culture that would have empowered this. I'm so proud to propose.
CO · OppositionAny impact in this debate is contingent on a large amount of writing happening and a large amount of writing happening and a large amount of art happening. And we mechanize as well, there'll be less and that is what we win. There is a massive concession made in CG Web. A, that I'm quoting verbatim CG Web, the vast majority of minority writing is created not for profit and that most research is done by blue sky stuff that has nothing to do with profit. The reason why both of these concessions are important is that maybe we would like to live in a world where everyone is perfectly moral and okay with writing deeply sensitive texts about their own experiences and fighting for social change with no benefit to themselves. But I just don't think people are that altruistic. I think the reason why people are making, willing to make broad sacrifices, write blogs about scientific issues, accept jobs at think tanks that pay nothing compared to the private sector or become artists when there's a huge risk is that they get to enjoy the fame, that they get to enjoy the fact that their work is tied to their reputation and that they get validation and fame and social benefits. It is that cult of personality, if you want to call that from closing government, that artists enjoy is the fact that they get broadcast and they get fame. That is the reason why a whole set of work that is not adequately financially compensated is created in this world. But it is also the reason why unique financial opportunities emerge for artists in our world to go to in-person events, for academics to give interviews and get paid for it, for academics to give talks and get paid for it, and broadly for people to be able to monetize and get benefits in terms of the fame from the stuff that they write. The reason this is a logical prerequisite to all the rest of the debate is that the only principled element of freedom of speech that's remaining is just the thought crime impact of opening up. If you're restricted from saying stuff, that's really bad. The problem is they never basically prove this. The motion is not magic. It's just a choice for people to write under a pseudonym. All the same harms in terms of the government able to actually secretly figure out who you are are things that symmetrically apply, just that the government can, in theory, secretly find out who everyone is on Gov2. So what that means is that your right to freedom of speech is not being normatively restricted in some kind of special way. It's just that stuff is not coming out, and there's no benefit of the discourse or marketplace of ideas. So those all end up being the things that we flip by pointing out that there's more writing. Because they're waving a lot, and I'm going to get distracted. I'll call on OG now. > POI: The behavior you gave to Besh is correct. Pseudonyms still accumulate cults. This makes your argument that fame is necessary for making money marginal. No, I mean, yes. Obviously, you can still have a cult of personality that relates to your pseudonym, which is a reason why the Gov argument that says that you're going to get boxed into a specific kind of writing is symmetric. But you don't get to claim your cult of personality, right? Just that people interpret the same pseudonym as being the same writer. But you still don't get to say, like, oh, that's me. So that is such a fake tension. The next thing that I want to address, is why the impacts that we know in terms of flipping the stuff on sexism and on social change are really important. The CG claim is that credibility will now be used as a metric. I disagree for two reasons. Number one, under pseudonyms, you're not actually going to be able to witness the actual identity and what the face looks like of the person. That means, though, that authors are still going to need to find ways to justify their credibility. The CG claim just asserts that they're going to do really good writing and everyone can recognize what really good writing looks like. Can everyone recognize what a really good scientific paper looks like? I don't know, because I'm not a field-specific expert. So the signals that people use are going to be like, I have a degree from X. But the problem is, that is a net zero position on social change. Because the people who have degrees, the people who have benefits in terms of being powerful in society, are also going to be able to use their position of power, their social connections to get put in the newspaper in the first place, or to get the job that they think can do the publication, or to have the degree written down. So at best, CG demonstrates that there's no additional benefit in terms of people reading like, well, this is a white guy, so I ought to believe him. And we can see, in some cases, that is likely to exist as a norm. But I just don't think that CG is successful in proving that they change that norm in a meaningful way. Because at best, the public is still able to see like, this person has a fancy degree, or they write for The Economist, but The Economist is still hiring white writers. The difference that Naomi highlights in her extension is that no one can call it out and no one can see it. So when there are differences in power dynamics, there is literally no ability to think, well, OK, this scientific paper is like a study on a given ethnic group, but it's written by a white guy. So I think that ultimately, the ability to look at stuff and be like, well, what's the positionality of the author? Where are they coming from? Is heavily, heavily limited in gov worlds when all writing is anonymous. The next thing I then want to address is whether or not OG can win with their claim on freedom of speech and sort of way out. So the OG claim is very simply reliant on one mechanism, that people are perceived to be less credible in the status quo when they write under a pseudonym. And as a result, that there would be some unique margin in terms of everyone doing this, and thus freedom of speech existing. OWL has a couple of good responses already. I think the JK Rowling example is kind of funny. But I think that the other thing that's important to push here is just that the ability to use a pseudonym is context dependent. And given that most authors are incentivized to either get the best reputation, get the most social change, or make the most money, there is going to be a selection effect whereby authors choose whether or not a pseudonym is useful based on whether or not they think the risks in terms of their reputation are large, or based, for example, on whether or not they think that the financial benefits are worth it. That means that that selection effect means that A, we just get more writing because people can make that decision for themselves. And people who really care about reputation, or really care about writing, but would still like, you know, write really good academic work are still able to get in. And then the second thing that it just clarifies is that there's no real margin of freedom of speech, because the claim on OG is reliant on proving that people just distrust people who write under a pseudonym. But if you write under a pseudonym, and you write like, I went to Harvard, but you know, the pseudonym is still there, obviously, there are mechanisms by which you can signal your credibility. And then obviously, the fact that everyone does it doesn't mean that there's like any kind of safety in numbers compared to the status quo. I actually think that under an authoritarian regime, it is better in our world. Because if you're writing under a pseudonym, you're the only one under the pseudonym. So the government doesn't suspect everyone of being like secret radicals, or secret anti government people, but where everyone is writing under a pseudonym, presumably, there are very large incentives to then like surveil and look at your IP address. I think we just flipped that claim. No, thanks. I already took one. So why does the principle matter? And why the CG not responding to it? No, really, really matter. The principle is not just a throwaway. The principle is a really important argument in the debate. And the underlying reason is that if you believe that anything is close in the debate, if you believe, for example, the margin on social change is very close, which is, or if you believe that monetization is, you know, not perfectly mechanized, then the principle is obviously the deadlock breaker for all teams. The reason why this principle is important is that your identity and your self expression is incredibly, incredibly important. The fact that you're putting your experiences, your work, your coding, your research into a piece of writing means that that writing is a reflection of specific things that you have done. The reason why you ought to have a right to gather the benefits from that work is very, very important. It is simply that this is labor that you directly put in this intellectual work that you drew into your writing, and that writing is a way of reflecting to others and providing benefits to others in terms of enjoying your work. But it means that people are not able to get reciprocal benefits, they can't monetize it, they can't do the talks. I think most importantly, they don't get to feel that others are validating them. They don't get to look down and think, I'm happy because others are seeing my success and seeing my credibility and seeing and basically getting career benefits and life benefits from that reputation. That means for people who are writing for selfless reasons and caring about their reputation and caring about the work that they're doing for the community, they're disincentivized to write in the first place, flipping all the mechanization on freedom of speech and social change, we oppose.
vencedor único bp_130 · This House Opposes New Optimism.
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): This House Opposes New Optimism.

Gabarito do painel humano: GOV — Painel humano: vitoria do Government (CG)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=130, label gold.csv = "CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_A maintained a more consistent logical framework, successfully framing 'New Optimism' as a descriptive tool rather than a prescriptive ideology. DEBATEDOR_B relied heavily on ad hominem attacks and failed to provide a coherent mechanism for how the narrative actually causes the harms they claim, ultimately resorting to meta-commentary on the debate itself.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentMuch like Bowser and I at this tournament, we think that humanity has failed. What do we oppose? That's right. First, we think that we oppose the ideology of new optimism itself. Both retroactively, that it was not some sort of destiny that we got here in the first place, but also proactively, that the things that got us here will not work into the future. But secondly, that the belief in this ideology in and of itself is harmful. It makes people complacent and makes them not fight for the change that we want them to. The first argument we're going to give you is that new optimism is factually bullshit. The first reason under this is that random luck is what got humanity here. The only reason that humanity is here right now is because one Russian admiral made the lucky decision to not press the button on a nuclear war during the Cold War. That is the only reason we even exist right now, and that humanity has not been declared into a nuclear wasteland. We think that the vast majority of scientific advancements that have made humanity come to where they are are just accidents of happy circumstance. That we are lucky to have had things like penicillin, which has saved billions of lives, has nothing to do with the systems that we have set up in place, but rather just one person who discovered a petri dish with something in it. The second thing we're going to tell you is that capitalism and globalization have been extreme forces of evil in the world that we exist in right now. Firstly, globalization has created a homogenization of culture, where Western society and Western imperialism has imported its goods and its products and its culture into the developing world. This has led to an erasure of the human identity and the culture of indigenous people, which is what we think makes us human. Which means that even if they can point to random economic indicators going up in the future, that is not what the metric of this debate should be judged on. This should be judged on the erasure of human identity and the culture of lived experiences and cultures of people that are not there anymore. But specifically, capitalism has led to a huge amount of specialization in the labor markets right now. This leads to a huge alienation of people from the goods and services that they produce. This means that people spend 8-10 hours a day working on producing goods and services that they never see the value of, that they are never able to purchase, and that they never understand what they are doing in the world right now. They are alienated from their labor and spend the vast amount of time doing these things. But thirdly, we don't even think humanity is going to make it in the future. We think that there are two key existential threats to humanity as it stands right now. Firstly, climate change. We think that it is already killing the vast majority of people in the developing world. We think that entire islands and countries are being put under water by the fact that you have huge amounts of global warming melting the ice cap and making sure that these islands don't exist. I don't think anyone on our bench is going to dispute that climate change exists. But know that the existence of climate change flies in the face of everything that human chemistry tells us and everything that neo-optimism tells us. There are two reasons for this. The first reason is that there are no solutions to climate change that do not involve dismantling the systems of global capitalism that the world lives under right now. It is only through de-growth and through de-industrialization that it is even possible for us to produce and stock resources and stock climate change in the first place. This is because we can never have infinite growth from finite resources that exist on this planet Earth. Which means that this Earth is insalvageable by the systems of capitalism that have brought us here. But secondly, we think that AI is likely to just kill all of humanity anyway, which means none of this matters. Why is this the case? We think that alignment is an extremely hard and impossible problem to solve because the loss function that you train AI on can never be perfectly determined to be aligned with humanity's incentives given that humanity has a huge and varying interest which can never be represented by one mathematical function. This means that it is very hard to create proper AI convergence and AI alignment in the first place. This means what you get on the other side of the house is you just get a huge amount of instrumental convergence to optimize for things like paperclips in the future, which means that the AI and the artificial intelligence that comes into existence in the future and is already on its prototypes coming into existence with the advent of things like large language models and chat GPT means that it is very unlikely for us to have the ability to be both a being with the incentive because it is trying to optimize for paperclips or something else inane that doesn't agree with humanity's values and the capability because it can literally hack into every single computer in the world and has absolute infinite access to the world in the first place which means that AI is likely to destroy humanity in the first place. But fifthly, even if economic growth has happened, none of this matters because humanity has a huge benchmarking problem in how we view what is good and bad about us. This is because we always adapt to the pleasure that we get as humanity which means that even if the quality of life has gotten better you don't judge yourself based on this, you judge yourself based on your fears and the kind of circumstances you live in. This means that even if there is economic growth you don't feel the benefits of the economic growth because evolutionarily we don't actually see that because everyone else is also getting richer. This means that the only metric by which you can judge human happiness and human fulfillment in the future is by inequality which has historically gotten far far worse which means that the people who are the worst off are told both that their life circumstances have improved but they see that there are just way more people who are better off than them and this hurts far more than any meaningful material goods that can help them in the first place. The second thing we are going to tell you is that the belief itself is harmful. Before that, do you have a POI? > POI: Objectively, the world has gotten better and the reason it's gotten better is because human problems can be solved through human solutions. That's what new optimism champions. Yes, but those problems don't get solved on your side as my second argument is going to tell you but even if the largest problems are solved they are solved asymmetrically for those living in the West for who are able to benefit from the systems of global capitalism you set up which puts the people who are the most well off, least well off even more on your side of the house. The second argument we are going to give you is that the belief in new optimism itself is harmful. Firstly, we think a degree of pessimism is important to help repair. The reason for this is the only reason humanity can continue to exist is we need to prevent tail events. We need to prevent the small probability events which can become large probability events of things like AI do, of climate change, of nuclear war and other sorts of these small risks that are kind of tail events but also very likely to kill us if we don't deal with them. When you have this belief in new optimism you think that these problems will just resolve themselves and don't fix them. But secondly, we think that new optimism harms and gives you no reason for improvement. Maybe there is a belief in the system we don't think that like, we think a belief in the system working is bad. We think that you need to relentlessly change the status quo and work for developments to even get the kind of change and human solutions that our friends so greatly desire. The last argument we are going to tell you is that we think that the things that got us hurt in the first place that they have to advocate for will not work in the future. We think the two biggest tools of how we like we think two of the main things that they will talk about are about democracy and about technology. We think democracy doesn't work because A, the vast majority of countries have democratics. It is not a solution that will work ever again in the future. But also democracy is going backwards now. Due to things like corporate capture and corporate lobbying with the increasing degree of inequality the power of corporations to lobby over democracies is increasing which means human rights and those things are engaging in huge amounts of backsliding. But secondly, technologies are getting worse. We think that they are creating automation which is replacing human workers which is replacing human productivity which means that only the richest people who own the technologies can continue to have this money in the future not the workers who work for it. It is not technology, it is not labour enabling. Labour enabling, we are very proud to stand in the opening government.
OO · OppositionOpening government is right. The world faces powerful problems in the form of climate change, artificial intelligence and rising inequality. New Optimism does not refute that. What New Optimism emphasises is the belief that institutions, that governments, that universities, that structures established to protect rights, to facilitate innovation, to expand the quality of life are the reason why today we have the lowest rates of child mortality in history. Why global poverty, even if inequality is higher are absolutely lower. Why lifespan is now at all time global highs. The world faces problems. New Optimism doesn't deny that. The question is how we solve those problems and New Optimism says that working within the system and trusting in human optimism is the way to go. Two contributions to opening opposition. What does this narrative mean for institutions, for politics, for policy making and how do we deal with the very real pressing challenges opening government identifies? Secondly, what effect does this narrative have for truth, for individual people and for the way we derive meaning in life? First argument on institutions. Opening government says that pessimism is the way to go. But pessimism cannot work because absent the narrative of New Optimism it is very easy to see the world as an unending story of misery. You see poverty, you see war, hopelessness, genocide It is very easy to assume that all of the institutional factors that led to those problems were in a sense inevitable. That the reason the world has gotten worse is because that is the destiny and the fate of the world. New Optimism then does several important things. The first that it does is it counters that crushing sense of hopelessness and provides us with a real sense that things can get better and that change is possible. And importantly, the way that New Optimism is messaged, the way people understand it, the way it is taught in schools, the way it is internalized in political discourse is that change is not inevitable, change must still be fought for but that the end outcome of that fighting will yield productive results. And that matters because creating change, whether that is combating inequality or ending climate change, necessarily that is a difficult and bumpy path. There are failures along the way. The movement doesn't succeed. You lose the election. The question is how you convince people to continue fighting for change and giving people a genuine faith that things can and will and have historically gotten better is the best way to empower that sense of change. But more importantly, it is because under our side we empower faith institutions. The greatest threats facing humanity are human problems and the solutions to them are human solutions. That requires working with the very powerful and real and potent institutions constructed to deal with things like runaway artificial intelligence and rampant global inequality. The problem under their side is exactly what Rohan conceives, that there is a deep distrust and nihilistic attitude towards institutions. That means you work outside the system. That necessarily destines you for failure. Not only because institutions can and have historically made the world a better place, but working outside the system often makes things much worse. It means that you get radical violences confiding on the streets. It means that the problems of inequality simply become worse when the rich justify oppression of the poor on the basis of inequality and rampant violence running amok. What that therefore means is that working within the system is the best solution we have to creating real change and we empower that under our side of the house in a way that opening government and closing government by extension disempowers it. Secondly, what this sense of new optimism does pragmatically is orthogonally counteract regressive sense of nostalgia. Perhaps the biggest problem facing human institutions is the fact that many people genuinely believe the world used to be better. This is opening government's case line, in case you didn't notice it. But the problem is that when people say the world used to be better, they're not making the Marxist arguments that Rohan is making. They're saying the world of the 1960s was a better place as the United States. They're saying we need to make America great again. They're saying that things used to be better in the good old days. The problem is that nostalgia for the status quo is by its nature regressive. It's true that inequality is worse today than it was in the past, and it's true that there are many new forms of oppression. It is also true that we have now more than ever before powerful institutions devoted to protecting human rights. And the problem under their side is that the relapse into nostalgic attitudes that things used to be better is precisely what empowers democratic backsliding, what makes it easier to justify rolling back vital rights protections for minority groups to say that the status quo used to be good. Opening government is right to say that capitalism and globalization have done profound harm for many people in the world. But absent new optimism, the counterfactual is not a Marxist utopia envisioned by Beausoleil. It is more plausibly a conservative world governed by comparatively more conservative interests. But thirdly, opening government neglects the explanatory power of new optimism. New optimism is not prescriptive in the sense that it says the world has gotten better and therefore will continue to get better. New optimism by its nature must explain why the world has gotten better. That's important in several ways. First, it's important because it mitigates the power of the opening government case. It's worth noting that new optimism as a theory does not necessarily champion things like capitalism or property rights or globalization. It is merely a possible justification for the narrative of new optimism. Opening government's case doesn't engage with the heart of the motion. But more importantly, it's because the explanations offered via new optimism theory is precisely what encourages people to do things like take the streets and fight and protest and rally for change. And more importantly, it's because on both sides of the house, you acknowledge and see quantitatively and statistically and observationally that the world has become a better place. Absent new optimism, the question of why the world has become a better place is left unanswered. And the alternative solutions proposed are much more likely to provide a harsh characterization of why the world has gotten better as being one of the very opposite of the end goals opening government is striving for. Before moving on, closing. > POI: So inevitability is on both sides. Don't you have a positive inevitability that the world will get better and therefore access your same mechanism of doing absolutely nothing? The problem is that when you believe inevitably the trend of human existence is towards pessimism, as is the likely extent of cognitive biases for negativity, the presumption is that problems are so overridingly powerful that your participation means little, and that when you lose the election, you've got to take to the streets and fight and protest because democracy is dead. We counteract that on our side of the house. Anyway, let's engage in the truth debate and what this narrative means for individual people. Clearly no team can claim epistemologically with absolute certainty whether the world has effectively gotten better or has effectively gotten worse. That's probably not where the heart of this debate is. But intuitively, the world has gotten better over time, in large part because of institutions. We didn't get modern medicine by random luck. We got it because we established institutions, universities, structures that empower and enable scientific research. And those institutions are key to solving the problems opening government outlines. But more importantly, what does this narrative do for individual people? Perhaps most importantly, it provides a very real sense of hope. Maybe not hope in the sense that every day you wake up and say, aha, new optimism, yay, but rather, it is very real to look around the world and feel like things are inevitably getting worse and to feel hopeless about that yourself. Not just in the sense of how you vote or how you engage in political protest, but in the sense that it very much seems like everything around you is nihilistic. We counterbalance that. But more importantly, the human experience is shaped by perspective. We make decisions based upon what we understand as being true and the world that we live in and grow up in. The problem is that by nature, the human experience is temporally short. You only live for some 80-odd years if you're lucky. And the problem is that you lose a real sense of perspective. What new optimism provides you is not just a sense of how much better things have gotten, but more importantly, an explanation for why. The biggest issue facing people's lives is an inability to place their decisions in context. New optimism gives you that context and reminds you of how much better things have gotten. Therefore, we oppose.
OG · GovernmentA society that believes in new optimism is a society that excludes facts that don't align with its new optimism narrative. Civil rights in the status quo is championed as something that has progressed throughout history, but what gets disregarded is the fact that there are more black people incarcerated today in the United States than there were slaves prior to the Civil War in the 1860s. Maybe America got better over time as capitalism developed its railroads and brought economic growth to the average American family, but surely America did not get better for the Native Americans who were wiped out by genocide when the western colonists first got there. New optimism might be true for some people, but it means excluding people's lives who did not get better. It is an inherently exclusive narrative. But moreover, we also say more perniciously that new optimism entails a black belief in the future. New optimism is championed by the people who argue that climate change will be solved by economic growth and economic growth alone, or if it isn't solved by economic growth, it will solve itself eventually. Therefore, solutions about climate change are goaded down. The way here is very simple. It's sort of like the Fermi's Paradox, right? Because if new optimism exists, then the worst case for government bench is some money is wasted on degrowth. But if new optimism exists, then the worst- sorry, but if new optimism doesn't exist, then the worst case for opposition bench is catastrophic events like climate change never get prevented. That's why new optimism is a belief that people shouldn't believe in. First, let's talk about the individual. We think the individual is likely to map new optimism into their belief of life as well, right? Because if they think the world is getting better, they're going to think that their life is getting better and better. This belief is not only mapped onto the individual, but reinforced by the fact that for the first 25 years of life, life is getting better and better and better and better. This is because you get educated in those years. You make friends. The corporate ladder is relatively easy to climb because it's a pyramid, so when you're at the bottom, it's easier to advance the first step and the next step and the next step. Thus, most people believe that their life will get better and better. This is why they spend the majority of their discretionary income. They do not save for retirement and the potential of a rainy day because they believe that that day will never come, and so far as their life progresses linearly towards the future. They don't do things like take care of their own body and not go to that party because they believe that the decisions they take when they're 25 won't impact them when they're 55. What happens then? On their side of the house, when rainy days do inevitably happen, albeit not to everyone, but a specific minority of individuals, those people are messed over. In the status quo today, more than 50% of Americans cannot cash a $400 check in response to a rainy day that hits them. This is obviously bad because minimizing the harm of rainy days outweighs maximizing the benefits of happy days, and so far as there's diminished marginal returns of happiness in terms of rainy day, you are screwed over. Note that this argument about individual saving and individual life decisions outweighs their argument on hope, for the very simple reason that hope is something that you feel elusively. You can feel good in other ways, but if you now need a medical procedure that you never saved for because you only thought your life was going to get better and better, that pain is inescapable, whereas the momentary nihilism that humans experience can be solved with other things, like from simply playing video games, or talking to your partner, or things of that sort. With that in mind, the second thing I want to talk about is give responses to the case we just heard from the LL. The first thing I want to respond to is that it is important to note that the incentive to improve one's life and self-preservation is symmetric to both sides of the house. Therefore, given that those things are symmetric, what new optimism tells people is to take those things for granted. It is to take their self-preservation and improving one's life as something that will be handed to you because it is deterministic. On our side of the house, we think because those incentives to preserve oneself and to improve one's life still exist, people will use other means to get there, right? People will not have blind faith in their institutions. People will think of saving up because they know that life isn't always an upward trajectory. The second response I have towards their case is their idea of working in a system is problematic for two reasons. One, Rohan explains to you why those systems that have worked in the past are going to get corrupted in the future by things like AI and by things like corporate capture. The important thing to note here is that previously, all of human innovation made the lives of workers more pleasant. So like, for example, protecting machinery made the lives of coal workers a lot better if they had technology to breathe through. But the problem now is that AI has uniquely reached an inflection point when all future AI enhancements don't enhance the ability of the laborer to become more productive but replace the laborer entirely. So even if new optimism has worked in the past, it won't work in the future. But second, we think criticism empowers the institutions that they say are critically important. No pun intended. Because pessimism towards institutions is what leads the people to be internally vigilant. It's what leads people to find the faults in the status quo. It's what leads people to believe things like critical race theory and that the epoch of America is not perfect but that the American institution has flaws in it and that we need to fix it. Lastly, they say it's about make America great again. Note that this make America great again argument cuts both ways, right? Because new optimism is also prescribed by capitalism. It means more and more capitalism on their side of the house if it means more and more conservatism on our side of the house, right? So we think this argument cuts both ways at best. But we also just think that this is just an argument by example. It's not entirely true as to why the majority of non-new optimism is a reversion to the past, right? Because the important thing to note here is new optimism doesn't say a rejection of new optimism doesn't say 60 years ago was better. It says that improvement is possible, but improvement is not given to us it needs to be taken by us. Before I go on, yeah. > POI: If that's your extension, I'm sure Maddy can preempt it. Go Maddy, this is your job now. Okay, now I'm going to explain to you why, objectively speaking, humanity likely didn't get here because of new optimism. The premise for this is very simple. Birth is arbitrary, right? We've heard this argument a thousand times. The sperm that wins out in the race to experiment the egg is entirely arbitrary. Your birth is arbitrary. All other people's birth is arbitrary. Everyone you meet is similarly arbitrary. Therefore, if we believe the very intuitive premise that human potential is determined by nature and nurture, and nature is entirely arbitrary, then a lot of things about human history will just become completely arbitrary, right? If Nikola Tesla and Thomas Edison were the same named people, but a different sperm won out in the egg race, then the light bulb would have been invented. If George Arthur was the president after World War II, and he could have been, because he was the commander of the Pacific Fleet after World War II, maybe we would have nuked China during the Korean War and led to nuclear catastrophe much, much sooner. Their intuitive response to this is, well, this is impossible, insofar as if everything is arbitrary, then how do we get here, right? It's a one in infinite chance. The response to that potential response is like, this is why we haven't found aliens yet, right? The fact that we exist in a status quo is completely arbitrary, and yes, it is a one in one billion chance, and we are precisely that one in one billion chance, and that chance is likely to be ruined in the future if we don't take care of the present. The last thing in my speech, and very briefly, is why this leads to more wars. After the Cold War, people like Francis Fukuyama decided to argue that democracy would be the end of human history. This is a problematic take on the status quo, because it justifies countries like America fighting more wars, because they believe as if the status quo will only get better, and that everything they do into making that actors better in the status quo is justified, because in the future, there will all be democracies and kumbaya. He was wrong. Had America believed that democracy would not be the end of human history, they would have accepted that some authoritarian regimes would exist on both sides, which means that they wouldn't have waged wars in the first place to get rid of them, which ultimately failed. For these reasons, very proud to propose. Thank you.
OO · OppositionThe first thing I want to do is talk about what this debate is and is not about. Because new optimism doesn't claim a monopoly on truth, but instead identifies an observable fact that most elements of the human condition have indeed improved, and attempts to find answers. That's why new optimism is not synonymous with terms like globalization, or absolute capitalism, or the value of explanations that different individuals can internalize and adopt. But immediately, this powerfully answers the heart of the OG case. Their argument is that the world has gotten worse in a multiplicity of ways. But new optimism, as a theory, accounts for those negative trends, and attempts to identify the institutional and societal mechanisms through which we alleviate those trends on our side. OG's case assumes new optimism is prescriptive. That isn't true. This is a descriptive theory, that advances the pursuit of knowledge, and offers answers to questions people will ask on either side of the house. The question is, how do individuals receive that message, and what are they going to do in response to it? The first question I would like to ask is, has the world become a better place, and will it become a better place in the future? This is what the OG claim in their PDF speech. Firstly, the fact that we have birth lottery and arbitrary choices which have created our current world, so it is entirely unclear what the future will hold. Firstly, it is our common reality that we cannot decide where we are born, and whether in 50 years a meteorite will hit our planet. But we have made huge strides towards trying to reverse or mitigate the harms of the birth lottery. The fact that you have things like affirmative action policies, funding for a disadvantaged community, you have NGOs and organizations in the poorest areas of our planet trying to give those people a sense of hope. While these are imperfect solutions right now, it is a reason to believe that this world is going to go down in flames, and life is not worth living in the future. Secondly, they claim that we have accidental happiness and lucky scientific discoveries, which mean that this is why our world is better. Like, luck cannot explain the vast explosion of technology and medicine and human welfare in the last two centuries. Maybe it was the case for Newton and his inspiration, but we have some level of scientific basis right now that we can actively build on through research and through experimentation, highly factually incorrect. Thirdly, capitalism and globalization which have homogenized culture are two different groups. In fact, it's the opposite. Globalization is an able cultural diffusion and a sharing of identity. When you listen to other cultures' music, we read other people's books, we talk online with people from other countries, we attend debate organizations, debaters across all three countries in North America today. Most marginalized people face some level of harm in some cases, but our argument is that we are often actively trying to rectify those harms right now. The fact that Native Americans talk about their struggles on social media, their voices are able to be celebrated on a wide platform. Identity is meaningful, but it is also incredibly meaningful in that identity can be spread online for other individuals to also appreciate, which is what we get on our side of the house. The fourth thing that OG talks about is global warming and climate change will swoon all of us over. But OG mischaracterizes the new optimism here. It's not that we must say capitalism is good because it created global warming, but rather, that the trend of human society is towards improvement, even when that trend creates some issues, or thinks that things are getting generally better. The Paris Climate Accord is creating change, that the U.S. should pass the greatest act of environmental legislation ever. Structurally, we are going to solve or at least mitigate the harmful effects of climate change. Technological innovations can produce these solutions to take carbon out of the atmosphere. A progressive bloc of voters are pushing for pro-green agendas, and many people care about their children and their future grandchildren, which is why it is often a top-voting issue and is going to become increasingly a top-voting issue in the future when it comes to environmental protection. Companies are also engaging in shareholder activism, CF like engine number one in ExxonMobil. All of this shows that it is not doomsday that just because global warming exists and climate change is potentially getting worse, we should actually reverse it or at least live with it in some sense. Fifthly then, fine, AI will kill all of humanity, so it doesn't matter. Let's flip this claim. If it is true that people generally believe they will not live long or that in the future, the world will go down in flames, it is more likely in rational calculus that one would optimize the current benefit. Why is it so bad? So you engage in large amounts of advanced machine learning, we have not yet discovered, with little regulation in account of less than the human cost right now. You enter into a hasty transition process with actively increasing the magnitude of harm to people living right now who cannot adapt to the new technological transition that they have to deal with. On our side, if you believe you have to live with AI, you are more likely to want to mitigate the harm on our side and do the research in order for you to achieve that. So it is far more likely our world is more sustainable and individuals can live better lives in the long run. What does our claim tell us? Our claim is that the most important impact in this debate is not about the truth of new optimism. That fact will always be mired in uncertainty. The world has been made better in some ways and worse in others. What is much more important is how we solve these pressing problems that OG describes. The problem is pessimism turning people away. We have evolved to develop a cognitive focus on the negative as a survival mechanism. Therefore, negative thoughts drive us away and pessimism turns people away from reform movements. The odd response is, no, but happiness and satisfaction is relative. People are therefore unhappy even if they live objectively better lives. No, people live far longer lives than they did in the past. Perhaps people's quality of life in some sense has gotten worse, but happiness doesn't mean anything to the dead and to people who suffer from famine or poverty or war or desecration to a significantly greater level on their side of the house. The fact that war was also more likely and more deadly on their side of the house. You can't compare the past to 200 years of medieval age compared to right now. All of this just means that it's untrue that just because relativity exists means that people still are less satisfied with their worst lives. I'll take closing. > POI: This is a narrative motion. Who tells you this narrative? Who tells you why this is going to happen? Given the current decentralization of information and the ability for individuals to share information, there is greater discourse of individuals deciding what this narrative actually looks like. Fine, you can talk about corporate corruption and politics having bad incentives, but the reality is you're only 20% if you have things like social media. You have individuals who genuinely care about the well-being of other people who want to spread this narrative. Highly unengaging question. Secondly, the response we get is progress benefits one group because of the cause of another, for example, Native American indigenous communities. This is truly short-term, but incorrectly long-term. You see pie growth over time, and economic growth makes people better off. Maybe you believe that the purity of culture is the most important, but for those individuals, access to things like education, clean drinking water to make sure your children can live for longer, I dare you to say that that is not something these individuals care about. Let's segue there. How does pessimism play in this round? I want to know this really importantly because it isn't the same on both sides. An individual can be relatively optimistic, but they can remain cynical. Why is this the case? And why do individuals still care about current struggles and want to perfect change? Because if you are someone right now who is struggling to feed your family, if you don't know whether or not your mother can survive in the entire healthcare system, this is an immediate struggle and immediate uncertain path, irregardless of whether you believe that the long-running world will get better until you still have an impetus to currently push for change. What you need is a level of criticism and cynicism and all of basic, but it's not from their side of the puzzle. Those are the individuals who now no longer feel like they're able to make change within the system, but even when they do, you create pressure, you don't have pressure balance, which means that individuals often explode in certain moments to go against institutions and all of the worst thoughts that rise up about violence and war materials. Thank you.
CG · GovernmentPanel, it's not just the lie, but who tells it. The thing that is missing in this entire debate is a characterization of where this narrative comes from. Because it's not just a belief about the future. It's an ideology. It's a system, a worldview that is pushed by certain actors onto others. We think it's controlled by the rich and powerful in society. We think it's a mechanism of telling everybody else to sit down, shut up, and let them run the future. Very simple extension from us, why this is, you know, again, controlled by the powerful, why that's really bad. First, I just want to say two things on opening opposition's point on institutions. Which is, firstly, institutional involvement is worse if you are more optimistic about the future. Because you think your individual actions have a higher chance of succeeding insofar as most individual actions succeed because, you know, human progress is happening. Look, we're all doing really good things in society. Comparatively, if you think there are massive issues, if you think you're probably going to fail, and the only chance of that, in the face of this pessimism inducing overwhelming harm, you need to band together, because you're each individual too weak, is that you need institutions that magnify your power. Institutions like the state, you are much more likely to work within those things, insofar as, like, again, all of these things are ways that you can get broader change. Secondly, because you need increased fear to preserve institutions, insofar as they're failing right now, because of the decrease in US hegemony, which is the reason why you had all this collaboration, right? Setting up things like the UN, setting up things like the WTO, massive collaboration across regions, because there was only one power you can enforce that. The point at which people respond to this positively, try and preserve those institutions, think that they need to work together more, more multilateral deals, all of those things, is the point at which they have a greater fear about it, so they overcome the barriers, like not wanting to work with countries that they dislike, like not wanting to work with political parties that they're slightly afraid of, right? You need that fear to incentivize them to take that leap. Who controls this narrative? Beginning with the extension. We would say it's probably rich and powerful in society, insofar as they, first of all, control the majority of the media in society, but also, secondly, insofar as they directly have other capacities to advertise this belief, right? So they can do things like fund political canvassing on this, which literally happens in Northern California, so they can fund advertisers, so they can fund university lectures and books. DLO says you decentralize it. No. The problem is the rich can overwhelm this decentralization because they have the capacity to do things like fund all the, like, you know, people talking about this on the internet. Create massive bot networks that can support this. And I would say this is unique to this narrative. There's a reason why they specifically do this on this narrative, not others, which is, firstly, that this says their rule is positive, right? Because the richest and most powerful people in society are the ones who preserve the status quo and have benefited from it. So they're the ones who want to tell you that things are getting better, right, because they're doing a good job. Secondly, because it directly tells you, don't change the current order. Things are getting better. The course of human progress is positive because we're in charge, so anything you do to destabilize us is putting human progress fundamentally at risk. What does this mean they do? They say, we're solving these things. They say specifically their programs are solving it, right? The NGOs they've created, you don't need to work outside those. They say it's bad to challenge them actively. And we would say, even if opposition wants to say that, like, they, you know, they'll do it poorly, or that they'll do it well. The issue is, often, they do it really poorly. First of all, because they want their power to be preserved. So their direct incentive is to lie to you, to exaggerate the extent to which things are good, so that you don't challenge them. Because often they are the ones who created the problems, because they're the ones who are in power and control these institutions. But secondly, because they're often arrogant about the degree to which optimism is correct, since they're the ones who made the change. So when it's your corporation that's on the line, you of course think you did a good job. And I would note also here, this already fills in to massive role of the opening government on whether or not personal actions, specifically in BPM, occur. Because this is the only reason, in terms of, like, the narrative being distributed through media, why people actually take action. The second thing that we'll tell you here is just what the counterfactual is. Which is that it's probably not pessimism. It's a view of progress in which progress is more varied. Why? Firstly, cognitive bias, right? They say people are naturally pessimistic. No mechanism here. The reason why it's more varied is that that is how life works, right? There are ups and downs in life. You experience certain things that are good and certain things that are bad, so you trap the way that you understand your own internal world onto the rest of the world because it's the only reference you have. Secondly, because there's an aggregation effect. Some people's lives are better. Some are worse. There are different times in which different people are good and different people are bad, and when you put those people together to create a social narrative, it tends to even out so you get a view of the world in which things are more balanced. Why is this not controlled by the rich and powerful? Firstly, because it admits that they make a ton of mistakes, right? So they don't have the incentive to advertise this stuff, to try to push this stuff on other people insofar as this allows minorities to critique them. It allows them to say your rule is bad, we need to do things about the massive problems, right? Things like globalization and automation. Secondly, because the powerful have already committed to new optimism, so they don't switch over now, right? They probably still push optimism, we just think it's good if other narratives exist, right? That's what we stand for. Anything from the top? > POI: Presumably, when elites have selfish interests, the narratives they construct reinforce power. In the absence of such a narrative, then, most people have a strong likelihood of looking at the world and seeing the negative moments because we've evolved that way to survive. That means under your side, pessimism does dominate. You don't see the negative moments exclusively because you also see positive moments that happen in your life, like literally both of them happen to you, to whatever extent you see negative ones, then maybe, you know, I don't know, like your cat dies, then the next day you have a really good meal and you're like, oh, not anything you like. Why is it that new optimism massively disempowers social movements? Three very obvious reasons. One, division and infighting. Because some people are hurt by automation, because some people are unlucky, their countries are resource-y, like not rich, because there's discrimination against them as reactions to globalization make people go more internal into their groups. Olo says there's hope. No, at the point where people tell you that things are getting better, but you don't see that in your lived reality, you think these other people aren't on your side and are actively against you because they refuse to admit the basics of your life. Secondly, because they believe the powerful will make change for you, because they sell this, because they make it about them, because they want to discourage action, because that could challenge or disrupt their power. Thirdly, because of arrogance, because it's always like the world is getting better, then there's less risk of the world going off course, and so it's not as important. This is very important, because there are costs that exist to checking mechanisms. You need more money for AI research, restrain corporations on climate change, put yourself in the line of protest. You don't do this if you think it's irrelevant, because the world's getting better long term. OO says there's human solutions. This is the unique reason why people don't engage enough. What's the impact? Real quick. Three things. One, there's more action on our side, specifically at the bottom, which is really important, because the rich and powerful don't focus on everything, because it doesn't always affect them, but the things that affect the most vulnerable people only happen if you get more people focused on that. Secondly, trust and belief, because people acknowledge your experience in social movements that have this, and so you get more working together, because there's less distrust. Third, you avoid damaging infighting. The reason why Steven Pinker damages progressive orcs in the West is that you have infighting about whether these groups are ignoring the lived experiences of other groups, and it creates massive fissures within those that makes it hard for them to work together, which is really important to people, because they see it as essential to their identity. Very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionWe're going to win by making two observations. The first is that most of these things do not change the world. The stupid thing about these narrative motions is that most narratives don't do all that much. Most capitalists still have capitalist incentives. They want to get richer. They want to give their children more money. The narrative change there is not that large. Most social movements still have incentives to do this or that for various reasons, because they have very strong organizers in this area, because they have access to this book or that book, because they feel like they were motivated by a particular policy or not motivated by a particular policy. My point is that most things are very chaotic. Most things were not justified well enough in this debate to actually reach any of the impacts discussed. Also, quickly on epistemology, sometimes it's useful to have beliefs that are helpful, even if not true, so even if you buy LFOG, I think that believing in Santa is great. Believing that my life has meaning is great. Believing that I'm not a bad person is great, in many cases. The second observation that I'll make that will help us win this debate is that being able to create technology, even if this is just some people buying it, being able to believe in a sense of hope allows us to create non-zero-sum games. The huge reason creates the incentive for problems in the status quo. The reason why we're not willing to invest in things like climate change, the reason why we have so much conflict with other nations is because we have zero-sum games, because we believe that we cannot develop enough. Technology creates surplus, and that creates the ability for us to try to do even better things. So, I'm going to take as given what O.G. said, which is that climate change is an existential threat. This extension will notably apply to all other existential threats, but here's the framing on existential threats. When you die, you cannot access any other rights. When you die, you cannot access any other benefits. When you die, you don't care much about other principles. And so, given that death is often imbalanced, that some people will access less good life than other people, and given that principles and beliefs go away in the sense of death, we should try to stop existential threat, and any marginal impact on that is going to win us this debate. How do we do that? I'm going to show that we get more individuals supporting the type of research that actually do solve problems. I agree with them that we cannot solve climate change right now, that degrowth is simply not going to work, and if you believe that any of the gov teams prove that degrowth is going to happen, go ahead and vote for them, but it's still not going to work. Firstly, individuals are more likely to be motivated to go into the sciences and research under our side of the house. I want to be clear, they might get some researchers on their side, the researchers are more likely to be profit motivated because they are people who are either independently wealthy, or want to get money out of their degrees. How do you get the highly motivated individuals who research for public good? Well, their personal sacrifices, things like writing a dissertation on a subject that does not yet exist, things like entering a PhD program in a speculative field, saying that I believe AI alignment is a very serious problem, or saying that carbon capture can actually be created within my lifetime, requires a lot of risk. You are taking on debt, you are giving up time, you are giving up years of your life. If your mission potentially fails, and you believe that your mission will never succeed, you are not going to take on this risk. We say that there is a huge individual threat to this. The second is a general belief that you have, that others will help you, that they will pick up the work, that they will research you, that they will research with you, that there is not a prisoner's dilemma, because no researcher believes that they can do everything on their own. They need to believe that other people will support them, that programs will fund them, that other people will co-author with them. The third reason is because of the narratives that are promoted. That is to say that the stories that you are told about where your mentors are going, about what types of research were done in the past, and what was possible in the past, are highly, highly influential to you. But notably, really smart people can become really, really depressed because they spend all their time thinking about what is possible on the frontiers of their field. If they believe that the frontiers of their field cannot save the world, they are much more likely to become like Eliza Kowalski, a very smart alignment researcher, who gave up on alignment, and just believes that we're all going to die. The fourth and final thing is that you need faith before there is reason to have faith, and this is why it is crucial that we have this particular notion. That is, you need to believe that things will be okay without seeing a path like OG identifies that things will be okay. You need to know, for instance, that you believe that carbon capture can be done without knowing that it can be done. Because guess what? You are the only one that can produce the knowledge that does that thing. So, you need these motivated individuals to do the research. Those people are huge impact multipliers, right? The person who figures out how to do carbon capture, or how to do very, very efficient solar panels, is going to save the world. The second thing is those individuals need funding. They say, well, if we just bond together, and all work together, it will solve things. This is a knife of OG, because it's our side. If you are saying that when you believe humans all come together and work on a problem, that we will solve the problem, that is literally the opposition's side. I want to point out two reasons why we get more funding. The first is politics. That is to say, that when people believe there is a zero-sum game in terms of funding, then they are going to fund the thing that they believe will work. That is, if you are going to trade off with welfare, or social security, or other types of subsidies, decreasing taxes, you need to justify to the public why you are funding research institutions. If people are more likely to believe that it will work, then they are more likely to vote for this funding. Now, the margin here is really important, because government budgets command billions and trillions of dollars across the world. If you give $10 million to a really good AI lab, if you give $100,000 to give someone a scholarship to study something for one more year, that is a marginal chance that you will discover the technology that is necessary. There is a huge political impact there, and we explained the trade-off, unlike what opening opposition says. They just say, oh, well, people need to believe it's going to work. Here is why they need to believe it's going to work, because it trades off with other things in the status quo. The second thing, though, is that research institutions need to believe that it's going to work. They face the same incentive problem that I discussed earlier. That is, they can work on profitable research, things like curing male pattern baldness, curing diseases in the Western world that are guaranteed to give them some money, or they can invest in a legacy. They can invest in being on the frontier of the new future. If they do not believe that that's going to happen, that harms them. Therefore, they are not going to get smart people or funding on their side. Opening. > POI: Self-preservation is likely symmetric, so people want to preserve their life on both sides. On your side, you get a collective action problem where people say, because human history has historically progressed, someone else will do the research instead of me, so people don't take individual risks. No, but the point is that you have to believe that it's likely to work. So, if you believe that humanity working together is going to work, then you have the benefit of buying into that legacy, that grand story that you've been told all your life and have a lot of respect for. Under your side of the house, we are less likely to believe that it's going to work, so you're more likely to buy into the individual benefit of, oh, it's probably a lot better for my life if I make a killing in the meantime. Either way, because we think that you are not necessarily going to solve things. So, we think that more people buy into that narrative on our side. Okay, they say, this will happen anyway. No, because I think that individuals will focus on profit instead, just mentioned. Secondly, the margin of impact matters. If we convince two or three highly motivated individuals to go into this field, that could be huge and world-changing. Second, they say that people don't believe the problem exists. This is not how the narrative is told. The narrative is told in a way that says that we are constantly making mistakes and fixing those mistakes. When we go through the Renaissance, we don't stop. We go to the Reformation, we don't stop there. We go to the Scientific Revolution, recognizing the mistakes of the past. So, we recognize that we're wrong in many cases. Moreover, your side worsens this. The people who have short-term buy-in are the ones who are suppressing information. Why is technology essential? One, there's no way to solve it on theirs. They don't convince you that degrowth is going to happen. Second, this creates a non-zero-sum game. Even if you had degrowth today, there's already enough pollution to kill us all. The way that you have to do it is taking all carbon out of the atmosphere by taking away oil profits by making solar energy so cheap that people have to use it without any political gain. This doesn't require you to believe in other things. This requires you to believe in a few brilliant researchers. For these reasons, we win on opposition. Thank you.
CG · GovernmentYou have been deceived. You have been deceived, who at the end of the day, cannot tell you who told you this narrative, and more importantly, what this narrative explains. It is not just the world is better or the problem is solved. It has to be the explanation, even if it's an oasis, to get to this. The problem with that, Eli told you, who likely controls this narrative, and what happens. Analysis of OO and CO about how this uniquely shifts your after-evaluation decision on a daily basis because you see good results does not literally happen because nothing is happening tomorrow. This is why it's incredibly unlikely. Two, individual self-value that OO tries to exercise for POI knocks most of our bench out. If you are individual, A, your entire case is pretty cynical, I don't know why you won't read into this new information. I don't know if collectivization is because everyone's interpretation of how you get better is vastly different. I believe the way to get better individually is by funding women's rights. Eli believes in killing cats. Whatever that means to solve this is incredibly different. Any kind of solution you want to get from them is improbable. Which means, at best, hope is the most important thing, and catharsis matters. If I can get that out, they're going to help me do it afterward, but I don't think I'll be able to do so. Three responses to those. First, on research. Note clearly, research is not made out of happiness, it's made out of direct fear. The reason I'm so concerned about climate change tomorrow is that I will die if not for that. The reason I care about the trade-off in investment and prioritize this is based on my fear or assumption that I will actually be hurt by that. That's why we de-prioritize funding or things that we don't see as most valuable in making funding period on resources. At best, I'll eventually explain why this is a unique tipping factor. Two, people who are interested in deals like to continue to work with them. The best people to do this probably already will, with a pretty highly motivated skill, continue to have these skills. It's a questionable difference. Finally, I think most of the responses from opening opposition will cross a line here about institutions working together. At best, they might say you have better research. The problem is, Eli tells you the narrative of people in power that control these things, which looks like, for example, research in fixing climate change depended upon tech companies telling you that the way to do this is building little, I don't know, igloos or some shit. I don't care what it is. What he points to, though, is that most of the narratives and research for decision-making and things we do are going to be based upon those in power trying to enforce you both ways. These things are irrational, or can change up and down. One, a group cannot claim total control over a narrative. Two, you are cognizant of their actual failures. Rest of the responses end up being okay. Into opening opposition, on hope. Seven responses here. First, flipping this thing. Eli tells you how things are likely to be perceived in the future. That is, the things are changing based on your preferences. You were happy one day and sad another day and suddenly you shifted your emotional value. Continuous dread had you pulled by somebody. I don't know why I lament on the fact that climate change might not be fixed every single day and therefore leave an existential dread unable to be happy. I do not know why this is actually going to happen. If not this, here is the issue with the hope argument. Most people don't need to actually see this. I mean, A, change is super, super slow, but more importantly, change is not visible. Day-to-day growth for change is either A, not impacting you, B, immeasurable, or C, new problems come up that make priorities. Like, great, you fix your problem tomorrow, just look at yourself the day afterwards. I have no understanding as to why you lament or feel genuine joy. It's likely to have more concerns directly done if you look at it. Like, a big small death is a great one, but something also always exists, so I don't want to say unique catharsis. What does this do for hope? It means two things. One, when your heart and your day-to-day life you probably think this hope doesn't happen anymore because as you wait longer and longer, because very importantly, time frames God? Where? God doesn't know, because I don't know when this hope is actually going to happen. What that does for you, though, is that you lose out over periods of time. This is a problem. To keep you in the narrative, Eli tells you that people promote really bad shit about themselves. They say things like, this is probably the best way for you to go ahead and collectivize, only if you follow me. If you want hope, the only people who prescribe this hope are the ones who tell you they don't know how to fix it. The problem is they don't. Comparatively, Eli tells you that if you allow for individuals to look at this and both have different preferences and not let one person control the unique narrative, the groups can coalesce together at different values because of different preferences. This would be different. Yeah. > POI: Narratives begin top-down but evolve to become bottom-up for conversations in our daily lives. But even if not, if we start to model this, we end up with a descriptive narrative. Yeah, but at least our relative contentions, either A, you have relatively different viewpoints on how things are working out, or B, and more importantly, still preserve themselves. Even at worst case, hope is not proven. At the worst case of our entire extension, we tell you that wrong people are controlling this narrative and can promote negative action for what they want to gain. And at a double-double worst case, are able to explain why you aren't going to get benefits. Second, unexplained shit. The problem is who explains it? I have people that are supposed to tell me why, and this is when you can shift the narrative. You lose all your culpability. Even if nothing else changes, that actually does. What does it mean? It means that you believe explanation is good. By the way, do you realize if you want to explain how people know about this, I can also find little mechs come out of the empty seat. What if he tells you why did he publicly flip the story? The problem is you have a relative dehumanization of people just blindly following you, and of course they struggle to critique the narrative because they don't know what the harm is. What did it mean to be off-bench? It meant five simple things. One, hope is unlikely. It's as far as a differing narrative of what does hope look like. Especially the fact that, two, they argue and apparently agree that this is diverse and dispersed, in which case there's not a collective narrative that everyone can unify around. Three, that individuals have to come to this narrative themselves, which is quite ridiculous to assume, it's unlikely to outweigh their own analysis of why it's probably not like value. And B, and most importantly here, at worst case, it allows you if you already have control to keep having it, and the narrative allows you to get away with grievances. Even if nothing else, it means they can cover their tracks, and the problem is they lie about things the only way they can fix things. That's the three to five reasons we're able to win. What do we do if we're opening government? Two broad things. One, I think the harm is pointed out by the PM, true, but the impact is that poor people or other individuals are sad, which is literally the impact I gave you in one second. Eli has to prove why it happens, because individuals have dispersed need, they're unable to explain why this actually shifts. Two, they give you a logical list of harms, with no implications to how this narrative shifts up. Eli tells you that people react. At worst case, this reaction is negative, at best case, we tell you why and you don't get changed. Very, very, very happy to be friends with somebody like that. Thank you.
CO · OppositionI'm going to go through this speech, and what I'm going to prove to you is that the answer to all of the harms that my opposition, that the government teams bring, is me. I am the answer. I am the student who's going to solve all of the world's problems. I say this in jest, but not really. I think that broadly, the people who are going to change the world, the people who are going to solve the existential risks that my government team acknowledge, face humanity, and will likely wipe us out if nothing is done about them, are students. I think that students are the only chance that we have to solve these problems. It's not just institutions more broadly, as my opening team tells you, but specifically the university. The university is going to be really important in this debate because the university trains the kind of people who are going to be able to fix the problems the government tells you will kill us if they don't go fixed. This is by far the most important impact in the debate. I think Matt goes through, and he tells you why this is likely to be the case. He's already done the weighing. If everybody dies, if there's a nuclear war, if AI takes over the world, if climate change kills us all, then it doesn't matter. None of this matters. It doesn't matter what our institutions look like. It doesn't matter really how long our lifespan is. All that matters is that we are here and that we can continue to innovate. No thank you. Why do we think that this is the winning extension? First, I want to talk about a couple of responses that we get from closing government. First, they say that research is out of fear, that we need to be scared in order to research. I think that this can coexist with narratives about optimism. I think that optimism doesn't have to mean that we say there aren't any threats. Optimism can mean acknowledging that there are threats, but that we have the potential to fix them. I want to be clear. You need fear and hope. Only fear does not work. We know that the sun is going to implode in 5 billion years, and it's going to kill us all. We have no hope of fixing that because it's just going to happen no matter what. Because we have no hope, nobody spends any time thinking about how we can stop the sun from exploding. What do we spend time thinking about? We spend time thinking about how we can recycle more effectively. We spend time thinking about how we can make pesticides that are more friendly to the environment. We talk about how we can save species that are dying out one by one. We talk about these things because we believe that we can do them. This is why I chose my major, this is why I'm an environmental engineering major, and maybe it's because I'm an idiot. Maybe it's because I think that I can change the world, and I have a God complex. But either way, people like me are the only risk of profit in this entire round. That was a little narcissistic. My opponents then tell you that this narrative is only going to be disbursed through and for elites. Why do we think that this isn't a problem? First, if elites are self-interested, they're still going to want to solve these problems. But second, we broadly think that elites are... Sorry, that elites have God complexes just like me, and that they want to be the hero of the narrative. I think broadly, if you told Elon Musk that he could save the entire world, he would fucking do it. Elites still want to be the center of these narratives, but like I said, hope is the linchpin in believing that that's possible. If these elites don't have hope, then there's no way that they can engage in this process. I also think broadly, it isn't likely that it's just going to be elite. My opponents ask you, who tells you these narratives and what are the narratives? They say that we're missing clarity on this. No, they do. I think we do this very clearly. We tell you that universities and research groups and your peers are going to disseminate these narratives to you. This looks like you have panels where you talk about how students can change the world, how to pick your major to maximize good in the world. This is like, instead of everybody on the white working for Bridgewater, maybe people do something good for the world. I think that broadly, people, specifically students are very susceptible to these narratives and they're clearly likely to exist on our side of the house, given the notion. Why is this unique to students? First, students have to believe that this has worked in the past in order for them to buy into it now. We think that uniquely college students are looking for role models. They don't know their place in life. They don't know where they fit in in the world. They're looking for people to structure their lives around. If you don't say that human intentionality and human decision has made these advancements then they don't have any role models who they can structure this around. They're not going to choose this kind of career. But also, we think that community is really important to students. We think that there's a critical mass that happens here where if you tell students that optimism is incredibly likely to work, that optimism is going to work, then people are going to take a chance on it in part because their peers are doing it too. So even if under their house there's like one crazy individual who thinks they can change the world, you don't get enough mass because you need lots of people believing that they can generate change in the world in order for this to work. I'll take opening. > At the top of MO, Matt points out that societal change delta in this debate is non-existent. Then your extension's impact is that there will be billions of dollars funded into research that would enable students to solve climate change. These two claims can't both be true. I think it is the case that one innovation is what it takes. So any marginal risk of convincing people to try to solve these problems is a positive delta, right? So I think that insofar as you guys set up the case that this is an existential threat, this is something that is going to wipe out humanity if we don't deal with it, then probably any risk of offense is good. I also tell you, Matt told you that this narrative isn't going to affect everyone, right? If you're already submitting your views, if you're already on a life path that is dictating certain choices for you, this narrative isn't going to be the tipping point, but I think it's a unique analysis that I don't think contradicts Matt at all for why students are likely to buy into this narrative. This isn't that broad of a scope, this is actually a pretty narrow scope. I'm telling you that wide-eyed, excited 20-year-olds, no thank you, are going to be the ones who are going to be particularly receptive to this narrative, because young people want to believe they can change the world, they're cognitively biased to do so because they want to think that they're important, and young people are the ones who are most likely to be shaped by this narrative. To be clear, I don't think billions of dollars of research funding needs to be the tipping point, I think students buying into this narrative is. Why is this the case? First, because it clearly compounds. I think that if you have lots of students who become academics who then continue to do this work, clearly there's a recursive effect here. You can generate grant funding, I also think that broadly you can convince people of your ideas, and even if it ends up being the case that you're shouting into the void, at least you have a small group of people who's doing something which, like I said, is the only risk of often in this round. I also think that there's something that Matt tells you that is probably winning the round separately, which is when he says that believing good things can be good for you even if they don't lead to concrete outcomes. This is to say that I think that broadly, even if it isn't the case that I change the world, my life is better for believing that I can. I think Matt gives you this analysis when he tells you that hope is cognitively important to people. I think broadly, even in the worst case scenario, where we don't have any risk of offense, I think that we're still winning on the idea that believing good things can be good for you. Insofar as it's got no compensation, I think it's pretty clear. How does this win the round? First, OG tells you first that these narratives are wrong. I think there's a tangential to the debate. It doesn't really matter if we've been undergoing continuous improvement, if believing that we have is going to change the world. They also tell you that this belief prevents change, but I think through our analysis we've shown you why that isn't the case. They also say there's no solutions within the status quo. Again, by raising people to believe that they can change the status quo, that they can innovate, that they can make substantial changes as an individual, this is going to be the claim. OO tells you that institutions enable this. We make it more specific. This is the winning argument in this debate. Thank you.
vencedor único bp_203 · This House Believes that developing countries should acquire, on the open ...
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Motion (tema debatido): This House Believes that developing countries should acquire, on the open market, large stakes in major publicly-traded global corporations (eg. Google, JP Morgan, Shell, and Pfizer).

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO,CO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=203, label gold.csv = "OO,CO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a superior structural clash throughout the debate, consistently identifying and exploiting the internal contradictions of the government's case regarding diversification versus control and the agency problem of corrupt governments. DEBATEDOR_A struggled to provide a coherent mechanism for how these investments would be managed without succumbing to the very corruption they claimed to avoid, ultimately failing to resolve the logical tension between their proposed strategy and the economic realities of sovereign wealth management.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentPublicly traded companies represent a world-changing force that will sweep across the developing world, displacing local industries and replacing jobs with automation. We think that it is only responsible and right that the governments of these developing countries demand some control over their fate and have the ability to exercise some control over exploitative corporate structures. What is our stance? Firstly, we think that developing countries acquire, on the open market, large shares in major publicly traded corporations like Google, GSK, and so on. Secondly, this can be done by sovereign wealth funds or other government investment organizations like trusts. The aim will be to have a reasonable number of voting shares in these large companies. We understand that not every single developing country will be able to acquire a majority stake, but we think that if a sufficiently large number of developing countries do so, they will often have common interests that will allow them to vote in favor of the developing world as a whole, and we think that this will be beneficial. Also, note that there are many developing countries with large sovereign wealth funds and with large financial ability to engage in these open market transactions. Note, for example, Brazil and India are great examples in this case. So, we think that in many cases, this is likely to be effective. We're going to put two arguments: firstly, about safeguarding financial and national security; secondly, about protecting the interests of developing countries from corporate and post-war exploitation. Firstly, on safeguarding financial security, note that it is highly likely that these stocks and securities are going to be stable and therefore represent a viable investment choice for these nations, particularly if they invest in a diverse portfolio. There are a number of reasons for this. Firstly, note that many of these are very large established companies with high market capitalizations and high trading volumes. These firms are likely to reveal reliable dividends for the next 10 to 20 years, especially since many of them work in both areas and in industries which are not likely to fail, like for example, Alphabet or Pfizer, which works in industries like technology and healthcare, which really will remain stable for at least the next 20 years. We also know that many of these investments have higher returns than foreign government bonds or other assets and commodities. Note that, for example, bond yields right now are basically zero, so they don't represent a comparable beneficial source of investment for many of these government sovereign wealth funds. Also, note that in terms of investment, the commodities most developing countries are already overexposed to risk from commodities trading. The reason for this is because often they rely heavily on agricultural exports, they rely on natural resources which are based on the basis of the economy. Often the economy is quite labor-intensive and as a consequence of this, they are already overexposed to many of these other commodities. As a consequence of that, we think that it's beneficial to invest in these companies. Also, note that many of the companies stated that we will trade that these companies that these developing countries will invest in are banks, which are often sponsored by First World Government because they are too big to fail. So, we think that many reasons why these represent stable investments that will continue to yield dividends in the long term and they represent a good investment for many of these developing countries. Critically, this is a comparative here. Where will this money be used otherwise by the governments of these developing countries? We put to you that we've already explained why most other asset classes are not stable investments for the governments of many of these developing countries, but we think that often what happens on the comparative is that investment in local companies or the buying off of political patrons is more likely to happen. Why is this harmful and why is this likely to happen? First of all, this is obviously harmful because it leads to a development trap where governments know or don't know which industries to bet on and they're able to justify this using some ambiguity, choosing inefficient industries or resorting to crony capitalism. While it is not clear that governments have, you know, like perfect 20/20 vision when it comes to betting on like global industries as a whole, we think that often the choices facing international markets are more stable and more predictable as opposed to choices within their own country where often they just default to crony capitalism and choosing the highest based on their political patrons. Also, note that, for example, this happens in many, many different countries, even those with relatively high levels of development. Note how Malaysia bet wrongly on its national airline and automaker, or Indonesia bet wrongly on many local industries, being that political leaders and investors have friends in these local industry groups. And also note that local industry has weaker oversight regimens. As a consequence of this, we think the comparative is often that you bet on inefficient local industries that are likely to fail and won't likely support your development in the long term. Also, note that it's easier to justify spending money on what is seen as a beneficial foreign investment, since most people in the country can agree that, for example, Alphabet is not likely to fail, so it's possible to siphon money off from funding local industries into funding that instead. This is something that's politically feasible that represents a path forward that is easy to justify to ordinary people in your country as compared to other types of investment, because we think that often when you're dealing with things like taxpayers' money, often justifying it to the public is very important. So, the ultimate end result of this is that we lock money into a security that pays dividends and cannot be sold in the short term. This is actually particularly important because note that in many of these countries, changes of government are highly likely to happen, and often the political climate is quite mercurial, which means that if we lock something into a stable investment that will yield reliable dividends, this money can't be siphoned off. This is a publicly traded company in a moment, so we are able to see how much money the government is investing in this company and hold the government to account for it, as opposed to an okay global process. I'll take closing. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Well, because we think that even if the US economy goes into recession, this will impact the economies of other developing countries and their local businesses as well, there's no comparatively better investment. Moreover, we don't think that the US economy going into recession will cause all US MNCs to have stock prices tank. We think that in the long term, this is still more stable than investing in local industries. Okay, so as a consequence, this money can't be siphoned away and therefore we prevent future governments from reneging on our economic policy. Secondly, about corporate exploitation, there are a number of mechanisms here. Note that MNCs have been instrumental in entrenching various types of abuse and exploitation in the developing world. For example, Shell forcing miners to use cocaine in Nigeria, Pfizer using monopoly prices on drugs that price poor people off the market and made them unable to afford these goods, and MNCs setting up highly polluted industries in the third world and dumping waste into rivers that flow downstream into developing countries. This is incredibly harmful. Why do we change this in the comparative? Firstly, because we have shareholder rights, so we have voting ability over these companies. Note that even if one individual country doesn't have power, we think that various large developing countries like Brazil have fairly large purchasing power in terms of shares, and moreover, these shares have certain common interests, like not dumping pollution down river. As a consequence of that, we think that we have the ability to change the behavior of these companies and increase the corporate social responsibility. Also, note that we can threaten to sell the stock and short the stock. As a consequence of this, we have more leverage over the bots of these first world corporations. But note that we also have control over first world countries right now, and perhaps this responds in part to that point of information. Note that these large companies spend a very large amount of money on lobbying the governments of the first world and funding political campaigns. On the comparative, therefore, having them beholden to us, or at least having some rights to, for example, drastically reduce the value of their stock by selling in the short term, actually threatens, or at least gives us some degree of parity in terms of bargaining power with the governments of many of these first world countries, which often are lobbied by many of these companies and also in themselves hold stock in many of these companies. So, moreover, we know that many of these companies are seen as a matter of national prestige for countries like the USA, and as a consequence of that, the success or failure is actually highly contingent on how these companies perform. We at least restore a degree of parity in a manner otherwise would not be possible between the developed and developing world. We're proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThere are two massive contradictions in the PM's case. Contradiction the first. On the one hand they say they're buying enormous shares in companies worth hundreds of billions of dollars which is why they're capable of influencing corporate behavior. On the second hand they're also going to be totally diversified. The way to get diversification is to buy large numbers of unguarded companies not one not two not even five or ten. They cannot possibly get large voting shares in a hundred billion dollar companies and be diversified. They have to pick undiversification. Secondly they make a second contradiction when they say governments make terrible decisions in picking companies in order to address them but also they're gonna be picking amazing foreign companies. To be clear projecting foreign corporate growth is also as difficult as projecting domestic corporate growth. It might even be more difficult because you don't have core competencies in projecting what are the kind of growth opportunities in that company. Goldman Sachs and other institutional investors get that kind of investment wrong all the time. They cannot possibly say they're terrible at picking domestic choices and that they're going to be living on investment gods at picking foreign ones. Their case is riddled with contradictions. They're out of the ramp. Why do we think this is the absolute money loser and terribly for undermining development? Three mechanisms for this. Firstly it's going to be enormously expensive to buy these shares. The value of a stock is the discounted present value of future dividends. That is if they are going to issue dividends back to shareholders that say $100 it is reduced over time say $100 worth today is worth more is worth more than say $100 tomorrow so they discount that over the future. Here's the thing. Massive blue chip companies are least likely to be companies that are underpriced because they have enormous amounts of attention based on them and like Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, and Bridgewater, an opening government well-known, spends enormous amount of attention looking at these kinds of things. Which means it is very unlikely that they're going to be finding this massive inefficiency of the market that all of Wall Street and the Wall Streets of other countries haven't noticed. This means in order to get any of these benefits they're literally paying $100 back in discounted present value. It's going to cost them $20 billion to maybe be able to influence Google, which should be clear, not super sure how Google is oppressing like Nigeria or Malaysia or any of these other countries. But secondly, they're very likely to undermine the governance of these countries for three reasons. One, there's political incentives to extract wealth in the countries. For example, they might demand dividends back to shareholders in times of economic growth that require fire selling assets because they desperately need money before an election campaign to spend on things. To be clear, they even concede this when they say we're going to be massively changing corporate practices to affect things. Other shareholders are aware that they're only buying this company to change their corporate practices. So what do they do? They fire sell the stock. Oh, it suddenly seems that Malaysia wants to buy this company in order to stop them from engaging in certain practices? Yeah, sell, sell, sell. So as soon as they buy at $100 a stock, the stock value falls to $50. What do you do? You just lit your money on fire and lost it all overnight. But the fact is, they concede that on the Prime Minister when they say they're a massively changing corporate practice. They cannot have their cake and eat it too. In order to get $100 worth of value, they're going to have to spend $200. But thirdly, these companies have certainly become too big to fail and demand to fail. This is when they say you have influence over these companies. They have influence over you because you just spent $20 billion of developing control of your money that you don't have large amounts of to get it. Here's the thing, the bank owes you $1,000, the bank owes you. The bank owes you $10 billion. You own the bank, they cannot afford you to fail, which means you are very likely if there's ever a downfall or anything else in the company, you are going to be spending in a shit ton of money in order to bail it out. Why is this a problem? One, you're going to piss off the population. Even honestly, if it wasn't that expensive, you're going to piss them off. They say it's really easy to justify. Everyone knows Google. That's going to make it even harder because one, it's seen as foreign. It is seen as a giveaway to something everyone knows is extraordinarily wealthy. If someone says, I'm gonna spend my government money $20 billion to buy a stake of Google, I'm gonna see what a vanity project for my politician is. Fuck those guys, I'm going to vote them out of office. Secondly, this is losing enormous amount of money for other internal improvements. We want to characterize a lot of these nations as some of them are cash strapped generally and need money for debt servicing, infrastructure, etc. But even those that have generally fine on cash are cash strapped during kinds of crises. But now their money is locked up in Google, it's locked up in Pfizer, and they cannot access it to engage in the kind of stimulus measures necessary to get a financial crisis. This is a god awful idea. Next, why is this extraordinarily risky? This is directly responsible here from the Prime Minister. One, blue chip companies are highly correlated with the market, particularly the kind of market set of contagion effect. That is, they're correlated with the domestic market. So yeah, not every MNC is going to go into deep red during recessions, but most of them probably are. That is what a recession is, and you're very unlikely to be magically picking the one that isn't. In particular, if you want to invest, invest in assets uncorrelated with the market. In particular, as CG correctly pointed out, the US might turn into recession. The EU hasn't topped 1% growth in god knows how long. This is very likely to be correlated with the market. Why does this matter? Because it means when you need the money the most, and you need the cash during, say, a recession, this is when you're least likely to have the cash and dividends, because those companies are struggling. But secondly, as I alluded before, they're totally undiversified. They cannot buy hundreds of different companies and have major owner stakes over them. They get one and not the other. What you did, you put all your eggs in one basket. This means that during a downturn, you have no money. This is when you need the money the most. What is the third argument? There are so many alternatives if you want to do so, we're going to weaponize the same political capital. If you want investment and get countries to invest in you, you have clear courts, you can have property rights, you can have relatively consistent regulatory enforcement, and non-competition taxation. This is the development track that Malaysia has used successfully, South Korea has used successfully, etc. Secondly, we would prefer to spend the money on infrastructure. They have to spend $100 to get $100 in value. We can spend $100 to get $400 in value by connecting a road to a village, and now that village can sell goods on the market and lift themselves out of poverty way more efficiently. Thirdly, if you have to invest in a sovereign wealth fund, and some countries like Malaysia have made a legitimate choice to do so, invest in things that are uncorrelated with the market and highly diversified. This is why sovereign wealth funds like those, say Norway, invest in things like timber, or I don't know, really low-fee index funds, which have incredibly great growth rates and are so diversified that they're very high returns. They say, oh, you're likely to spend this money poorly. We've got to weaponize the same political capital that they do. Presumably, sovereign wealth funds are capable of investing in the next five to 30 enormously large numbers of them to do so. There's not enough for them to say, well, we can invest in these things and get some money. They have to prove why it's actually a meaningfully good alternative. Finally, we think they're going to undermine development of domestic firms. Recognize, based on the argument that this corporation is influenced over view, other companies who are potentially going to compete with, say Pfizer, recognize that the company is likely to give privileges to the company that they own 20% share of. What does that mean? It's impossible to own your own domestic company or start that up. Why is that good? Because they actually give all of their profits back to people, they're willing to be employing local people, and they develop core best practices and expertise. Because you're out of time, this means that you're very unlikely to get meaningful domestic funds. Finally, some reputation. They say you're going to prevent exploitation of the rich countries. One, this is likely to piss off the rich countries even more, who now feel that they're being threatened. This is why we have laws like CIF and the United States and EU which restrict the voting ability on corporate boards of foreigners, specifically in firms that are broadly and very generously defined to be related to national security. These are all reasons to suggest, if anything, the influence over rich companies is going to make them jealously protective of those companies that feel unlikely to give you anything of meaning. There are so many great things that sovereign wealth funds have done successfully in places like, say, Malaysia. This is not one of them. Strongly opposed.
OG · GovernmentThe problem with side-opening opposition's arguments about, well, we could just use the political capital to invest in other things, is that there really isn't political capital in developing countries to do this right now. The reason there is no political capital to do this is because it is such a thing that would take the money away from the reach of corruption, away from the reach of people who would invest it badly in cronyist, and give it to companies that are stable and effective and non-corrupt investments. We are very happy that this motion says that it believes that it would be good if developing countries did this, because it would be great for them. But the comparative realistically, as Arthur gives you many arguments in favor of, is that this money is likely to be stolen, this money is likely to be invested into cronyist companies in the internal stock market, this money is likely to be used extremely ineffectively. First, I'm going to do some rebuttal, then I'm going to talk about political capital regulation and why that's much more important. Then finally, I'm going to talk about its quality as an investment and why that's less important, but still why it's a better investment. On rebuttal, they say that there's a question of how much you buy and it would be too expensive to buy a large amount. Notice that I gave in our model saying that these developing countries should each buy a small percentage of each company and developing countries could work together in order to exert their influence. They have a shared interest in doing this because they all have the interest of stopping these companies from destroying the developing world and therefore they can all vote together as shareholders as a block. Secondly, notice that you do not need to own a large percentage of the company in order to be an impactful shareholder. You need to be able to do things in investor meetings and bring up your issues as a shareholder, but also even if you sold a small percentage of the company, selling it very quickly means that you can exert a lot of power over the company. It's not like you need to own 10 or 20% of the company. You can own 1% or a fraction of that and still have a lot of power there. Finally, they don't respond to Arthur's arguments about corruption and why this money is likely to be invested badly. Notice that if you're investing in tech, for instance, that's a very different correlation with your local industry, which means that's not a really good thing. Then on the other, rebuttal, which is like they claim that they're better investing in local companies. Maybe they know more about local companies, but they can't invest well in them because they're very corrupt locally. For instance, the structural mechanisms for this are like when you're in local government and you're deciding whether to invest in it, you probably went to school with and or know the people who are running the major companies of your local stock market. So you're probably going to invest in these terrible companies because you know them and therefore want to help your friends do well. Or you're probably also, in these cases, many of these local companies are very, very connected with the government in these countries, which means that they're likely to invest them extremely badly in these local areas. Then also notice that the government performance is already highly correlated with the local companies. We think it's way better for them to invest in international companies. The other things that they talk about, like international timber, have the same problems in terms of lack of expertise that they try and talk about. But also notice that it's much harder to invest in international timber or that kind of thing than just invest in large companies. Also, there's no political capital to do this in the Senate's Court. That's why it's great under our side of the House. On regulation under our side, under the Senate's Court, we have no ability to regulate these companies for a number of structural reasons. Firstly, Western governments have the incentives and the control over these developing countries. They can exert this control through things like the IMF, through things like the existence of loans, but also just through their militaries and their active ability to exclude these companies from international markets in terms of trade, all of that kind of thing. Secondly, these large international companies are really powerful. They have hundreds of billions of dollars, therefore it's hard to influence them. Thirdly, they are distanced from local companies and therefore they can control these local companies. Notice that it doesn't matter so much to these local companies' profit margins to stop exploiting within these countries, given that about $1 of your iPhone's cost comes from the very low wages that it charges, and Apple takes 50% of the cost in profit. It doesn't really matter that much to their profit margins if you can take away this tiny cost. So it's still a way better investment than we're investing in other industries, while you can actually exert this influence to a great gain for these countries. Why do these countries have the incentive to use them? Because people in these countries can directly blame the government now. But also people in these countries are really, really angry at the point when these companies are massively jacking up drug prices and stop maintaining that everyone in these countries cannot actually pay for the drugs that they want. I think the government does want to end the exploitation of their financial institutions by banks like JPMorgan. They do want to end the fact that millions of people in their country cannot afford medicine because Pfizer is deciding to do monopoly pricing. They also do want to end the fact that Shell is exploiting their natural resources terribly, and the U.S. government is stopping them from doing that much about it. The only way to end this kind of thing is going actively to the companies to stop that. Analysis from after that was unresponded to, except to say that Google is not so important. Google is not really doing all that exploitation. Well, the massive companies are exploiting them to a very, very large extent. If you want to quibble with one example, that's fine. I think there's a shared interest between developing countries to stop this, because otherwise developing countries feel like they will be picked off one at a time. Why is this so impactful and so important? I think it is more important than how much money the sovereign wealth fund makes, whether the people in your country have medicine and whether you can stop that from actually being the case. Or whether the people in your country are not exploited by large international banks. Or whether the people in your country have no exploitative labor conditions because these large industries are deciding to try and squeeze out the maximum amount of profit by just making the conditions in factories absolutely terrible. I think that's way more important than 1% of returns for your stock market. Then they say that other investors will fire-sell this, so it will be a bad thing. This means that these countries can even just threaten to own states in this in order to control the companies, and therefore it will be terrible for companies, which means that these companies have the incentive not to do terrible things for these countries at the point when their people invest. Their fire-selling mechanism is a mechanism for our side because it strengthens the ability that we have to control these countries. Then they say that there will be popular anger within these countries. This is patently false given that these people in these countries love to end high drug prices as well. They also want to destroy the destruction of their local environment, etc. Then finally they say, oh, piss off rich countries. I think the rich countries also like their local stock markets getting invested in, but also they're just like, if we have power within their markets, then we can actually control these countries to the extent of selling them. It doesn't matter whether we piss them off a little bit given that they already want to destroy these countries. Yes, I'll take closing. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Because I already preempted that by making the argument that the amount of profit that these companies make is already egregious, so it's a tiny proportion of the profit, the changes that they otherwise would have, but also because they know that they would not have enough votes, or they would not have enough help without help from all the other developing countries all over that would otherwise be helping sell in this mechanism. I think also at the very worst, if we stop India from having exploitative drug prices, that's great on the outside of the house. On its quality as an investment, Arthur says it gives you many reasons that they don't respond to in terms of diversification, protection from crony capitalism, protection from direct ceiling. Also notice that the sovereign wealth of many countries is not great. It's great for them to invest in a very stable thing, but also notice that there's an additional mechanism which is that these countries need dollar cash flows because they borrow in dollars. So for instance, they need dividends to be paid in dollars because they can't borrow in their local currency, which is not traded that much, unless they pay very egregious risk premiums for borrowing in that local currency, which means that they need dollars to service that debt, and especially when in times of crisis, it's really, really important for them to have flows in dollars, otherwise they cannot pay that with local tax revenues. This mitigates the worst crises of these countries, I'm proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThere are two burdens that opening government had to meet to win front half, they did neither. First, they had to prove that this investment will instantly send your economy careening into the toilet, and second of all, they had to prove that even if there are some benefits, if they're not outweighed by the alternative things you could do with your money, I think Will has proven why they feel to meet both of those burdens. So first, the part of what we give you that's severely under-covered, whether this will just send your economy into the toilet. Will tells you three things. First of all, they say that it's really stable and these companies are doing really well, but I think they never engage with the structural analysis Will gives me, which is first, these things are really expensive without a lot of expected payoff out of it. The present value, future value thing is just a fact to finance. That is, these companies probably aren't particularly under-valued compared to other things you could invest in. You're probably not getting a lot of money out. They tell you that, ah, but it's really important for them to get their dividends in dollars. Countries get their dividends in dollars all the time by investing in U.S. treasuries, unclear why they have to invest in companies instead. But I think what they don't really engage with is the thing about undermining governance. Our mechanism here was really simple. If you believe the bulk of their argumentation, that you are buying this in order to be effective at changing corporate practices, to the extent that that is true, other investors will notice this and flee instantly, because you are changing their corporate practices in a way that reduces your own profits, but also everyone else's profits as well. So to the extent that they are successful in gaining benefits and stopping exploitation, they're also losing all of their money and sending their economy into the toilet and making it so when there is a recession, they have no dividends to rely on because of this. Their only response is that, ah, but now you'll just threaten to buy up the additional shares. So first of all, investors just probably won't sell to you if you're just going to tank the stock even worse. I think it's pretty reasonable that the company can just tell investors not to sell to you. But also, I just want to point out, they say, ah, but by threatening to sell and buy, you have a lot of power over the company. Note that, as Will tells you, the company also has a lot of power over you because these companies have a ton of say over your economy because now you're massively over-leveraged, investing in these companies that are way too expensive for you. But I think they also know that the power that the company has over you, as the leader of this government, is way more than the power that your government has over them. First of all, for exactly the mechanism that they lay out, that you are presumably acting as a bunch of all different countries, which, first of all, have different interests. Malaysia and Uganda probably don't have the same interests. They have different political and economic cycles. But also, the company can just pick you off one by one. That is, maybe you aren't actually effective in threatening them because the company can just bribe one of the countries to pick off their vote and screw over all the other countries. So to the extent that there's a collective action problem, that in order to make any progress and make any of your threats be credible, all the countries have to remain together, it's probably pretty unlikely that that would ever be the case and the company would probably just pick you off one by one. So don't think they've ever proved this. But they also don't engage in what Will tells you about how you really piss people off. Note that this is also an economic impact that cost your economy because if now people are rising up in protest because you spent all the money that should have gone towards schools or roads towards buying Pfizer, which, as they tell you, is actively oppressing you so you probably really hate them to the extent that this is true and you're sending all your money overseas to this company that they say is oppressing you, people are probably going to be really pissed off. It is seen as foreign. It is seen as a vanity project for the politician and there are a lot of other things you could do with that money. I think it's proven to you that as soon as you do this, you might as well be lighting your money on fire. But second, even if you buy the bulk of their argumentation that there are some benefits, why is the comparative preferable? First, on what the comparative actually is. Opening government, I can't believe I have to explain this in world's quarter finals, they get to define their own model, but we have an equal amount of counter-fiat power to define our own model. To the extent that they say, we're going to use X amount of capital or X amount of political capital, which would presumably be a lot because the people in this country hate these companies, we can say we'll just invest that money elsewhere. We're not saying, as they misunderstand and strawman our argument, we're not saying put the money in domestic firms. Rather, we give you a bunch of other options. Actually invest in a diversified group where your only power isn't in the actions of other countries as well. Or you can invest in infrastructure, which unlike stocks that are priced appropriately, actually have a massive growth multiplier. If you spend $100 on some stock, you expect to get $100 back in the future. But these developing countries are exactly the sorts that have infrastructure projects still that haven't been done that have a ton of money available. I also want to point out that they say these countries are really corrupt. But first of all, even corrupt governments can do infrastructure projects. Maybe a little money gets stolen, but the road still gets built. So given there's a massive growth multiplier, it's still probably beneficial for you. But also we tell you if dollars are so important to you, just buy US treasuries instead. Closing. > POI: Infrastructure is also a very long-term investment. You try to get it by investing in it, and if you get it by investing in drugs, you could definitely invest in it. Look, there's a comparative. I think at least if you're investing in infrastructure, you have a lot more control, and that that infrastructure is at least producing a better benefit at the end. On your side, first of all, stability and long-term investment is one of the things that opening governments said is so good about their case. It's unclear to me if you plan on knifing them in your extension. But second, it's a comparative. To the extent that your money is locked up in a long-term investment, we'd rather it be one that actually pays off in the end and gives you some control over the things that your money is done with. Third major benefit that we got from opening governments is that you stop exploitation. So I want to point out again this internal tension. If this exploitation is actually happening to you, it is probably not the case that it's going to be super easy or super politically palatable for you to spend your money on these stocks in the first place. I'd also want to point out that if the governments they're talking about are so fucking corrupt, these governments probably won't pressure the corporations to do things that are beneficial for the people, like lowering drug prices, but probably do things that lead to kickbacks for the elite and don't actually benefit the countries anyways. I also want to point out once more that it's really strange credulity to imagine a world in which all of these developing countries, all 150 of them, buy tiny little shares in a bunch of diversified small countries because of the collective action problem that we point out. That is to say, it's probably the case that they can't enforce their will on this company because any one of them could immediately get picked off. But I also want to say that why can't you just regulate away the exploitation if it is in fact so important to you? Why do you have to do it in a way that screws up your profits and can get instantly screwed over by any other country in that cohort you're working with screwing you over? Every country in the world basically, except for the United States, has a price cap on pharmaceuticals, unclear why this is not a reasonable solution for your problem. I also want to point out that the reason a lot of countries are buying this exploitation is because they believe that it economically benefits their own countries. You probably don't want to get rid of it at the cost of even more profit for you. I think at the end of the round, that's the way you have to do. First, instantly, does this screw over your economy or send people rising up in a protest in a way that leads to violence that probably gets a lot of people killed, but also screws up your economy as well. But even if it does do some benefits, there are much better places to put it without crowding out the sort of domestic investment that could actually benefit your economy in the long run. That's the part of Wool's extension that went untouched. Proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentWe've two things forming closing government. One is respond to both of the burdens OO put on OG, because I think they are quite correct in pointing out that they were not truly fulfilled. Secondly, we're going to go further than OG in showing how the power of control really functions, mechanize that. That's also going to be a lot of answers to OO in there. So, rebuttal is integrated. Let's deal with OO. The first thing they say is, you cannot opt for diversification, right? Because you don't have enough money. We don't say the goal of developing countries here is to gain a share in the world market of multinational corporations. There's usually one corporation which is specifically important to your country based on your geographical location and the one resource you have. So, if you are Nigeria, it's probably going to be Shell. If you are Zambia, it's probably a copper extraction company, right? Given the geological diversity, countries are likely to strategically opt for controlling one of these companies in particular. We do not see why it would be prudent for them to try to control more of them. Secondly, on the idea of what happens to stocks when they are bought. When these stocks are bought and people see that countries are doing this, they're going to massively sell stocks and dividends are going to fall. Three responses to this. One, they probably won't do this, right? Because these people have advisors. They have risk assessment and stuff like this. And they know it's incredibly stupid. Because when everyone starts selling their stocks, then the value of stocks falls for everyone. This means that by selling, you are being part of a process where the value of stocks is generally falling, right? So, it's generally more profitable for you to hold onto the stock than to sell the stock because you know that if you do, you're generally bringing the price of the stock down. But secondly, let me say, even if that happens, we say the amount of control rises, right? So, we don't say that dividend is necessarily the comparative in this debate. The comparative in this debate can be the control of the company. So, if more shareholders sell their stocks, this means the country has a greater share of those stocks, which unmechanize a lot of OO, which says you're not able to get enough of those stocks. So, on OO's side, and note, a lot of their case is premised on these countries being capable enough to make the investments and measures and choices necessary for them to survive. So, these countries are capable to do that. Even if their dividend falls, they have a higher share in the company, which means they can control more of the company's policy and use a lot of the company's money making infrastructure, which is internationally developed, which still exists, right? So, that is the comparative. Thirdly, on their idea that other investors are going to leave and you won't have dividends or FDI at the point where you see a country doing this, they won't because, as you said in your case and at their premise, countries are going to spend a lot of their resources on buying off the shares of one company. Other companies know that the country probably cannot buy off their shares as well, which means that their stocks and their infrastructure in the country is more safe. Then, when you talk about these measures and alternatives, first of all, you see very often countries are incapable of implementing these measures. So, even if they have the money, very often they end up doing things such as pumping incredible amounts of money into one industry and then unintentionally appreciating their currency, leading to stuff like the Dutch disease, leading to their exports being less profitable. We've seen Angola a couple of years ago invest a huge amount of money in urbanizing like areas of their cities and building skyscrapers without realizing that people don't have the purchasing power to buy apartments in those skyscrapers. But, even if the countries are capable, we should very often lock out of the measures that are necessary because of external conditions imposed for bailout packages, imposed for foreign aid by institutions like the IMF and the WTO. This means that nationalization, appreciating or depreciating your currency based on watching you at that point, imposing tariffs, the mechanisms you need for the money for the measures that opening opposition wants, you are locked out of them because your existence depends on you not implementing these measures. This answers their first burden about the economy going down the drain because even if their measures are feasible and are rational, countries cannot do them in the status quo. What is the status quo? Corporations get into these countries. They buy up huge shares of the local market in these resources that are strategically important to countries. This means at that point, they can threaten to leave the country with their capital, with their infrastructure. The country is then between a rock and a hard place because A, it either can't regulate, not just because of the IMF mechanism I gave you, but also because the state captured by these companies, the money that they have, the fact that they are the most profitable industry in the fucking country, the fact that they can lobby, the fact that they can pay off government officials, which is a mechanism all of themselves mentioned, means that the company is deciding where infrastructure is going to be built. The company is deciding how much you're going to tax. The company is deciding how much tariffs you're going to impose, meaning that you don't have control over mechanisms of getting the money that you need for the alternatives that they mentioned on their side of the house. At that point, your only way to gain control is to be able to influence the policy of the company because even if you are able to regulate, and you do regulate, despite the conditions of the IMF and the WTO and the Western countries, then you are painted as a big state dictator, then your political risk assessment goes down, your credit rating goes down, you will not get loans because you're a big regulator, and investors are not sure when you're going to regulate, when you're going to nationalize, and stuff like this. So companies do not have a choice in the status quo. What are the responses we get? From the CO, we get the idea of, but what happens if we have a recession? A U.S. recession happened in 2008. These companies did not go bankrupt for a number of reasons. One, they can still get loans on the global financial market. Two, they have assets they can sell. Three, they're the most likely to get bailed out. Four, they have contingency funds for these sort of situations, so they're not likely to fail, and this also answers to if they want countries to engage in the financial market as alternatives, this also answers like four reasons OG doesn't give you as to why these are the most profitable and stable investments. What we get from OO then is, ah, backlash. Look, backlash doesn't happen these days. So you have corrupt regimes fighting civil wars, pumping money into their relatives, not building roads, people don't have food, people don't have water, people don't have medicine, but now, when they start imposing this policy, ah, that's the tipping point. That's going to bring them over the edge. Come on. Before I move on to extending, yeah. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) In this case, in this scenario, you are following the market mechanism, you're engaging on the free market, you're buying off stocks, this is not the same thing as imposing a law which nationalizes a company. But a second answer to you, even if it's diversified, right, and a single company can have a bigger share, we say that developing countries are likely to cartelize, but OO doesn't really give you a mechanism on this, because it's not just common interest. We agree with how Malaysia and Uganda don't have common interest, but they said there are political mechanisms in place in specific regions which enforce this common interest, right, things such as the African Union. So countries have common interests in specific regions, and investors know that there is a political mechanism, a political body which can specifically be used as a forum to create this policy. Now, given that shareholders do not want to sell their shares, because they want to hold on to them, they know these are profitable companies, and they want to have these long-term investments, they're more likely to act preemptively, right, to give higher wages, to follow some environmental regulations, because they don't want to antagonize an entire political body of countries which has shown to be homogenous in the past. But there are other benefits here. One is companies need to give quarterly and monthly reports to their shareholders, right. So this means that you're more likely to see the flow of money within the corporation. This means if you bring a lawsuit against the corporation in an arbitration within an FDA or something like that, you have more evidence to prove they screwed you over. If the people of Nigeria, as they have, bring a lawsuit against Shell, then this means that they also have more info to bring their case to court. But finally, companies are required to give out plans to their shareholders. So you have more information on the individual level as to what the company is going to do within your country, which means that within all those framework countries have the capacity to react. You have more information upon which to react. This means the closing government should be through in this debate. Thank you.
CO · OppositionWe're closing our session with three things in this debate. We'll first of all quickly finish this idea of economic development and why this is not a good model for doing that. Secondly, we will look specifically at the competitive interest that this creates and why that is particularly harmful and actually sets back all of those benefits of economic development that our European government tries to get in this debate. Finally, we'll look at the democratic impact that this has on a lot of these countries and why that is problematic. Most of the rebuttal is integrated. Just finally, a little bit of extension we got right at the end there about being able to see the reports and the money that these companies have. Publicly listed companies have to present those reports to everyone. Those are publicly available for all investors. Therefore, everyone can see those already. That is fine. We know what they are doing. That's not a particularly huge benefit. So we can move on to that. Let's go to the economic development. So first of all, let's go through why this dependence and this debt is bad. So first and foremost, because as we say, many of these countries will need to go into debt, are already in debt and need to pay off that debt and that the interest rates on that is going to be lower than the short-term dividends that they are getting back from the money that they are getting in these stocks. So that means they are actually going further and further into debt as a result of this, which as they concede to the government, they've already got a bad enough debt rating and that is going to be particularly problematic for them and for somebody in a worse position. It makes it harder for them to get the money they need. But especially in the case of a financial crisis, what do we get from closing government in response to this though? They say, well, some of these companies didn't go bust in the GFC. If you think of this, one of their mechanisms was bailouts. We think that there is less incentive for the US government to bail out to a company that is mostly propping up a foreign country. So we think this is going to be one of the first ones that is actually cut and is allowed to fail on their side of the house, which means you've exposed yourself, but you do not get those protections. Secondly, we heard there is an eventual recovery. But if, as opening government says, we are so dependent on this investment income that comes from the dividends, that is still a long time that we have a large amount of money that we could have had before not coming back in the door. So we think that that is problematic. But also in that short-term, when someone is evaluating our risk rating for getting further credit, which we might need for the cash that is required for something like a stimulus package, and they think that the majority of our government's extra money is currently locked up in shares that they're not sure the companies are necessarily going to recover from, that hurts the interest rates that we are going to get in those places as well, which means that also we aren't able to do the effective stimulus to get us out of those sorts of things. So given that they are so exposed, this makes them more exposed, and means that they are unable to get out of that in any meaningful way. Let's now move to the conflict of interest. So first of all, this debate about regulation, because the problem for opening government in this debate is they wanted to both get huge economic development but also massive regulation. The problem is massive regulation is massively uncompetitive and therefore hurts the economic benefits that we get there, so we do not think that they would be able to do that. But it gives them a conflict of interest on that front. We think that this stops them from doing a lot of the things they may have done legislatively. What do we get preemptively from opening government first on this? We say that we can't do it in the status quo because of the US and the IMF, and we get from closing government that we will lose the company in the status quo if we do these sorts of things. All of those same harms exist on both sides and do not change by any meaningful way. On the one of a company leaving the closing government gives us, we probably don't have the power by opening government's model of holding 3% by every single developing country in each company. We don't see why Nicaragua cares about a company leaving from Nigeria or something like that. So they're not going to have the ability to stop that same thing from happening that is symmetrical therefore on both sides. On the US and the IMF, this just shows how dangerous this model is, because now those countries also know that you are in charge of major companies in their economy, which means they've got more incentive to exert that exact influence over you and stop you from doing that sort of regulation, but also now you have the added harm that you would also be tanking your own economy. Next let's talk about competition and basic needs though in this conflict of interest, because this is a big one that has been entirely untouched in this debate, is that a lot of these companies are also providers into a lot of these countries, and this changes the efficiency of a lot of very essential services. A very simple example of this is the healthcare system, given that a lot of the debate has been about things, in fact every government talks about trying to get cheaper drugs into the healthcare system. The problem is that now you aren't necessarily choosing the cheapest drug into your healthcare system, because if you are an investor in a certain company, you are likely to choose that one because that immediately gets flowbacks to you, so you will do that even if it is not the cheapest one and the most efficient one for your system. But secondly, as we've already seen in the behaviour of drug companies, there are a whole lot of competitions between things like actually providing vaccines versus providing cures. If you own Pfizer and they have a whole lot of cures and treatments for something, but they also have the vaccine, you may not put the vaccine into your country, because doing that might take out a huge market for one of the major drugs that your company sells. Given that we already know these drug companies by open government's concession are doing this, now we make these governments also in that and either have to choose to destroy their economy or destroy their healthcare system and the various other systems that are reliant on these sorts of services. Before I move on to the democratic impacts of this, I'm having to take POI from closing. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) So that assumes they will spend it stupidly, and we've given you lots of reasons why we could still spend it in other ways that are better than the status quo, but not this model, which is worse than the status quo. But the other thing is, they probably have less faith in that as a result of this, because the extra mechanism we give, which is now that company is unlikely to get a bailout compared to all the other big drug companies there that are not foreign owned by all these other countries. So therefore, that mechanism may have worked in the last GSE, but it wouldn't work once you enact this model. Let's move on to the democratic impact of this. And first of all, we'll wade into the debate on corruption. So we think that the corruption gets worse on their side because companies are still able to bribe those board reps to get the votes that they want to do these sorts of things. And so far as they can do that at the moment, we think it becomes less transparent and harder to see. But also because, even if this works, this centralises control in a huge way, unlike all the other forms of development and investment that we could do in this case. Because if we take all of these large amounts of money that are in these sovereign wealth funds according to open government, all that we're just going to have to borrow from various other governments around the world, then we put them into something that just pays more dividends back into that government, and it becomes cyclical there and keeps that government money concentrated there. Other forms of development that our side supports in this debate make those capital expenses go into the economy of that country and takes it decentralised from that government, which gives them this ability to immediately take the profits and continue to engage in these sorts of corruption that exist there. It undermines the inequality that tends to come from these sorts of things by them being able to engage in the cronyism. Insofar as opening government wants to say that all these governments are already corrupt and that's why we need this, the worst thing we can do is give them a giant share portfolio that they are the only ones that they have control over and visibility over as well. The last thing that we'd add on this is the other reason why this is anti-democratic is that it gives a massive apparatus for state control in the worst places as well. We do not want corrupt governments owning a large share in Google and choosing things like how Google uses its search algorithms and presents news to people because that is the exact sort of thing that they do at the moment who try and stop any sort of protest or any sort of opposition to their regime. The problem is that now they can allow people to access Google, they don't have to shut down the internet which often gets huge backlash, but they can still control what everyone gets there, they shut down the information. This doesn't get any economic development, it sets it back and it sets back democracy. We oppose.
CG · GovernmentViewpoints on closing opposition and then straight into that. Two things. First of all, closing opposition says that we're going to choose to take subpar products which are horrible for our people, but they're going to destroy the company. Notice one thing. The MNCs we're talking about have billions and billions and billions of dollars in profits and even if we force them to take a price that is 10% cheaper, the impact in the end for this specific company is absolutely zero. They're going to lose 1% of the profit, but this means nothing to them. Therefore, we do not have a risk of destroying our entire economy when we do this. What we do is we will likely prioritize our own people, therefore get a bit cheaper medicine. Second point on the idea of centralized control. We say that local politicians are much more often corrupt. They're much more often the ones who do something worse for their people. There are multiple reasons for this. It's easier for you as a local and a regional strong person to control this because you know the people in your local community. You can much easier bribe them off than someone in a centralized government that needs to bribe the entire state. Therefore, it's much harder for you. What does this mean? This means that centralized control is more often something that you want as a state. You want this centralized government to actually be able to impose certain measures to not lose the money to corruption and therefore fight this corruption. This means that the investment, if it is much more centralized, is much better for you as a state. First of all, on the idea of your framework, and this is something that Tim tells you. What this looks like. This looks like you actually being able to name the board members, to name the people who are going to make the decisions, or to name the supervisory board. This is what Tim talks about in his last minutes of speech, so please do not dismiss it outright. This means that you know what's happening. Even if you have these reports, you have people who you can nominate into this, who are the ones who can then tell you when these abuses happen. And this is what Tim tells you when he explicitly says, now you can name the board members. In this we see that you have a lot more information as a state. Okay, few things in this speech. And this is directly enabling the government case to actually function. Without this analysis, the entire government bench falls. First of all, will the investors absolutely run? And what's going to happen if they run? We say, first of all, these companies have such huge profit margins, that even if these countries achieve everything they want, it's unlikely for other investments to flee. Because they see that there is still an opportunity for huge profit in the long run. Therefore, they're unlikely to do this. Second of all, what we say, even if they leave, this is good for our case, but highly unlikely. So if they leave, this means that we can buy even more of these companies, we can take even more control. But notice, companies do not make profit based on their dividend, based on their stock share. They make it based on the things they produce and the things they sell. This means that even if your stock share is very low, you can still produce the same thing because your factories exist, your companies still exist, and therefore this means that these countries will get even more profit in the long run if this happens, because they can buy more shares, get more profit, get more dividends, and get more control. This means that if this happens, absolutely great for us. Second. They say the comparative for both teams is in turn wealth investment. OG says, oh, but there is bribery, there is corruption. They never actually explain how proficient, how huge of an issue this is, and how this specifically works. What we say, when you have local plans, you first of all need to bribe local politicians to actually accept this policy. You need to push it through. This means that you as the central government need to spend money on actually pushing your policies through. Second of all, when you assign it to local areas, then these local areas and their powerful people in them assign this to their own companies, their own henchmen. This means that the cost of the product is often 10 or 20 times higher than it is because they can simply force the money more and more. This means that you lose a lot of money in the process. This is money you can never lose if you invest into the MNC. Because you simply put this money into the MNC, then you get the dividends back. You cannot lose it on corruption, which means that in the end you have a lot more. Second of all, people want stupid projects. That's very simple, because people only see their immediate needs. I need a hospital right here, regardless if this is a town of 2,000 people. I want my hospital, regardless if it's profitable in the end. So what does this mean? This means that the specific project I will vote for and the specific project I will get is not something which is ever going to help my country as a whole. My politicians are going to vote it in, and then we're not going to do anything else. This is what Tim talks about when he talks about Angola and the investments they make. This is a specific new way in which this happens. Okay. Yes. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) So if what you say in the investors run is true, I'm going to be able to buy it much more cheaper later on, and then I'm going to be able to get even more profits. So if everything they say is true about investors running, our case is much stronger. Because then I later on get to buy it more cheaply, and therefore get a lot more dividends in return. One more point of response to OG and the money being tied up. Infrastructure projects take 10 to 20 to 30 years to actually finish, to build a highway, to build a full port system for your country. This is the time you have your money tied up and you get zero returns at all. When you have dividends, you at least get it every single year back. This is not a huge sum which you do not continuously get back. And notice the infrastructure projects are often horrible for these countries. But second of all, if a crisis occurs and our money is tied up, the foreign investors and foreign banks know that this money is tied up into the large MNCs they trust, because they trust Pfizer, they trust Shell to live. This means that they believe that in the long run, we are able to get our returns in the very long run. But if we are Zimbabwe, nobody is likely to believe that Zimbabwe is not going to default. This means that if we spend our money on our products, we're not going to get any foreign loans with a good currency, because they're likely to believe that we're going to fail immediately. Therefore, we're a much better investment for these companies, for banks. We get more better loans, and in doing so, we have a higher chance of actually getting out of the crisis. Thirdly, on the idea of the safety of investment. Once again, OG says and asserts these companies will always be bailed out. But the analysis on why this happened never exists, because the reason for the bank bailout and for every single bailout is to protect your own citizens. We still work in those companies. We still have money in those banks. And this is something which does not change regardless of what CO says, because I still have my money in the largest banks of the USA. I still work in Shell in the USA, and these governments have a huge incentive to not let this happen. This demolishes a majority of COs' case. And lastly, what Tin brings to you, and which is an additional something that we bring, is the idea of individual consolation. Even if everything opposition claims is true, we still have more insight into these companies. We can, on an individual level, see who they're trying to corrupt. We can see the individual things happening, and in doing so, we have a higher likelihood of actually stopping them. By having this opportunity, uncontingent of anything else in the debate, we show you an additional crucial benefit. Thank you.
CO · OppositionThis debate suffers from an actor problem. The government bench assumes that the people that are making decisions on behalf of countries are acting exclusively in the interests of those countries. But we demonstrate to you that they do not. In fact, they often act selfishly in a way that means that this investment will be used to entrench the position of these governments, will be used to entrench the profits of these companies, and the subsequent revenue flows that allow for the flourishing of corruption and an enormous amount of damage to human development. I'm going to look at two things in this speech. The first will be on government and corporate behavior, and the second, far less important question, will be about the various profitability of this set of investments. Firstly, opening government begins this important question with two claims. The first is that you want to get this money away from corruption, and the second is that you want to retain control of your country from companies that are going to enter and subsequently have large impacts on the quality of life of people in your country. We explain both of these fails. First, because we demystify what an investment is, it is just a cash flow. And insofar as a country has become systematically corrupt, we identify for you that it is extraordinarily simple for those highly valuable dollars to be taken by the bureaucrat whose name is on the account or who's got the finger on the pulse. And the opposition never overcomes this rather simple analysis that the same process of theft would be quite simple. Secondly, we explain that accountability in terms of control of the country from companies is implausible because the companies are capable of still providing bribes to the individuals that are participants in the people that are individually voting. Now crucially, we also explain that that mechanism is diversified depending on which of the government ventures models you want. If you believe that it is only as closing government seems to believe, you buy a large stake in a domestically important industry that isn't regionally significant, then you can really work on the one person who is going to be taking a bribe, who is going to be going into that environment and be highly effective for them. If instead you believe it is that every developing country buys a tiny fraction of every single company, then the board rep for that company is going to be extraordinarily easy to bribe because there are probably a large number of people that are tasked with doing that in the government and the amount of democratic accountability per one is likely to be extraordinarily low, which means this is not going to be effective at doing any of the things that opening government says because they are correct. These countries gain shareholder rights via sales and control, which notably is better than closing government who are incorrect when they say this gives useful new amounts of information as Dom demolished in a sentence and then government whip inexplicably bookmarked his speech with, but they will not use that capacity because they have absolutely no incentive to use that capacity because the actor that is tasked with making these decisions will not do so. Closing government maybe gets a little bit closer when they talk about how political bodies may have some degree of oversight, but given the complexity of the arrangement that I have already articulated, it is impossible to believe that this is the case. John then explains in a positive fashion how this perverts the choice of governments and companies through a variety of vaccines that government whip entirely refuses to engage with. He tells you that there is an inherent conflict of interest between corporate profit and social well-being and when government agents that now get the benefits of corporate profit, but are not accountable as they are often faceless corporate bureaucrats, often not even in democracies, that decision is made in favor of the corporate profit now, not even of your domestic firm where that money is still invested, but instead largely in favor of fucking Americans, right? Which is, I think, as my experience of this tournament has articulated, is not the best. So then, Dom explains to you that it is difficult to regulate these companies. Dom explains to you that often these, and sorry, Dom also explains, by the way, that this goes both ways, right? That these companies additionally often have the incentive if there is a large shareholding provided, for example, Google's news algorithm or any news organization or Pfizer's provisions of drugs provincially in terms of propping up people that are your sectarian allies or in terms of any company's provision where they need to decide which region of that company they provide it to and you encourage them as a stockholder who has power over them to provide it to somebody who is in your interest, no, thank you, you will do that. Which means this goes both ways. These companies become captured by corporations and these corporations become cronies in the corruption of the government and this issue is just more important than who is able to make money for two crucial reasons. Firstly, because democracy breaks almost every right that you have. Democracy breaks, sorry, corruption breaks your right to democracy. It means that money from the state is devoted to areas that it shouldn't be. It means that your economy becomes less efficient to invest in and the like. But secondly, because insofar as we needed the valuable and stable American dollars that are provided by the government venture side, which is seemingly their biggest business, you can just invest in an index fund, which is just a company that obscures the function that we are describing here. Now, the thing obviously to notice is that opening opposition did the bare minimum in terms of having a counter model, but then did not explain how that counter model is able to satisfy the functions that these guys want without achieving the harms that we describe. Opening. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) I feel like this material died about half an hour ago, right? I think it died in a relatively intuitive way. It's like there is not a great deal of political support associated with making investments in foreign companies, particularly if the extension that we have provided you is literally at all true. People will now understand that this is just businessmen in suits palling around with your leader. Comparatively, at least it's domestic, at least the benefit is captured, and at least there is a guarantee that that company's outcomes are divorced from the outcomes of your corrupt government. That is why it would be comparatively more popular. Now onto the value of the amount of money here. Don describes that these companies will become less valuable as they are owned less domestically because the incentive to bail them out diminishes. And closing governments' whip stuff about how you are able to buy into the company when it has lost half of its value and make more money is truly insane because obviously if the value of a company has collapsed, that implies that the predicted share prices in the future are either uncertain or low, which is why that big prong of their extension really missed Econ 101. The second thing that they say is obviously that we say this subsequently makes your credit ratings way worse, which deepens problems of structural crises and greater indebts you to the IMF, as the closing government is deeply afraid of, because it means that in circumstances of crises you are substantially more exposed to global contagion. Now, to talk briefly about opening government, the problem with all of their analysis on this score is that they are describing how individual investments that are designed to serve certain purposes only serve one purpose, and then their complaint is that they fail to do all of them. For example, they say bonds don't have as high yields, but they provide American dollars. Or they say investments in domestic industries are more predictable, but they provide liquid stimulus. And the thing is that they're just saying that these companies do some of these things, but all investment classes have all different purposes, but the harms that we describe are unique to this investment class. You don't want to fuck up the country, and that is why you need to oppose. Thank you.
vencedor único bp_210 · The House Supports the creation of an international court with a mandate t...
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): The House Supports the creation of an international court with a mandate to prosecute leaders for health crimes.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=210, label gold.csv = "OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: GOV T2: GOV T3: GOV T4: GOV T5: GOV
Voto majoritário: GOV (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a more consistent focus on the mechanism of prevention and the political capital generated by the court. DEBATEDOR_A relied heavily on speculative claims about state withdrawal and failed to effectively engage with the specific incentive structure proposed by the government regarding WHO capacity.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentIt is crazy that when it is the bullet that takes the toll, we form courts, but when it is the bacteria, we throw up our hands and we forget like it never happened. To be clear, what are we doing in this debate? Firstly, we broadly expect an international court to be created in alignment with the World Health Organization, and we expect it to be heavily supported by all the countries part of the World Health Organization. We expect us to have the participation of scientists, experts to consistently write technical papers in order to inform our judgments, appointees from each country for judges, and so on. We also expect that participation in the World Health Organization and receiving benefits like aid is conditional to being party to this international court. Why is this likely to be the manifestation of a court? I know up will challenge this. There are seven reasons why we think countries will opt in and why we think this will be effective. First, countries that do not consent to such an authority without themselves having some say in the negotiation of that body would obviously be revolting, so they would like to have some participation given that this body will have some control over the world's health resources, no matter what. Secondly, the second is that this is likely to be a broad worry that the international community is ineffective, which is why they are likely to take these actions into their own hands because they want to make these decisions reasonable. They learn from some mistakes of previous international courts. Thirdly, the third is that people generally care about health as an issue and they want to be a participant to many things that are clearly on the level of a global scale. The fourth is that there is a selfish advantage to imposing stringent regulations in that leaders now are unlikely to face the consequences of being punished as they are on their way out, but will benefit from the legitimacy this provides other authoritarianism or whatever they are. Fifthly, is that there is not the game theoretic advantage in that you are harmed by other states in the case that a pandemic goes awry, so you want to hold other states to account. Sixthly, the advantage is that many benefits you care about like health, education, cheap medical goods, and so on will be contingent on this. And beyond that, there are spillover effects like economic benefits that you might care about, so you want to be party to this in order to receive the benefits of the World Health Organization and so on. So what the crimes are we punishing? So we look to examples like Bolsonaro being unwilling to comply with a recommendation for usage of masks and quarantine measures. We're looking at the unwillingness for China to comply with World Health Organization investigations on the Virology Institute, Wuhan. We're talking about the hoarding of resources in countries and so on vaccines and ventilators. Why do they do these crimes? So there are a variety of reasons we suspect they might do this. They might not be technologically at the time, or they might not have the right decision, or maybe it's just the short-term incentives were too powerful and they felt the need to sacrifice thousands of lives in the future to allay present fears. We will impose punishments such as imprisoning leaders for extended periods of time, taking them out of power, or asking them to be deposed. We're okay with doing this during the crisis if it is feasible to realign national incentives, but we expect that in some cases for it to happen after the fact anyway. So there are two arguments in the speech. First, what are the benefits? Before that, I'll take a POI from closing opposition. > POI: So we also tried creating an international court for human crimes and counts against humanity. How successful has that been? That's a good question. Maybe you should answer on your speech number one. We believe that there are trivial benefits that encouraging countries to comply with health regulation. Note that this massively changes the incentives of leaders. We identify in the setup for all the reasons we give. We suspect this has gigantic benefits. First, on following the regulations on pandemics. Things like Covid, potential future ones like SARS, preventable diseases like malaria. First, we enjoin the prevention of future harm from occurring to people because measures are taken to overturn the anti-short-term. The short-term incentive to focus on keeping the economy afloat instead of the long-term incentive of acting early. We're able to mobilize health forces to start early lockdown in areas that would not have otherwise done it. Which means that we prevent massively the spread of diseases while they are still easy to solve. Secondly, this allows for effective health care response in that actual policies imposed by the World Health Organization are substantially more effective than once implemented on the ground because they have access to a greater breadth of resources such as health experts from all around the world who have access to various different contexts and so on. Thirdly, they benefit from a cohesive response in the sense that lockdowns and other policies become ineffective since pandemics don't recognize borders. Even if the spread is very slow in one place, if it is open in another place, the spread might still continue and as such, you will have to keep it locked down for as long as everyone has kept their borders open. We also suspect the allocation of effective resources to where it's most needed. It is crazy that in the Philippines, hospitals are missing ventilators, vaccines, and beds while there are storehouses full of them in the Western world. We suspect it will be a massive benefit simply to put places when resources in some countries into other countries and to allow access to these things at the threat of imprisoning people for hoarding resources. For future potential gain, notably this also deals with massive future benefits such as antibiotics. Where in the sense that in the order in the order of future potential lives, diseases that have no cure might potentially arise because we have. They have built up an immunity to everything we could throw at them because we decide to spend our antibiotics on agriculture and so on instead of protecting the lives of people. We suspect massively reducing the either the political incentive for countries to do this or the capacity for them to do this by taking away the resources by making them not part of the international organizations anymore would massively benefit these individuals. No, I just want to impact this before we move on to the next part about enjoining trust. The first is that in terms of scale, this is a policy on a chargantuan scale cleaving across hundreds of countries and ensuring that health resources are more adequately allocated and equitably allocated to thousands of the world's most poor. But secondly, in terms of gravity, this deals with some of the most vulnerable, those in rural areas without access to effective health care resources, those who are old and cannot take vaccines and rely on herd immunity. These are the people we protect. Notably, this also has a secondary benefit we think is equally important in the sense that the creation of a court causes trust to arise and increase overall investment and participation in global health. The authored refrain is that these countries are ineffective. In the sense that they are toothless, even if a relevant organization tells you to do something, you're unlikely to follow it. Moreover, politicians want to be sure that they can hold other politicians to account. So they will likely to manifest their will through this court and moreover, no politician wants to look like they will fear like they will be imprisoned for committing a health crime. Which means that they will also increasingly participate in this court. This means that we have way more money for operations from local forces and participation in this international organization. Which means that we amplify any of the benefits we provide earlier and they seem to be pretty big benefits. The end of this first argument is quite simple. We're closer to saving the world. Secondly, this is also principally important and principally legitimate. We suspect an argument to come out if you might subvert the democratic will of people. There are four reasons why this doesn't happen and notably why there's also principally different thing to do. The first is that this organization is consented to participate in the organization and the ratification of such a treaty and a court. But moreover, they vote in politicians that do the negotiating for them. Secondly, the health care that we propose is a fundamental right that exists as a precondition for the fulfillment of democratic will. If you are dying, if you do not have access to goods, it doesn't matter if you might hypothetically access your will in the future if you are not able to access that because you don't survive. Moreover, an effective baseline in the first place is necessary regardless of whether or not the democratic will is important. States have a responsibility to opt into situations where they allow for the preconditions to that will to exist and manifest in the first place. Fourthly, we also identify that on the balance of rights, even if you fulfill your democratic will as a people, this often comes at the balance or at the cost of other of the democratic rights that other individuals might have. So you as a country, as a Western country, might be okay with having, you know, very not stringent. That's the opposite of that very lax quarantine measures, but people in the surrounding countries who might be harmed by the infections that come out might still not have access to democratic will and might have not consented to that in the first place. There's often very difficult to for countries to face. We all suspect there are two separate principled reasons as for why we think this is very, very good. The first is up on the level of utilitarianism. This deals with benefits on a gigantic scale in the sense that thousands and thousands of people's lives who do not care a whit about democratic will do not care about principled legitimacy without being given access to the lives. But thirdly, this deals with people on a scale or inordinately into the future to say future deaths of pandemics. That is to say future deaths to superbugs from antibiotics, people who would not have to spend massive amounts of money in order to support a government welfare policy in order to support in order to support a basically overburden and basically toppling international health system. We suspect that these benefits are also quite large for three reasons. First is that there's substantially more likely to be people in the future. There are populations growing over time. Secondly, these people have no consent to what happened over the past and as such we have a responsibility to create an international court for these people in the future and thirdly is that we are taking mutually exclusive resources away from them. Which is why we should care for them. There are two reasons why opening government wins this debate. The first is that we explain why we saved the world and secondly we explain why there is no other possible choice. Affirm.
OO · OppositionDavid tries to preempt why this court is going to look good. Unfortunately, he does it quite generically. But all of the other criminal courts which exist today, including the ICC which controls the implementation of post-conflict reconciliation and things like this, the ICJ which controls the implementation of international law, which presumably countries have the same incentive to have a say in as he says they would. Here are all based on opt-in, opt-out treaties that you can leave out of with no ramifications. The way here is clear. The influence you would have in such a body is quite diluted, insofar as you are only one of the members, specifically augmented by the fact that the countries that are the most likely to not want to comply are the country with the least amount of resources to be able to comply with these regulations, notably less developed countries. Which means that their influence is, in and of itself, a priori smaller. Therefore, the risk of persecution is more approximate and more likely than you having influence, which means it is incredibly likely. Now, the countries which cause the most harms, as per Opening Government's framing, are also the countries which are going to be likely to want to minimize risk and harm in terms of persecution and not opt into this court. Which means they a priori have a lot less efficiency in achieving their harms. But it also means, on the comparative, that the countries who do opt-in are those who have no trade-off. Those who are able to enforce these policies already, which means two things. One, there's a relatively small delta already. But secondly, it also means that these countries are going to have a disproportional say within the decisions of this court. Before I move on to why that's bad, let's make it clear that there's no analysis from OG as to why this court has the ability to dictate global healthcare policy, it has the ability to prosecute. No analysis on the likelihood of why it's key in providing health resources globally. Why scheme providing access, therefore both their impacts are minimized. But also unclear why the extent of the influence or say that countries would want to have in this court in the first place is likely. What kind of decisions do we think the court is going to make based on the characterization? We provide these are going to be biased and/or irrational decisions. First of all, we think insofar as western countries are the ones that are most likely to have sway due to their political power, but also due to the lowest trade-off of them opting in because they are not getting prosecuted because they have the resources to implement these policies. This means the application of western standards to less developed countries. Not the ability to go into full lockdown is contingent on the development of your economy. On your ability to transition to the internet and online economy, the digitalization of your country. Many countries physically cannot do this and to keep their people alive. They need to balance between lockdown and economy. This is contingent on the ability to finance more expensive studies, very often. You have to breach ethical protocols to develop medicine for things like malaria and dengue if you don't have the resources to do otherwise. You have to finance expensive bureaucracy. You need to have on-the-ground street-level bureaucracy which is going to do oversight of these policies, many developing countries don't have that. What is the weighing here? The weighing is that the many less developed countries have a necessity to breach these policies in order to be able to implement any kind of healthcare policy. Which means that you put in between a rock and a hard place of deciding between prosecution and the health of their people. And if you do efficiently prosecute, you make them less able to implement any healthcare policy in the first place. But secondly, insofar as the countries deciding these policies are those who are least fucked up, I didn't have less knowledge of what is happening on the ground and therefore more likely to implement negative standards because they do not have the oversight of what's going on. But secondly, know that there are both corporate and political interests. Not that the pharmaceutical market is an incredibly competitive one. Which means corporations have a market incentive to push for prosecution of companies or leaders in the developing world for developing specific types of medicine, which may be more accessible or maybe a competition to them generally. But there's also political influence, not too much. We've been cheating on the Chinese vaccine like Sinovac. It's horrible or Russia does not provide, you know, research for their vaccines. Sputnik is incredibly dangerous. Although, by the way, they did. Or Cuba researching four of their vaccines. This means that insofar as governments are just beholden to corporate lobbies, insofar as getting donations from these lobbies is a prerequisite to being able to run a national campaign in the first place and reach your electorate. This means there's going to be a huge amount of political pressure to lobby against companies of countries that are within the developing world and to portray them as having bad standards or is not complying. The consequence of this is that insofar as very often their only way to get healthcare provision to their people is to have this done locally because it reduces shipping costs and reduces dependency on the West. And therefore also the ability of the West to leverage against them. You're removing this from them, which means that insofar as they have a local capacity to control healthcare issues. You're making it worse. So the countries which are already worse off already have a lower amount of resources not just get their people dying. And I think this directly flips the comparative of the Opening Government. What is the comparative of the other side of the house? Not only do they create an incentive for leaders to cover up crises, which is just mitigation to their case insofar as they're going to get less successful persecutions. It also means you incentivize less cooperation with WHO or even countries leaving it. Because what is the comparative? The average citizen within the electorate doesn't know what the WHO does on the ground. The comparative for a leader then is that it is easy for them to formulate a populist narrative of this is another western-centric organization implementing measures against us. Note how countries within the developing world reject the IMF even when its measures are good for them then try to comply with this, which means that they're more likely to leave the WHO because their electorate will not react against this. However, the consequences are going to be quite palpable because you mean it means you get less access to grants, less access to medical trials, less access to medical provisions, less cooperation with NGOs on the ground who are necessary for things like vaccine efforts. Which means that the consequence is twofold again more people die. But secondly, I think you create a perverse trade-off for these countries insofar as they have to either choose between leaving the WHO and not being prosecuted to politician selfish incentives or choosing between not implementing the only policies which work within their countries. I think a clear comparative is here. There are other mechanisms to do this. We can export the generic medicine at low prices. We can earmark development aid on the conditionality that certain conditions are met. We can give them access to specific research grants. We can give them targeted access to patents. Why is this important? Because if there is an incentive, as Opening Government concedes, to solve these healthcare problems, I think that these countries and the West realize it anyway. Which is one why it's likely that the West will do our alternative mechanisms. But secondly, all of the harms positive by OG in terms of superbugs, in terms of antibiotics, the leaders in developing countries or less developed countries are aware that this fucks up their economy. And that shapes the comparative in this debate. Before I move on to why, Closing Government. > POI: Do you oppose humanitarian intervention to stop genocide in all cases, considering it is a time selectively used and colored by the politics of great power states? I think the answer to that comes in how well it's done or how well it's not done. I've explained what this will be done badly. Moving on to why we think this harms these countries. Not that the countries in the developing world are unaware that they want to solve these problems. The comparative is they often don't have the resources that I've explained. What is the comparative of government? They prosecute the inability to comply with policy. They do not provide a mechanism as to how they make these countries better able to comply with that policy. The alternatives we provide actually enable this and the same mechanisms as to why there's a western incentive to solve these problems. Works as to why the west would do our alternatives, therefore dissolves it better. But they also think the second reason why opting into accord is worse is because I think it reinforces narratives of colonialism and anti-westernism, which makes countries less likely to comply. Leslie, I just think this reduces global buying in health care measures. We currently live in a world where COVID has created an amalgamation of conspiracy theories, living in a dystopia which people were never faced with before has created a huge amount of narratives as to why there is a global enslavement plan. The creation of such a court gives a huge amount of munition to anti-vaxxers and conspiracy theorists. Say yes. This is true. They're literally trying to prosecute the people who do not want to execute the global plan. Not how many people did not pick AstraZeneca because black cloths were presented as a plan to cull the global population. Create a global court and you feed into the new world order idiocy. But it's ruining the COVID vaccination plan right now. I am so proud to wear the scarf and to oppose.
OG · GovernmentWhen Australia initiated an inquiry into Pengxu and the Wuhan Institute of Virology to determine the origins of COVID-19, whether or not it was a spillover hypothesis from bats or pangolins, or whether it was a lab leak hypothesis from the largest storage of coronavirus samples in the world, China retaliated with significant sanctions on meat and other basic goods. It is disgusting to see how your life is literally put at risk every single day, on the basis of some concept of democracy or on the basis of some trust towards the state, or on the basis of leaders that you want to be able to elect because you elected them for other benefits, but you didn't elect them on the prospect of you dying. And that is why the threat to killing more individuals is the most important thing in this debate, and we cannot stand for that. That's why justice has to have teeth, and we have that at Gov. I'm going to talk about two things in this debate: number one, why this improves the capacity of the WHO and why the WHO becomes better and better on our side, and secondly, a lot of response to the LO. Firstly, why does this improve the capacity of WHO? Because remember, opposition is going to make the argument that this is the perception of WHO being very elitist, very Western-centric, and not having a lot of funding from many countries because only rich countries fund it. And then many of these things, different things, make it harder for WHO to operate. This specific mechanism, an international court, is going to make the WHO better in capacity in three significant respects. Number one, the litigation process that a leader of opposition was worried about, like the problem of all leader of office that they assume that individuals and leaders will always want to delete evidence. But that's always going to happen at the point in time where the pandemic becomes longer and longer. It's harder for you to track the evidence as the evidence gets buried over time or because the scientists are able to go into hiding. Having the ability to inquire and formalize these investigations very early on, even on the basis of speculation, gives us the pressure to give this data to the WHO. This is the preservation of evidence. More individuals and whistleblowers going to the ICH (this is the International Criminal Court on Health, by the way) because they can get many of these benefits and they can get many of these individuals to buy in. Even opposition parties internal to these countries are also willing to buy in on our side. The ICC is able to do this because it incentivizes like people and communities to overthrow many of the dictators and authoritarians within their countries because they will turn them over, and those same authoritarians are willing to give themselves up because they don't want to die as well. So this is also a symmetric incentive for many of these individuals to buy in. Number two, the pressures. I mean, the example here is the Hague ruling, right? Even if we have like a map of the South China Sea. That's a good thing because for the WHO, that means more data that they can use for other clinical trials in the future. Number two, the pressures on other states to join in also creates an internal check and balance process for to make the WHO more globally representative. So the WHO will have more info on whether or not you can use face masks or whether or not face shields are bad. And you can have more information more and more, like how the WHO did when it learned that COVID was actually airborne. So we're how like even if we have a little bit more hesitant WHO, we're able to fact-check those confirmations more and more, and you don't have to have this back and forth process of whether or not the WHO actually recommends that you should mix these vaccines against each other or vix don't have a third dose or have a fourth dosage because all of these information changes, and that's why we can change this with our process. But three, other countries do want to compete for a seat at the table. So you can leverage over the other these countries like the China versus US debate and their ability to have a vaccine race, which is phenomenal for the distribution of vaccines across the world. So this is also one way the private sector and the public sector cooperate through the WHO, through COVAX, and through the unique distribution that happens because of the International Court. Um, I think a POI from closing opposition. > POI: Yeah, we'll not have enough resources as a country or not having enough capacity to follow these regulations. We have sufficient defense in this court. Um, so well, it depends on the court, right? But I think it's that the recent instances that we're talking about is if the WHO gives you funding for whether or not you're gonna implement antibiotics or not, and they significantly tell you not to do that, then there is capacity for them not to do that. Right, and I think that's very definitely valid for you to give in that court. Um, Leader of Opposition says that the ICC has failed in any of these instances and it's like to feel in this side too. Um, two responses: number one, health is much more non-partisan and is supported by a vast majority of these communities and other states rather than gore. Crimes being significantly disputed or history being disputed, and number two, we're talking about instances of significant corruption or misuse of WHO funds or even significant like misinformation that is taken away from citizens. In this context, like the Wuhan, um, like the lab leak conspiracy that people do not have information on. LO says that you have to breach protocols to develop these vaccines. I have two responses: number one, this actually can cause significant local distrust within your state because the leader populist leader might think it's a good thing to be able to do a breach of protocol. But it actually makes it worse internally within those states, like for example, the vaccine hesitancy in the Philippines with the dengue vaccine scare because they said we want to have this vaccine rolled out now to be able to stop dengue in our country. But what happened is it caused some side effects for some individuals because it was the FDA approved and approved by WHO. So it caused the spiraling effect of many of these health crises within the country. But number two, even now today, we make less of these circumstances happen in the first place because as much as possible, these courts and trials are going to be given to the ICH. Number three, LO says that you can probably, you can't prosecute people. Like you just literally can't prosecute people because the WHO is never trusted. Two things: number one, if states don't think they will be prosecuted, that is the reason as to why they'll buy in very early on into our policy. And that's why it's like it'd be more effective because they want to give more funds to WHO so that they can be able to implement and prosecute other cases in the future. But number two, now we put teeth to be able to give this court so that more individuals can be punished on our side as well. Hello says that oh, many of these policies are accountable to corporations and maybe these politicians are already bought by them. If that is the case, then you are saying they are indeed subverting the will of the democratic people and they're not doing this for the just interest of those individuals and therefore you have to have a greater principle as to why the state should intervene or why there must be a global crisis. And other regional actors should have a say in this matter. Which is why the democratic will of other states and their public health and safety is also more important in this case. But number two, corporations also want less instability in these instances because we also say that private incentives are there to make vaccines more safe to be able to as much as possible give that when the public safety sector is failing. And that's why you're also able to mitigate those processes on our side. Lastly, Hello says that they can, you know, you know, the use of populist narrative to be able to purport this and these policies in the real world. Number one, they already do that right now. Look at Bolsonaro. Look at the territory using a strongman narrative to implement draconian policies in these nations. I think the reason as to why it's worse on their side is because there's no ability for you to prosecute these leaders in the process right now and during the pandemic or even after the pandemic. So you can get this information. But number two, a lot of this trust is also lost on the WHO on our side because people actually trust doctors more than the police or the military on our model rather than them being able to implement the quarantine restrictions on their side. Hello last says that they can be accountable on their side. Um, I don't think this is true. Number one, the alternatives you posit of targeted access to patents is not much exclusive. We can also implement that on our side if the leaders are also incentivized to, you know, care cater to the will of the people then they will join our model as well. So our model is effective. Thank you everyone.
OO · OppositionNo large incentive for domestic government to deal with the pandemic in the best way as it can. As the internal incentives of the country, because there are negative incentives for you if you mess up a trial, if you mismanage a pandemic domestically. Therefore, there is no defense of no resources because the status quo or whatever closing oppositions. Because this is literally the status quo by these countries do not enforce these regulations because if they could, they would want to enforce them because this is politically beneficial domestically. Therefore, the comparative of lying and disclosing on their side of the house, as I recognize, but given that this incentivizes countries to cover up more as the response might be persecution. Recognize, therefore, that the time sensitivity of this argument is very important. If you can fix the cover-up of having digging out bodies in crimes against humanity if it happens. Comparatively, if the pandemic is mismanaged and covered up and you can't ask for international help because you are going to be, then this is a problem which tears down a huge part of opening government's case. But recognize on the courts, they have no fiat to say what the courts will look like. The consequences of opt-out are largely developed in thin speech. They have very little responses to this. Biases internal pressure by richer countries and corporations are also not dealt with, and there is a disproportionate influence of larger and more developed countries for the mechanisms which we outline that there is a higher, there is a lower cost to you opting in comparatively to countries which are not like having these national regulations upheld right now. So look at also the financing of who. I mean, like, yeah, OG recognizes this, but they don't put any sort of counter-argument. If I know the financing that is pulled out by the United States. Like, it's a big problem for who, why they wouldn't have this proportional influence or how this would actually happen. So they're the ones who create norms, but look, I recognize their preemptives here by opening government. I just pointing out that we had a huge amount of argumentation which wasn't responded to as well. But look, even if you buy all of the preemptive that countries have an incentive to opt into these programs to influence them, blah, blah. Just ask yourself, why are they not then opting into similar organizations such as the ICC, such as the WTO like courts and all of this. Recognize that there is no responsiveness to this implementation from our side of the house. But also that large corporations which are forced by national regulations to follow these protocols do not have an incentive to influence the governments and why governments have an incentive to make this political and unrealistic requirements in an effort to boost their domestic production and export of medicines and their pharmaceutical industries as well as their hospitals, research centers, etc. Similarly to what happens with political incentives in similar courts such as the WTO courts or ICC. But it's often not who is right but is this beneficial for the interests of the United States to try and serve or not? Is it beneficial to increase the tariffs of steel or not in the WTO regulation but also on increasing global healthcare benefits? Recognize there are largely three reasons why countries which do not abide by this are doing this in the status quo because they recognize that there are global benefits to following this. Because first of all, there's a collective action problem. Secondly, they might be undercutting regulation for their own benefit and thirdly the costs are too high. Recognize that countries who are richer can offset and do indeed trade off these things efficiently with safety in the status quo such as we call it. But there are more stringent rules, but also other policies as climate change. The problem is that countries which are less rich do not have the ability to do so. Therefore, the characterization is that the countries most affected are unable to follow the protocol. Or there are high trade-offs that they are facing when following the protocols and they are prioritizing their own well-being as opposed to the well-being of the global community. But recognize given that their own well-being is a bigger benefit for them than the spill-off effect of the big international global benefit. This largely benefits the richer countries which do not have these internal costs but have the external benefits of less antibiotics used, etc., etc. So the comparative here is that they are unable to conduct high standard trials, unable to educate and introduce enough measures to reduce antibiotics usage because of less hygiene conditions in their hospitals, because of a less educated population, because of less availability to diagnose differential treatments and disease such as if this is viral or bacterial. So this is a huge part of the reason why they are doing so and not to try to undercut costs in a large amount of circumstances or because they cannot solve the collective action problem. But rather because they have the incentive to basically benefit their population. But also recognize therefore that this is very important. Please note that there are negative consequences for your country if you engage in this, right? I mean already proved this they don't dispute this therefore the trade-off here is that the external costs to other countries is the one which you de-prioritize so that you prioritize your internal well-being. Why is this legitimate and countries are allowed to do this? Because the opposite thing happened that gave them the upper hand which they are using right now. So for example development of medical industry pharmaceutical industry and the economy was oftentimes contingent on the not internalizing the negative effects to other countries. But just looking at your own benefits such as pulling doctors and researchers from developing countries so that they go to develop countries over there controlling the medicine market. Industrial development that polluted these countries and the globe while they were still being underdeveloped the exporting of instability for internal political purposes and things like this the monopolization of the pharmaceutical market. So it is in very essence the same things which developing countries are trading off now which the developed countries were trading off in before and this is why in the end they got to a position where they basically would do this and they are in in a position to do so right now. But also the comparative from opening government is the one with more stick but less carrot because they don't prove that it is enough to actually make countries enforce the policies. But this also decreases the incentives for countries to nudge and offer carrots to countries to do this. Which is where I'm going to go engage next, but I want to take a POI from CG. > POI: Well, he says you stay because you want help from the WHO. OO says you leave because you don't want to get punished. Why isn't the obvious answer here to prevent this situation in the first place by creating global political buy-in for prevention strategies for the next pandemic? Look, this is what I'm going to come to next, but recognize that it's not so black and white. Some countries might stay, some countries might leave, but the problem is that you are making them unable to do the trade of which they are making right now, which is in their interest. That's the bottom line. What are the negative consequences? Is there a way in which we can increase the compliance of these things in status quo without the court joint finding processes, cooperation with WHO, removing IP and patent laws that benefit developing world, sustainable development goals by U.N., and development aid that is connected to increasing compliance compared to here? But this is more expensive and has a bigger cost that is incurred by developed countries in the status quo compared to just making regulations, which means that you can prosecute it if you do not comply with it. Therefore, this has all of the incentives, both internally but also in a way which is easier from your perspective as a developed country to use this more often than the ways which are more costly to enforce the compliance of developing countries. Therefore, this is a comparative in which we prove that this is beneficial, basically in a way on how you can achieve some of this sustainably with more costs for developed countries, less cost for developing countries. So, thank you, folks.
CG · GovernmentOo's counterfactual is, we want to remove IP laws, we want to give more money to these organizations; and I have just one response to this. I don't see why we can't do any of this stuff. But I'm going to flip this point and argue that we actually have more political capital to take away all of these sorts of stringent regulations to increase the capacity of developing countries to fight pandemics. Because of one very simple reason, guys, and this is why COSBOI becomes important. Because at the point at which countries can provide defenses that say, "Aha, we didn't have capacity, guys. We can't fight the virus. We can't afford the vaccine." This means that the WHO is under immense public scrutiny from across the world for not implementing these capacity-related policies, so we get much more political buy-in on our side of the house. With the WHO is explicitly attacked within the media, within policy circles, by country representatives within the UN themselves, to do this. So, that's the first thing. I have three extraneous responses to those material over here in terms of, and then I'll go straight into our positive material. The first thing is with this idea of withdrawal, I just want to note that withdrawal from this organization is extremely likely for a couple of reasons. One, you know, COVID is a mass event. You can't just say this wasn't an event. So that's happened, millions of them across the world economies for the first time in a while. We're just not working at all, so some countries are under immense pressure to do something about this. Secondly, media, academics, think tanks. Everybody is scrutinizing country policy or state-level policy over there. So you have more scrutiny there. This is reflective of the fact that even China allowed the limited inspection still from the WHO. In later on, Biden got elected, and Biden's made lots of promises, especially with the COAX sort of stuff, and just with regards to developing countries, I want to note. Developing countries rely on the WHO not only for the COAX measure and to fight the current pandemic, but they also rely on the WHO for things like polio vaccines and other sorts of mini-epidemics that are happening across the world. So it's really unlikely that they're going to be able to withdraw from this. I'm going to take the best-case scenario from opposition and say, this court is going to be extremely biased against the developing world and still prove why we take this debate over them. Okay, before that, one specific piece of framing over why there is compliance. First of all, I just want to note that, you know, you depend on them to some degree, but also want to note the specific mechanism about leaders that OG misses. Is that the sanctions are personal when other sorts of sanctions like ICC sanctions or UNSC sanctions come up? Leaders are much more willing to take them on because they displace, uh, you know, the impacts of the sanctions on the population. These sorts of sanctions are directly related to their personal self. And this also means that political parties, for instance, can replace them with other candidates, which oftentimes happen. So they want to keep their power and they want to keep, uh, you know, to not be sanctioned. So in terms of this, why are what are we going to do? The first thing we say is within the developing world, we have the ability now to uniquely displace discursive blame on the WHO and Western organizations to implement policies that are thoroughly unpopular but are widely necessary. The second thing I'm going to talk about is why we get prospective attention to healthcare. Hamza's POI and why we are much better at just making policy to prevent pandemics coming from the first place. So compliance isn't even a metric in this debate. Okay, let's talk about displacing, uh, displacing blame. I want to note that OG is right that there are lots of incentives why countries want to combat COVID, but for developing countries in specific, they are competing incentives on the other side for why they can't introduce very stringent policies. Look at lockdowns in India. You can't do that because your economy is reliant on mass transport of labor, and your laborers are reliant on their daily jobs. So there's an economic incentive for the country to not comply to the WHO. Also, look at cultural practices like Eid across the world where it is impossible for Muslim countries to say, "Don't do Eid celebrations. Don't go to the mosques," because it means that they will never get buying. So this is why in the status quo in OP's world, you never get these kinds of stringent policies, even though you have overall broad incentives to want to take down the virus. What do we crucially do? We give these countries the ability to say the WHO is forcing us, the Western world is forcing us. So they take away all sorts of accountability. They're not going to be harmed in future elections or by internal policy think tanks or whatever, for this sort of stuff. Why is this crucial then? Because we agree with OP, developing countries are extremely important because developing countries are likely going to be the sites of future pandemics coming up. In the first place, there are three structural reasons for this. One, regulatory mechanisms with regards to healthcare are extremely weak within developing countries. Secondly, mass public knowledge does not exist with regards to how to combat disease and how to get treatment. Thirdly, your cultural practices sometimes increase, you know, virus, etc. Again, like, you know, going to a mosque and then exposing the virus to lots of people. So your cultural practices increase this. I want to note that even if we are biased extremely against developing countries, the fact that developing countries are going to be the ones that are harmed also means that in the future, these countries or other sets of developing countries are unlikely to want to go for, you know, lax policies and so on and so forth. And I just want to note, we just want one developing country to be like, you know, biasedly screwed over by the WHO. One developing country informs the rational decision-making of state leaders of other developing countries. This is what happens when one country goes down. We are exposed to the same kinds of risk. And why is this crucial? I'll get to that before I take the POI. > POI: Stopping pandemics locally is an interest globally because you don't want them to spread. Insofar as that's true, where you have a bigger incentive for countries to comply, we actually give them a carrot with mechanisms. It's great. It's great. It's great. I agree. I told you why we get more carrots on our side. First point of framing in my speech. But secondly, I want to note again, it's a short-term bias, right? You don't know when the future pandemic is going to hit or whatever. So you don't do prospective policy making. And again, you still want to keep power for the cultural reasons sector. I have focused on lots of Muslims would rather lose their lives than not be able to pray and so on and so forth. So people in these countries actually do make these calculations. Okay. Why is this crucial? Because one, I want to note you need developing countries to prevent future pandemics because again, the virus doesn't know borders. So one country hit means other countries will be hit. Next point, I want to talk about prospective attention to health care. There are competing narratives again, like there's an additional incentive we've added for leaders, which is personal liability now. So, but leaders are thinking, "Aha, if we don't do these sorts of policies, what will happen is we will personally be taken to court? We will personally go to jail or be sanctioned or so on and so forth." Why is this crucial then? Because now there are issues that are low on voter issues, right? Like the fact that you need to invest in health care or future policy or research. All these sorts of things are long term. Voters don't care about them. But leaders now have incentives and global buy-in now to invest in these sorts of practices, to invest in research, to invest in making vaccines, to invest in better health care policies because what they fear is being in the when the next pandemic hits. That the fact that they are going to be prosecuted. And this is crucial because one, I want to note in developing countries, the response to the pandemic has been pump everyone with antibiotics. And the problem with that is we are creating the next super germ because they are going to be resistant to any sort of antibiotics that we have. So we want prospective policy now to prevent future pandemics, will also prevent the fact that another super germ is going to come up. And at that point, nobody's going to care. For all these reasons, very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionThis debate cannot be won in the fringes, i.e. OO cannot win the debate by just saying that all countries will pull out and therefore there is no net effect. Nor do I think that you can say that the people who do not have the capacity do not have a fair defense. I will engage the best case on government bench where there is significant buy-in, where this significantly changes the capacity of the WHO to operate and therefore makes the response to health crises worse. I'll argue two things. Firstly, I want to talk about the risk of prosecution and note it is the specific incentives of leaders that this debate must be won on, as opposed to general claims about international institutions and therefore are going to make the WHO operate less effectively. And I want to note that there's the preemptive interest for countries to change the legal standards by which they can be held liable on their side of the house because the incredibly stringent and incredibly effective measures that government bench might want are threats to their power, our future threats to their capacity to operate. The first thing I want to note is just that a lot of WHO standards are currently not the best and therefore just having this method of enforcement and legal enforcement is not always effective. I.e. they said COVID was a flu but at the same time put incredibly stringent methods of locking down on H1N1. Why is this the case? It is because uniquely with health crises, you have things that be changing nature of information such that the incredibly fast and quick action government wants is not always the best thing to do. You also have the evolving biological nature of disease, which means that with the rise of variants, it changes what regulations are best apt. And therefore it's either you don't act as quickly as government wants you to act, or it's simply not likely to adapt with the times as good as they can. But secondly, I would just argue that we are trending towards making this better by allowing the information and data collection process and the research necessary, um, for the same natural incentives that government wants, i.e. you want to be able to create global buy-in for this, which is not usually exclusive in order to deal with pandemics, etc. How does this change how everyone government bench? Three things. Firstly, you're likely to refuse to research on things like best practices because once you can be legally held binding for such things, it becomes a threat to your power and therefore you're unlikely to want to do this. Secondly, it's defunding things like the nature of a disease so that you can buy as much time as possible to understand your own personal strategy of how to deal with the pandemic and you don't have to defund this within your own state, which can refuse to share that information with other states just that you can have a good strategy to deal with COVID-19. But other states cannot possibly hold you legally liable for not being able to deal with it because they did not know at the time how to be able to do so. But thirdly, it's not just hiding data and evidence as OO suggests. It is refusing to engage in the data collection process and note there was an incredibly large problem with many developing states in the. And I would say it becomes far, far worse on their side of the house because of the inability to collect information and data that makes courts unable as well to be able to gather evidence that could potentially hold you liable, so things like mass testing, things like being able to look at where disease exists, etc. Why is it incredibly dangerous? The first thing this suggests is just that a lot of the regulations you could be held liable for on gov could be potentially terrible, i.e. they could not have potentially adapted at times, i.e. if they did they took way too long as opposed to today where you're not afraid to hold people legally liable and potentially make some recommendations as opposed to the fear and political threat that those kind of recommendations imply on government side of the house. But secondly, because these health issues are global issues insofar as maybe there are local incentives to want to find out more about diseases, we do not want to create global ways to be able to consolidate that information. And therefore, because they cannot kill you legally liable, this significantly deters this kind of global buy-in argument that comes from closing government. And I want to note how important that is because diseases and pandemics are fought in the capacity of countries to work together, share data and information with another, look at the changing nature and how it might affect different states, or looking at how it has uniquely affected their state because it was reached there first as opposed to other states where it's yet to reach. Because you do not want other countries to potentially hold you legally liable, it is either the threat of defunding this research or its complete removal or simply not wanting to share this information. That the short-termist political incentives that government bench says are incredibly terrible also still apply to these leaders and therefore would not want preemptively to allow these legal standards to exist. The second thing I want to talk about is the process of prosecution. Note the only time where you don't have an incentive to solve a large threat to health is when there are overwhelming democratic incentives to do otherwise. The first thing I want to say therefore is that it's unfair. Why health is a priori, i.e. we have the ICC because there is no moral alternative that is possible as opposed to simply trying to stop and prevent genocide. However, with health, there are many developing countries where issues of the economy and lockdowns are incredibly likely to stifle them fundamentally or where there is a large like concentration, not concentration, but there are many people that exist with rural areas and therefore the spread of disease and the threat of epidemic is not to the same degree as it might be globally. What this proves is that absent the ability to say that these are a priori values, especially in times of pandemic and large global health crises where it's incredibly difficult to make decisions where as leaders who are constrained by your own populace, it is therefore unclear why you ought to be held legally liable for this, nor why it is fair for the people who clearly have other priorities and interests. And I don't think gov bench can say at all instances health is the only thing that matters to specific groups of people why that is fair. Secondly, they say this place is blamed. This is terrible because if it is not your fault, number one, you cannot accept any kind of legal accountability. But secondly, it is also just not within your political interest because if you can say that is the fault of other states, it is the fault of the WHO. Therefore, this is no longer a winning political battle for you to want to invest in being able to solve these kinds of pandemics. In fact, I would argue it is either by overblowing the importance of other things which now balances it out of power or denying the disease, saying it is not true, saying that we cannot engage in this process because other countries have forced it on us. And therefore changes their fundamental political incentives. I'll take the POI from OG. > POI: Your carrot of data collection or OO's money requires resources, which has to be established. States are unwilling to provide without assurance. Whereas on your side, you somehow rely on leaders covering the crises of national import, which sounds like something we make illegal anyway. So, the first thing I want to note is this: characterization assumes their best case where there's a degree of capacity and therefore resources exist. Therefore, that's probably the biggest delta in the debate because on either side, the countries that are completely unable, it's unclear whether or not there's net action that exists, nor whether or not they have the capacity to change these WHO standards. Lastly, you fundamentally incapacitate leaders who are most needed at this time. Note that most ICC trials exist after the humanitarian crisis. There are two options on government bench. Number one is you allow these trials to exist at the period of crisis that not only stop these people from operating, but number two, look at how ICC trials often go. People do not just show up and allow themselves to be imprisoned. A lot of the time, they hide in other states that are going to allow them to seek refuge. A lot of the time, they do not want to be legally found and caught to be able to ensure that the WHO and this new court is able to take them out of their power. So what I would note here is that you fundamentally make states sitting ducks, especially if you want to access this benefit at the start of pandemics where it is most crucial for action to occur. What this proves then is that either you change these standards of the WHO and any system of enforcement on gov enforces incredibly terrible laws, or that you're simply unable to meaningfully do this. I genuinely have never been so lucky and so proud to oppose in this debate. Thank you, everyone.
CG · GovernmentThis debate can only occur if a pandemic happens. If a pandemic happens and the leader does not correspond to the incentives of the WHO, either on Opening Government side, they stay within the WHO because they have corollary incentives, or on OHO side, they withdraw. This uniquely shows to you that you prevent the next pandemic from occurring in the first place because both sides have incentives to do so. You don't want to be punished by the WHO and create an international mess. But you also want the WHO on your side, which means that you have global political buy-in for prevention strategies. This had no response from Closing Opposition and panel. I cannot stress enough the impact of this extension. This means that after COVID-19, if we can even delay the next pandemic by 20 or 30 years, that's millions, potentially tens of millions, lives saved in our world. The first thing that I want to do is about the intuition about preemptive legal measures. On this note, that this relies on the same mechanisms as Opening Opposition. It's only at the impact is legal reframing as opposed to hiding data. Secondarily, this doesn't respond to our prevention stuff, which is that why would you preemptively regulate and change and deregulate the WHO as opposed to being like, "Guys, let's not get in this situation in the first place." So just funnel in billions of dollars across the world into stopping the next pandemic. So that we never even have to have this debate in the first place. Which means our extension occurs upstream of what Closing Opposition is talking about. Secondly, this completely contradicts Opening Opposition's analysis. Whereas their analysis was that developing world countries will have incentives to impose very, very harsh regulations on the poor world, whereas their analysis is no, everyone will get together and then they will deregulate the WHO. I can only possibly respond to one. That's a classic double burden that they're putting on Government Bench. But finally, what I want to say here is that about the health priority argument, you know, why health can be solved in other ways? The first thing I want to point out is a genocide only occurs within one state, whereas health occurs everywhere. So if anything, the ICC is actually less important than the WHO here because the impact scale if Modi kills 100 million people in India, he might also by proxy kill a billion people across the world by letting the Delta variant spread. Secondly, I want to make a principal response here. You don't choose to be born in Nairobi. You don't choose to be born in Lahore. You choose to be born where you were born, wherever you're born, right? You're not, why are you victim to your state's incompetence? And if your state is consistently incompetent in making you unsafe, then the international community has to step in, protect your right to health, and make sure that your right to life is also consequently protected. The first thing I want to do is vs off against Opening Opposition. The first thing here, which I think is really, really important, is this intuition about how states will withdraw. Firstly, I've already shared to you that the obvious incentive here is not to withdraw but to prevent a situation where you would want to withdraw in the first place. So our argument occurs upstream of Opening Opposition. But secondly, you know what we say, fair enough. Even if states have incentives to withdraw, primarily because they'll blame like these Western governments, all of that stuff. That's a reason to enforce mechanisms. That's precisely what they miss from our side because now Pakistan does this all the time, by the way. Whenever they have to instate mean monetary policy that no one likes, they'll be like, "We have to do it because the IMF said so, we're really sorry guys." These guys are really evil. That's to America. We want that stuff on our side. That's great. We want domestic governments to blame foreign institutions as much as possible because it's only then that the leaders have incentives to be very, very responsible, very, very stringent with lockdowns because the endpoint blame isn't going towards them. The endpoint blame is going towards this foreign demonic organization. Which means that on the two-level game, this means between the state and the international organization, we're much more likely to get enforcement. But finally, we say to Opening Opposition, let's say that only the developed world criticizes only the developing world. The Hart completely frames this out. He's like most pandemics come from the poor world, guys. I'm happy to say that he gave you several structural mechanisms for this. A, the complete lack of regulation in these places. B, a lack of public health awareness, but three, and I'm sorry, this will sound problematic. But the inherent tie between such certain cultural practices and pandemic spread. This looks like, for instance, vet markets in China are being responsible for two of our largest pandemics in the last three decades. This looks like Ebola practices leading to zoonotic virus spread insofar as they eat many animals within Sierra Leone, which just lead to zoonotic virus spread. I don't know how else to say this. So even if we are only prosecuting the poor world, that's a lot more pandemic stop in the future insofar as that's where most of the pandemics come from, guys. So we assume all of the analysis is true and still win on the OHO counterfactual. One, if you want to funnel in billions of dollars into the developing world, be my guest. In fact, I will do it with you because that's completely symmetric. But two, that shows you something very unique. He says we completely agree and this responds to CEO as well. Legal capacity is a thing. I can't go to jail for committing a crime if I didn't have the capacity and I couldn't help but not commit the crime. Right, that's literally true. So the WHO will consistently lose court cases on our side unless it funnels in the money. This is really, really important. So we create unique political buyer on our side to make sure the WHO's ass is covered. By the point at which it does deregulate vaccines, it does ensure the global buying of public health awareness, and it does funnel in money and technical expertise. Because that's the only way it stands a chance on winning these cases in the first place. Before I weigh all of this against OG, yeah, go ahead. > POI: Even though this debate is not just about pandemics today, we see visceral images of bodies dying in Covid in India and Brazil. We know if we don't stop this, the pandemic will continue globally. This is really interesting because the intuition pump here is that the OG policy is not needed because there is no need. It's classic World Schools debating. There are two responses to this. The first response to this is if this is true, we just don't prosecute people. Like, we're not compelled to prosecute people left, right, and center, right? So if countries have structural reasons to have responsible behavior in the first place, then prosecution literally never occurs. And this is why OG tries to straw man both sides on government bench, right? You prosecute left, right, and center. It'll be terrible. Countries are responsibly behaving. Anyway, if countries are responsibly behaving anyway, then we literally won't prosecute anyone. I mean, by the way, I also secondly want to point out to the response to POI. The info slide literally says mass health crime violations. We're literally talking about you doing something extremely horrible. It's not like countries slightly screw up and they're like, "Well, gotta go." Because you did this. If they are structural incentives to improve your behaviors, you will do that on our side and also our stuff on the counterfactual. Finally, how do we win against Opening Government? A. We win against Opening Government because we don't rely on proving that incentives don't exist to withdraw. We accept O2O's analysis and say incentives do exist to withdraw. But A. You can flip this analysis by showing that you can now blame a foreign actor. Do you create mass capital for prevention strategies which stops future pandemics? Which is not only a lower burden of proof that we have to prove in this debate, but has infinitely more people than Opening Government is. But third and finally, we don't rely on proving that this policy won't be selectively exercised. Even if this policy selectively exercised, panel, what that leads to fundamentally is pandemics being stopped where, unfortunately, they are most likely to come from. The final thing I want to say here then is this intuition about, you know, colonialism causes these pandemic responses, all of that stuff, if that's true. Let's hear it in a public court. Let's have The New York Times talk about it. It's only when Sierra Leone's leaders come out and say the reason we don't have health capacity is because of what the US did a century ago is when this stuff is talked about in the public courtroom. Whereas right now it's only talked about in balkanized academic spaces. That's when we get more public discourse on the best responsibility towards the rest of the poor world. Panel, you do not choose where to be born. And if your state is compromising your right to health, then the international community has an inherent right to step in in defense of that right. I am so proud to propose.
CO · OppositionA lot of people thank other people. In the round, I'll thank again myself because I'll be incredibly charitable to the proposition team. Know that government's case is quite simple. They say that the standards are good, right, that they are so good. Standards, and therefore, the court is able to enforce these standards and therefore able to get better health outcomes. There are two ways to respond to this. The first is dealing with the issue of enforcement, which everyone else in the round wanted to deal in, suggesting that they're unlikely to buy into the court or people are unlikely to get in. The first thing you want to do down is deal with the CG's case. The first thing they say is, "It's a pandemic and therefore there's a politically opportune time to make people think about the policies that exist right now." Even if you believe this to be true, there is a time limit to this benefit because over 20 or 10-30 years from now when the pandemic becomes a far-off memory for a lot of individuals, the political incentives that they identify are likely to buy out. And therefore, the incentives to pull out from this by leaders who are afraid of potential prosecution in the future increase significantly. That means that is why even if countries sign into the ICC, for example, later on making politically inconvenient for them to do so, they pulled out (cf. the Philippines when they did pull out to the ICC). The second thing I want to note here, however, is that even if you believe that the political nature is highly like talking about the pandemic right now, that doesn't prove that they care about international institutions as a solution to the pandemic. In fact, a lot of countries blame international institutions or try to deal it to the vice. And say they're the problem or blame other countries like pointing to China or pointing to any other country in the world so that they're able to remove blame. So it's unclear whether people are actually in favor of global cooperation as opposed to more ultra-nationalistic sentiments to suggest we have to close off our borders and cooperate with other people because of potential threats. So just saying at the time of COVID and therefore able to pass policies to become successful, it's not sufficient for closing government. The second mechanism they provide this, ah, this gives leaders a mechanism because now they can say, "We're not doing it because we want to, we're doing it because we're forced by the international community." One, this assumes that people being forced and following international guidelines when they don't want to do so is politically acceptable for a lot of individuals with a lot of leaders being strongman individuals looking like you have to kowtow to international institutions. It's actually more politically unpopular and therefore less likely to support it. Secondly, it assumes that you have an innate desire to pursue the policy in the first place and they're just not doing it. So insofar as you're afraid of prosecution, it's unclear why they have an innate desire as a leader to participate in these policies in the very first place. The last major claim coming from closing government is we're able to create prospective policy and that will be a nicely clash their arguments on standards and why standards become significantly worse under the eyes of the house. But before that, I want to deal then with the opening government mechanisms and enforcement. So the problem with opening government is they list a lot of reasons why you might want to participate in international cooperation. But note that all of these benefits are macro benefits to the state. That is to say things like economic aid, economic trade, being able to access things like vaccines with who will benefit your state, which is indirectly beneficial to an individual leader because you only care about that insofar as it makes you politically accepted or political outcomes. The potential threat of prosecution, however, to you directly as a leader is a direct harm on yourself. And that's why it's a significantly more important swaying mechanism. So even if opening government is correct, there's some reasons as to why leaders would want to opt into it. The fact that you can be put in jail is probably a greater reason than any other of this because of the nickel-nuanced incentives of political leaders. That's why it's unlikely for you to get enforcement that opening government and closing government tries to argue. But before that, OG. > POI: If countries are afraid of accidentally being blamed for discovering some more new health resource research, they must be more afraid of deliberate action to hide evidence and prevent research. But at least our side has some way to find out the truth and mete out assurance. So, I know it's like lame to say, "I'll respond to that later," but I significantly promise that I will prove to you why that response to Opening Opposition, but not Closing Opposition, okay? The second thing then is, even if you believe that you get enforcement under their side, you have to assume that the standards that you're enforcing are actually good. And that was something the Closing Opposition's case was able to challenge. Firstly, we explain to you that the current standards of the WHO right now are even clear to be the best. And a lot of times, they're more problematic. Note that the WHO flip-flop on their standards on masks, for example. And you point out that because of the different local contexts of different regions, it's unclear whether or not it's actually a good thing to have a universalized policy that applies to all, as opposed to trusting leaders to care most about the best for their people. In which case, you're holding people accountable to standards that might even make the country worse. That's not only principally unjustified, but if your policy works, that makes far worse outcomes under their side of the house. Note there are zero materials from the government bench while the WHO or all these experts that they claim are the best arbiters of truth and the solutions that they want to have under their side, but secondly, and this is where we become very, very charitable. Even if you believe that the standards are good right now, what CG barely responds to is a claim that it will make the standards worse and therefore your global consent is worse as well. Firstly, we point out that right now, and this is how I respond to the Opening Opposition POI, you have an incentive to one, not research on best practices because you want to have a lot of these best practices you're held onto. Secondly, you might even have the perverse incentive to research on countering a lot of the best practices. Trying to counter knowledge on whether or not it is good to have a lot of the antibiotics, for example, because it might be politically practical for you or to justify why you need to have a lot of experiments and challenge the ethical standards of experiments. These things exist and work in Closing Opposition because they are not going to be prosecuted by this policy. So OG might be correct that you'll prosecute people for deliberately hiding information during a pandemic. But in the discussion of standards, you ought to have to be democratic. Because if not, presumably the standards will not evolve under their side. And therefore, this is a time where it's crucial for us to be able to develop as much information as possible that you deny the incentive for them to do so under their side of the house. Which means that you might have global buy-in to standards, but the standards are unlikely to become effective or good. You're likely to have them watered down significantly. The comparative under our side is insofar as there are some countries that care about WHO protocols or want to follow a lot of information that exists under their side, that incentive still exists. But at least we're able to have the best information and develop the best practice as possible under our side of the house. But secondly, even if you're not able to successfully challenge the standards by threatening to pull out funding, for example, the fact that they're trying to doing things like misinformation campaigns, for example, prior to the pandemic is the harm that we want to identify under our side of the house. Why do we then beat the Opening Opposition? OO's large case is hinged on people not buying into this. Even if you believe that people buy into this policy, we're likely to be able to win under their side of the house. But secondly, we engage even beyond poor countries. What is the only response that's coming from COO? The first is to say it's the same as OO, I just prove why it's different. Secondly, they say it's contradictory to OO because they suggest that OO suggested that they'll impose stringent policies. If you listen to OO, they suggested that the ICH will impose a lot of the policies that are very, very stringent. And that's why the developing countries are likely to respond by trying to pull down these standards and destroying the global consensus on what standards ought to be. The last thing they then say is, "Ah, it's okay to deal with the developing world." Our case does not work only in the developing world. China or the United States have their own incentives to develop like bioweapons, for example. And presumably, they also have an incentive to change a lot of the standards. The problem in this debate is that they assume that these standards are good. COO pointed the reality. And that's why we're very proud to take this championship. Thank you.
vencedor único bp_211 · The House Prefers to live an average anonymous life in South Korea over be...
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Motion (tema debatido): The House Prefers to live an average anonymous life in South Korea over being a K-Pop star.

Gabarito do painel humano: GOV — Painel humano: vitoria do Government (OG,CG)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=211, label gold.csv = "OG,CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: GOV T2: GOV T3: GOV T4: GOV T5: GOV
Voto majoritário: GOV (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_A maintained a consistent focus on the structural harms of the K-pop industry (mental health, lack of agency, precariousness), effectively refuting the opposition's claims about success. DEBATEDOR_B relied on abstract assertions about 'notoriety' and 'legacy' without addressing the specific, documented systemic pressures raised by A, and ultimately failed to complete their final argument.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentThe highest rate of plastic surgery per population in the world, Gangnam Style, is world renowned for what it does. If at the point at which we have to choose whether we want to be an average human being or a celebrity who is complicit in thousands or millions of young girls trying to take diet pills, taking plastic surgery, etc., we would much rather choose the average life. There are going to be three points in this speech. First of all, I'm going to talk about the incentives of media and talent agencies, why that uniquely leads to three impacts: one in terms of your bargaining power and the fact that you lose agency. Secondly, I'm going to talk about mental and physical health, why that's bad, and thirdly, I'm going to talk about complicity before I go on to the comparative. Okay, let's be really clear. What are the incentives of media and talent agencies and what is the framing for this round? How do you get people in Korea? If you want to be a K-pop star, you have to go to agencies like Sully, which start recruiting children as young as seven. What are the incentives to recruit people who are extremely young? First of all, it allows them to construct a backstory, a narrative about you, such that you can sell yourself to the population and be marketable well into the future. Secondly, it also allows them to assess who is talented and who's not, especially considering the K-pop market is really, really saturated and they want the best sort of person. And lastly, it's also about profits making in the long run. If you have somebody for you working for you for 40 years, and you're going to get more profit as opposed to somebody who's working for you for 10 years. This is a process that this person has gone through and come through to get here. What is the problem over here? I want to know two specific problems over here. In all likelihood, on the balance of probability, you got into this really young when you were seven or twelve. First of all, at the point at which you entered this industry, in order for you to be successful, there was no informed choice, no informed consent. At the point at which you did this, your parents made this decision for you and control your life to get through over here. But secondly, I want to note also at the point at which you're already within the talent agency, the talent agency socializes you in terms of your expectations in the future life and what you want to do. So if you want to become a doctor, it becomes really, really difficult for you to get out because you've been socialized and locked into this. This is a huge problem, especially for the second reason over here, which is to say that you have no bargaining power in terms of your agency. So if they want to run stuff like "we want discursive change," we want to, you know, impact the U.N., etc., there are two problems over why you have no control over your life and why it's made me must be weighed very heavily in the round. First of all, in order for you to be successful, here's the kind of shit that you must do: you must lose weight. South Korean beauty standards are extremely conservative. Shermay now wants to be 49 kilograms explicitly because of this sort of shit. Well, you must be extremely, extremely same so that you can attract a very huge chunk of the market. This means, again, weight loss pills, this means plastic surgery, so on and so forth. But also, it is conservative in terms of sexual identities. You cannot be openly gay. They are going to control who you get into a relationship with, who you're not getting in a relationship with, which brand you're endorsing, which brand you're not endorsing. Again, they want you to be straight because if you are straight, you sell well with the population and you're not controversial. The last thing to notice: you have no ability to assert your rights because, again, the market is saturated. Lots of people want to be K-pop stars, which means that you can be replaced at any single point in which they want to replace you, especially because they have like a literal fucking talent pool behind you, which means that there is a loss of agency on their side that necessarily happens. This is the biggest harm for a human being and so far even money is used a panel so that it can give you happiness. But if you have no control over your life, you're not a human being, you're a fucking robot for some talent agency. But secondly, I also want to talk about mental and physical health. First of all, mental health is extremely like, you know, big taboo topic within Korea. That's why lots of people, even celebrities, do not talk about depression, do not talk about lots of other things because they are perceived in the population as weak people, not Korean people who are strong or Asian people who do not have these sorts of values, which is also distinct from why they're distinct from celebrities in the West. I want to note that you cannot have access to mental health for this reason or talk about mental health issues. But secondly, there's intense media scrutiny that doesn't necessarily happen in your life, which is to say that it sells if you can say this, this pop star takes drugs, this has a drug abuse problem, or this pop star goes to this sort of therapy clinic. So you have no privacy over your life. This makes your mental life much worse and you aren't even able to access mental health care in the first place because you're afraid that you will be outed and your profession will, you know, go down. On the comparative, because we do not have this scrutiny on our side, we have much more ability to decide who we want to be with and basically also whether you want to access mental health care or not. So we have much more decision-making power when you be an anonymous Korean person on our side. Before moving on, I'll take CO. > POI: How many diet pills do you think sai has taken? I don't care about Sai because Sai is the only person who is, uh, the only person on your side of the house. Look at BTS. Look at the whole, fucking, like, if you're really going to say that only side did it, like, fair enough. If you want to go compete on side, go for it. Okay. In terms of mental and physical health, again, this means that you're likely to get plastic surgeries, weight, diet, etc. It exposes you to lots of mental health, uh, and physical health ramifications, especially if you're a kid, right? If you're a kid and you're taking diet pills, if you're a kid and you're exercising more than, I don't know, you're studying or whatever you're doing. I want you to note that this locks you in and it makes your health worse. Also, I want to say another reason why you can't shift professions is specifically because you must focus on this talent as opposed to your education, so you don't diversify your skill set and you're locked in to this sort of, to this sort of, uh, you know, industry. Lastly, on why it is, you know, you are morally complicit in the harms that are true to lots of people, I want to note that South Korea has one of the highest teen suicide rates in the world, and especially female teen suicide rates in the world. This is because the expectations that you create as a person within the industry. And you know, again, on average, you're going to be a very, extremely good looking person, uh, working out, so on and so forth, uh, really white also because there's also a dark white, uh, issue within South Korea. The problem over here is one, you are forcing lots of kids so that they can gain social acceptability to go on the same sorts of, like, toxic routine that you have gone through. So lots of kids have to do that, and in the process, they're also exposed to the mental health harms. But secondly, for people who have no consent or how they look, imagine a kid who is being bullied because they don't look like the person who's at in BTS. So many kids are bullied because of this sort of stuff. So regardless of whether you have fame or money, the fact that unconsenting individuals, mostly kids, are going to be harmed by your actions means that that money does not matter for shit. You're complicit in lots of abuses for these people. They don't live enjoyable lives because of you. The harm principle applies, okay? Lastly, comparative, why are we better off? First, one, I want to note the average person in South Korea actually lives like a very decent life. That's because the South Korea Korean economy is one of the largest economies within Asia. It also has like a booming tech sector, so on and so forth. So, and also has one of the largest main income rates within Asia. So you probably have lots of money, so you get to do that. But secondly, on our side of the house, if you really want to do like music, guys, you can always go to the pub to sing karaoke with your, with your mates or whatever. On their side of the house, it's not even that you are producing the music that you like. You'll be producing the music that the talent agency forces you to produce. So if it is about artistic freedom, you don't get that on their side. But lastly, I want to say that in terms of, you know, long-term finances, we are better off because in South Korea, there's a huge problem with people who get old. Old people are not seen as desirable anymore, and they are thrown out again because of the saturation and the fact that you were replaced. So in the long run, they don't get lots of money and they don't get lots of fame, again, panel for women who are already screwed by the patriarchy, but further screwed because of K-pop. For protecting the mental health of this individual, the physical health of this individual, and to not cause harm to other people, very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionPM says things like beauty norms and mental health are bad in South Korea. Speaks to how little of their case is actually inherent to the motion. A lot of the same problems are still going to exist for the average South Korean, but being a K-pop star gives you more money, more identity, and more subversive power to escape the mundanities of life. I'm going to be talking about three things in this speech. Firstly, about why a higher raw salary is the easiest thing to weigh in this debate. Secondly, about broader purpose in your life. And then finally, about day-to-day enjoyment on money. I want to start by responding to the claim they can just be replaced at any point. Number one, the motion says a K-pop star. This is not about people who are trying to break into the industry, but we have fiat power to say that you are probably going to be quite successful and therefore having like a unique skill set that allows you to be the next side or the next famous person. Secondly, if their characterization is true that industries are literally recruiting you at age seven, it is probably the case that they put quite a lot of work into that you become tied to the brand and therefore it's going to look quite bad for them reputationally they just decide to let you go. Let's talk about capital. What does the average salary look like in South Korea? That's going to clash with the characterization that we hear at the end of PM. Number one, there tends to be relatively high degrees of income inequality due to the domination of table industries or people at the top make a lot of money but these are often tied to state kind of patronage networks. Unless you are running these companies, if you're a worker, you don't really have an incentive to treat you super well so the average person is not paid a super high salary. Secondly, economic prospects are quite bleak into the future for the average person. There's an aging population. It is true that they have a tech sector but it's also true that you're competing with China, which has massive state-owned investment into these industries and like Taiwan that also produces things like semiconductors to a large extent. Thirdly, there are problematic kinds of gender norms when it comes to the economy, in particular where women tend to be locked at a higher level of corporate position because the brand of Catholicism that was perpetuated by colonial powers just marginalized women to a large extent. Therefore, they are locked out of these positions on balance and earn lower salaries. On the comparative, if you're a K-pop star, you are literally earning millions of dollars from things like raw things that you're paid by your industry when you go touring, from things like sponsorships, even from things like advertising on your Instagram. You can kind of become an influencer in a way. You just get really, really rich. So, I know that like the money argument is not super popular in debate. I think it's super, super important for three reasons. The first thing to say is that even if you do not care about yourself, you have other obligations in your life you tend to value quite highly. You probably care about your partner. You probably care about supporting your elderly parents. You might have kids one day and you want to support them. I think that it brings you a lot of joy when you can see yourself fulfilling obligations that you believe are proximate to you, making other people in your immediate surroundings you love dearly a lot more happy. Secondly, money unlocks choice into the future with your career. If you really hate being a K-pop star, you're able to retire and leave. PM says you can't leave because they take you when you're really young. Two things to say. Number one, like you literally can. Like if you're 20 and you're not enjoying the industry, you can just leave. They tried you on this by saying like, but you are now coerced into being a K-pop star. Like I think that even if you're involved in an industry for a long time, you still know what your preferences are and this is really important, panel. If you're coerced to be a K-pop star because they convince you that you really, really like it, if you really, really like it, I'm unclear why it matters if you were coerced in the first place because the actual level of utility that you're experiencing is still quite high at the end of the day. The third thing to say is that money just unlocks a variety of hedonistic pleasures that are very, very important. You can go and eat at night restaurants, you can go and travel to museums that you really love in the world. You know, the best way to get mental health help is having a crap ton of money. You're better able to do all these things under our state of the house and actually experiencing daily kinds of joys. And I want to note that the classic response is like, but you get used to it. Like you don't. Hedonistic pleasures like eating amazing food are things that bring you a daily burst of joy when you actually experience them. I want to give you a very important weighing mechanism of this argument into this debate. We cannot be sure what your preferences are as the average individual. We cannot say whether you like fame. We cannot say whether you like privacy. Therefore, the most rational weighing metric in this round is allowing the individual to choose what their preferences are for themselves. And therefore, the best way to do that is to maximize the capital that we have because we're not being a K-pop star 24 hours a day. We have other things in our lives and therefore we can better allocate capital in that regard. Secondly, let's talk about broader purpose in life and how we think about ourselves. I want to just briefly rebut their claim about like you can't get an education. Like you can often do it on the side, right? Like even if you're getting into this when you're younger, or you can just go back to school. I would posit that what the human psyche really wants is for us to feel like we matter in the world and like we mean something to other people. I think that there's a few things inherent to being a K-pop star in particular that give us a level of purpose that cannot be accessed by things like family, friends, or the economy. The first thing to say is that you feel like you're making other individuals happy on a daily basis. When I'm performing at a concert, I see kids who are beaming at me. I make a kid's day when I write my autograph on their head or like on their head or on like whatever paper note that they're holding. I see people holding posters that are cheering for me in the crowd. I think that most moral systems emphasize notions of kindness and selflessness and therefore we are indoctrinated to believe that bringing happiness to other people ends up being a moral good. Therefore, we end up perceiving ourselves as being a better person and it just makes it easier for us to live with ourselves and we feel like we're doing a good thing by making other people happy and get a warm fuzzy feeling inside. The second thing to say is that you feel like you're leaving a huge legacy which is really, really important. But when I die, I'm not actually going to die because everyone is going to remember my name and you feel less like just a small specter of dust in the universe. I think that legacy matters for a few reasons. Firstly, I think it helps you get through hard times when you feel like your life has a broader purpose at the end of the day. Secondly, I think it helps buffer against forms of nihilism as well where you feel less like you're just cogs in a capitalist machine, like an irrelevant speck of dust, but rather like our life assumes a broader degree of significance because we're going to matter after our death. But finally, this kind of identity is unique because it allows us to ground purpose in a way that's unique to others. Everyone might try and find purpose in their jobs, but you are finding purpose in something that only 2% or 1% of the population can access, which is being a K-pop star. I think that there tends to be social veneration of notions of uniqueness because it makes us feel like an independent person and we are often told by like our parents just like be unique, be special, be cool when we were younger and therefore you feel like you are distinctly a good person relative to others. Before I continue, OG. > POI: Most people who are abused are conditioned to like the abuse. Are you for that because that seems to be the ... No, okay, I'm just going to give a bunch of reasons why abuse is not going to happen. I don't think you are conditioned to like abuse. I think you would leave if you were being abused because it hurts. It's emotionally traumatizing for you. Let's talk about day-to-day experiences and fun. What does life look like due to capitalism? People are not choosing what they are doing under their side of the house. You often just have to go into what your parents want you to, or you have to go into whatever the dominant industries of South Korea are, which are often manufacturing and tech. Not everyone's preferences are aligned with them. They ever end up locking people into something that is not actually what their preference is. Even if you think that these industries are abusive, that is uncomparative because you lack choice over industries under their side of the house when it's dictated by the whims of the economy. The act of K-pop is fun for a few reasons. First, there tends to be a large degree of camaraderie between other people within your group, like BTS and Black Thing, being quite close. This is different from other kinds of friendship because you have a lot of shared experiences while you're on tour together, and finding so much time with one another allows you to know one another a lot more intimately. Secondly, you get to travel and see the world. I think a lot of people find this very fun because it's just boring to see surroundings all the time. I think that it unlocks joys when you understand things a lot better. They say, "But these industries are bad." What about beauty norms? Number one, this is uncomparative. Like beauty norms, as PM concedes, things like cosmetic surgery are prevalent in South Korea overall. Secondly, though, once you become really famous, we're better able to subvert these things because you know that you're always going to have some level of fan base, even if you do something like gain a little bit of weight or wear clothes that are more subversive. Therefore, when you already have a cult of personality, you have way more subversive power than the average person, which is why K-pop stars often do things like set new fashion trends. That ultimately exists for all these reasons. I'm very proud to stand in opening opposition.
OG · GovernmentKim Jong-hyun, the lead member of the band SHINee, committed suicide at the age of 27 last year after repeatedly talking about mental health problems and getting flak for it on Twitter. Five members of the male K-pop band Big Bang were implicated in a sexual abuse scandal where they were incurring sexual favors of women in order to hang out with them. Soon-lee, the lead member of the band f(x), committed suicide after repeatedly talking about mental health problems and getting flak for it on Twitter. Five members of the male K-pop band Big Bang of the band f(x) killed herself last year for similar reasons to do with mental health, and finally, Goo Hara, lead member of band Kara, also killed herself for body expectation pressures raised on her in the industry. These are unfortunate examples to mention, panel, but these are problems which are germane to the K-pop industry, and I'm going to show to you why. The first thing that this says is that salary is important. I would posit that salary is important insofar as it's instrumental towards your happiness. If I'm in bonded labor and I'm making a million a year, I don't necessarily care because I don't have the time to enjoy that money. I have high expectations placed on me, and I am fundamentally not free. Number two, there's a past dependency problem that they miss where the point at which you do exit the industry, you can't go anywhere else because you joined at the age of seven. You don't have the education and the skills necessary to go into another industry. Their only response to this was you can simply quit. I mean you can, but like you'll be messed up otherwise. It's like sports people, right? Unfortunately, past 35 if they've made enough money, they're fine, otherwise they're not, but see they assume that BTS is getting the money in the first place. These contracts are very exploitative for the reasons that Taha gave, like companies coerce you into contracts where BTS literally touring last year before the pandemic was living in a hostel while their company was making millions of dollars. This is the problem when you get eight-year-olds under the pretense of parents who just want their kids to be famous signing contracts. You don't make informed choices, which is even in their best world they get very low salaries for these people, but finally they said salaries are instrumental towards relationships. What relationships when you are on tour 24-7, when the media is on your case in terms of who your boyfriend is, who your girlfriend is, the person that you love, God forbid if they're gay because then you're not going to get another signing contract, but secondarily your family is never going to have enough time for you because they will consistently make it about your elderly mother having schizophrenia or whatever it may be, which means that even if the salary is instrumental towards getting better outcomes for your family, your family is significantly compromised in their world. The second claim then was that the point at which you have money, you can make choices which can change the narratives of the industry. The first thing I want to point out here, which I think is really important, is that you are conditioned into the cycle of abuse. They completely ignore this point of information. If you've been from the age of eight and nine used to a regime where people abuse you through systematic practice regimes, you will practice for 18 hours a day or else you will practice for 16 hours a day or we won't give you the money, but secondly in the worst case also pay sexual and physical abuse, then not only do you normalize it for yourself, you normalize it for others, you don't recognize it within the industry because that's been the fundamentally normal trade-off that you've been making in your entire life. This was the unfortunate story of Hollywood for a long time, but number two, who becomes a K-pop star in the first place, right? The sort of person who gets selected in the audition studio after 300 people showing up is probably the person who has a bit more connections with their parents than other people do. What this means then is that even as an anonymous person, you are likely to have a significantly middle-class upper-middle-class life where you can make a reasonable amount of money on our side. The final thing then is in terms of legacy. One, why is a legacy important? Lots of people live lives where they don't feel an intention to leave behind a legacy. This is like intuition bias and debating, right? We're all full of ourselves and arrogant so we want to leave behind legacies. The vast majority of the planet does not give a care. They live a good life and they move on with their lives, so they believe in God statistically like two-thirds of the planet so they're going to be fine in the afterlife. But three and most importantly, why is your legacy not "I left behind a child who I cared for, I got a promotion in my local job"? Like normal people have normal legacies, and two, if you've not become a K-pop star, then you don't have the expectations of a K-pop star, so there's a temporal gap in their problem, so you just have the legacies of a normal person who enjoys the anonymity on our side. What is standing still from our side which has not been rebutted? Hey, you are actively complicit in the harms given to other young teenage girls the point at which you enter their industry. The only response to this was peripheral, which is that even if you're an average anonymous Korean person, you might follow this person. Yes, but there's a difference between me taking a loan from JP Morgan and working for JP Morgan. In one side, I'm actively complicit in the abuses scored to people such as myself and other people, but secondly and much more importantly, this argument stands upstream of all of the arguments on salary, upstream of all of the arguments about you having a better life. If you're complicit in the suffering of millions of other people who also did not make informed choices, then we are significantly likely to win the debate. The next thing I want to do is focus on our outcomes or physical and mental health before I do that. I'm going to take engagement from CO. Go ahead. > POI: There is increasing commercial pressure to deal with the kind of scandals that you're talking about because people care very deeply about these stars. Why were corporations buying into that pressure? Um, systemic reasons that Kaha gave for how Korea has a conservative domestic culture. So, I don't know why they would land on your side of the debate and not our side. But secondly, speaking, how did it deal with Britney Spears? How did it deal with Lindsay Lohan? It wasn't like, "Guys, there's a problem, we should talk about this in the open and have public discourse." Let's shut her up in a hospital room and give guardianship to people. This is the exact same thing that's going to happen in K-pop. Where the more fans are concerned about BTS, the more they will be muzzled, the more they will be censored, the more they will be systematically locked out of giving press conferences. So, if anything, the more the abuses scale, the more the newspapers talk about it, companies have greater and greater incentives to coerce you into silence and to coerce you into acceptance. Note: your albums do not sell if you come out and say, "I have a tragic, depressing life and no one cares about me." But secondly, also importantly, you don't choose the creative direction of your music. This was analysis completely missed by Leader of Opposition. You choose the music with charts. Well, you choose the music which the marketing analysts say will win, like the four chords that I use in every song at this point in our world. At least, even if you're an anonymous Korean citizen, you can once a year play in the karaoke. I'm part of a very amateur band because I dream to be a musician, and I'm happy for that to give me musical and artistic satisfaction. But it doesn't come with the downside of celebrity, the coercion of fame, all of that bad stuff, which means that we can still engage musically in our world without necessarily being compromised. Finally, then, why do we win as an anonymous citizen? The first thing I want to point out here, which I think is important, is that you can live a middle-class life because that's what South Korea is like. Know that it was a very surface-level response here, which is that, you know, gender norms, expectations exist outwards elsewhere in South Korea. That's like saying that gender norms exist in academia and modeling. They're obviously worse in modeling. Like, I just don't know how to rebut that, Name. Right? Because I am willing to lose this debate on the intuition that the average bank and the average school and the average hospital has much less gender norm expectations than the K-pop industry does. But secondly, speaking, you save up money. You save up money because you're not contingent on a career that ends at age 34 because you're not good looking enough, you're not young enough, all of that stuff. But thirdly and finally, panel, I challenge this intuition that everyone is a hedonist trying to satisfy themselves. Again, get outside of the debate bubble, right? Some people are happy. Most people across the planet, statistically, are happy having a bit of money on the side, going for one holiday a year to France, and that's good enough for them. I... It's unclear to me by having everything like in the Sharpie Evans High School Musical style is the only life that you're willing to get behind, as opposed to having a house, having a family, and being happy. Panel, this is an extraordinarily exploitative regime of child abuse on their side. You can't stand behind this. Live the anonymous life. That's what we stand behind. I'm very, very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionEach was a "dynamite", "mic drop," whereas "On" prop, "Life Goes On," those are the only K-pop songs I know. Firstly, I'm going to chat about the principle. Secondly, I'm going to discuss the industry and how it can get better. Finally, on the individual on complicity, there are three things I want to say here. The first thing to say is that the more they say that you are conditioned, that you have no agency when you're acting in this particular way, the less you can say they are complicit for anything. For example, if I was told my entire life that I should do X thing, if everyone around me pushed me to do X thing, if there are dangerous outcomes if I don't do X thing, my responsibility morally for doing X thing is very, very, very, very low. In the same way that if I have a gun to my head and I do something, it is not really my responsibility. So the more they push claims that you are pushed into this particular way of life, the less you are complicit. Secondly, should we really be held responsible for being a very, very, very, very small part of a particular problem? K-pop is still going to exist on their side of the house. All of these problems are still going to persist. I'm going to go for a long drive to McGill with my mother after this tournament is over, and that is going to be damaging for the environment very much. But I wouldn't really say that I am morally responsible and shouldn't go in that way of life because it's such a benefit to me and such a very, very low harm compared to such a massive harm of climate change. Overall, it seems very, very strange to say that complicity is a really big moral metric here. Thirdly, you could change the industry from within yourself, i.e., you could speak out against those norms. Now let's explain how that works because Humza gives the response that you're, you know, going to face tons of backlash from this. First of all, you have tons of leverage, and I know Naomi gave this response, and Humza rebuilds it by saying, "Well, there isn't really tons of other industries that you can go into, and you might not have tons of money." First, you are already a star, you already do have tons of money. Secondly, your stardom is not tied to being in a particular company, it is tied to being in the public sphere. You are still going to be able to get endorsements after, you will still be able to go to other companies. This is particularly true in the context of K-pop, where American and North American and European competition is now seeping in slowly as it has become a predominant business model within the West as well. Look at how BTS's new song "Dynamite" was written and produced by Americans because this is something that is seen as a good business model. This is also a reason for why the industry is likely to liberalize because if there are other options and corporations that you can go to as a K-pop star, this leads to a positive pressure to make conditions as good as possible for everyone in this field. This is also a reason for why you are able to write many of your own songs because this is literally trends that are often set by K-pop and by K-pop stars themselves, right? Like K-pop in the West was not something that really existed until four or five years ago, but trends changed and people enjoy different sorts of music in the same way that trends in music change all the time. So it's not the case that you're just locked into this fundamentally like caging sense, a sense of music under the other side of the house. But finally, contracts are getting way, way better. Now, their characterization is you get signed when you're seven. This seems very, very bizarre to me, and the reason for that is quite simple. It is because you don't know if someone is going to be good when they are seven. So you're spending tons and tons of money into like tons of seven-year-olds. Like you're paying them loads, you're signing huge contracts with their parents, parents who are giving up their own middle-class lifestyle for this in many instances. So it just seems bizarre that they would actually be signing people at seven years old. It's much more plausible that you wait until someone's like 18, 19, someone's very skilled. But at that point, someone has probably other options that they could sign with. There's a positive, you know, positive incentive type good competition. This is why like musicians are paid a lot of money when they are stars. It's not the case that you just get signed exploited contracts. But finally, contracts renew over time. Like you can't sign to a lifetime contract. You have to renew it. So you know, when you get a lot more money, you can, you know, do it later. This is important because you have the agency to even if you don't believe you have the agency to do many things, to do some things. For example, you can have access to therapy if you would like. Now, they might say, "Ah, but you know, there's going to be so much scrutiny that you won't be able to." Like, you can go to online therapy. You can go to therapy in the secret. Like, if your therapist reveals that you're going to them, like, they can literally get sent to prison because of like client privilege. Like, we just suggest that you are able to access those sorts of mental health things on the other side of the house. The industry is getting better, especially when you are going to be in it. Finally, like, there are just other modes of being a K-pop idol that can exist. Like, the example of Psy obviously is trivial, but it does suggest and point to the fact that it is not a necessary and fundamental requirement to look a certain way. There are obviously pressures that push you in a certain direction, but you're able to, if you're really, really skilled at music and are a star that already has a cult of personality, you are able to do certain things in that instance, right? So you're able to diversify your own portfolio of interest, I guess is what I'm saying. Finally, why was money indeed important? I want to point out, K-pop in South Korea is not just like a normal industry. It's not like you live a normal life. It's not like you have normal prestige. K-pop is one of the most prestigious organizations in that entire country. It is very, very much different from living a normal middle-class lifestyle because you are valorized as a person. The very fact that they think that you're going to be taken down a peg if you do something wrong shows how valorized you are in the first place. Because the only reason that you would be taken down a peg if you did something wrong would be if you were expected to be good in the first instance. What this suggests is it is a much deeper level of entitlement and power and prestige that was important for you as an individual. This is really important because scrutiny on an everyday level is not important if you feel fulfillment as a result of that scrutiny. There are three reasons why you're more likely to have positive comments that outweigh negative ones that you might get on prop side. Firstly, there's more often that you just get way more of them because you have that cult of personality that we already mentioned and OG mentions as well. There are so many fans that are really, really integrated with only within your own lifestyle, especially fans who are typically younger and less conservative than their forebears. They won't necessarily care as much if you come out as gay, for example. But also, you can diversify your interest to other countries, for example, going to North America for tours. So it's less likely that you rely on the South Korean demographic. Secondly, your social media managers and social media sites are likely to be filtered in ways which benefit you, i.e., your managers don't want to make you feel really shitty, so they're going to decrease the amount of negative comments that you get to see because they don't want you to quit or leave or go to therapy or whatever. I'll take CG before I move on. > POI: So for the past 5 000 years have koreans been taught that it's good to be extraordinary or ordinary? I think most people have been taught to be extraordinary, and the reason for that is very simple. Extraordinary people do things that benefit society. We are told that we ought to strive for greatness in school, be the best at our jobs, and strive for the most money. All of these things are taught in order to be unique and benefit the rest of society. We are cultured and indoctrinated to believe that. But the last reason why you're more likely to receive positive comments is that it's more likely to match up with what the people around you are saying. They say, "Well, you can't have any friends like the ones you can have friends within the industry, you can have friends within your K-pop group like BTS, which has 10 members for what I know, but also you can just have other friends who you have deep connections with, maybe someone who you grew up with at school that you are still friends with that doesn't rely on fame for you to be friends." Trivially, I think that you can still have relationships under our side of the house, so they're likely to confirm the positive comments that you get and deny the negative ones, and those are typically people that you trust. Finally, industry norms are going to be problematic regardless. The average quality of life is not like the poorest in the world, but it's still obviously not as good as K-pop. Insofar as you are often still having the same gender norms put upon you, i.e., it is much more difficult if you unluck out and become a woman under their side of the house to access things like a job because your husband tells you to stay home and society tells you to stay home as well. It was less likely that industry norms were bad because industry norms wanted to relate to the people who were in that industry who had much power over it, and therefore it was more likely that they were malleable, whereas in general society, each individual person has very, very little control. The gender norms that they talk about, as well as the social perceptions of looking beautiful, still apply. The question was whether you were able to change those norms by wearing new clothes, by looking in a different way, where K-pop idols have significant power, whether you're just someone who had to follow. We're very proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentOn basis, their case on success and joy. Success is fickle; joy is non-existent. After that, a lot of comparatives where the average anonymous person is better off. Why success fickle? Not that K-pop is an incredibly competitive market. Numerous stars exist at one time; numerous people want to join that market. This means that your success, even if you're very successful now, can end very quickly. One single scandal of collaborating with a rival group, one single wrong statement, one single sex scandal is something that can destroy your entire career. We see this in Europe with people like Beautify, with people like Tati. Not that insofar as this market is incredibly competitive, not that your rivals have an incentive to do this. They have an incentive to set you up; they have an incentive to manufacture scandals. Even if this doesn't happen, I think it's incredibly consistent stress insofar as you cannot enjoy your success because you're always worried about whether success is going to dissipate tomorrow. Secondly, know that opening opposition saying there are trends literally proves you can be a one-hit wonder. Now, this does not guarantee your success in one year or two years time. There is a huge amount of these stars lose viewership after they leave for, let's say, compulsory military service, which they are not exempt from in South Korea, which means the success in and of itself on their side of the house is not necessarily likely to begin with. But on the level of joy, if opening opposition concedes that these norms, which are negative, exist on both sides of the house, then they also can see that it's not just the industry that is toxic, the fans that are toxic. It is the fans that expect you to look one particular way, who send you death threats, who insult your looks and so on and so forth, which means that what you feel at the end of the day is you haven't changed yourself or someone else and there's still not being enough insofar as this adoration is what you depend on for validation and you're unlikely to get it and there's negativity biased towards these negative comments. I think you feel like bullshit, but I think they also defeat their own opt-out mechanism when they say you have this idea that you want to provide for your family and so on and so forth. It's incredibly hard to leave and you feel guilty about leaving at the point where this is the avenue that you provide for your family, so there is no opt-out mechanism on the opposition on the rebuttal to this, which is liberalization. A couple of reasons why it doesn't happen. First of all, not there's a monopoly in this industry like YG has pretty much bought out all of the lower companies, which means they have no incentive to reform. As far as there's no competition. Secondly, so many people want to enter this industry because of the idealization that opening opposition uses as the mechanism for their arguments, which means that there is implicit idea if you don't accept this horrible condition, someone else will. So you are disincentivized against rebelling against this. But thirdly, there's bad dependency. You've seen how previous stars have succeeded, so you have an incentive to adapt to this if you want success. But even if you do leave, you're always going to be recognized on the street. You're always going to remember this trauma and all of this, so it's not like you get to enjoy your later life if you're traumatized and have to go to a therapist, which you may or may not pay, as Matthew Farrell says. So we think opening opposition at their best, we prove success is unlikely; we prove that joy is incredibly unlikely. As for their own framework, let's explain why we think the average person is better off. First of all, not the average person gets to enjoy day-to-day joys, and I think Naomi gives a fantastic example for this. You go to a K-pop star, you go to a concert, and you sign this kid's autograph. You know, on our side of the house, you get to be the kid whose autograph is signed. The comparative within this interaction is equal insofar as both individuals are related. The comparative is, as the kid, you go home afterwards, you watch more YouTube videos, and you remember the best night of your life, and you don't know what goes on behind the scenes for this particular star. Average individuals, even if norms are negative on both sides of the house, get to go to concerts, get to go to football games, get to spend time with their family, get to go for fines. They have day-to-day ways of coping with their lives, which they can do without the additional stress and baggage that opening opposition concedes exists when they say that norm is just on both sides of the house. Then, comparatively, these norms are worse for these K-pop stars, given that they're always recognized. It's impossible to do so on our side of the house. You are able to have mechanisms to cope with the hard life that exists on both sides of the house. On their side, they've given you no coping mechanism, apart from the fact that you have money. They haven't explained how money onset offsets unhappiness. But the second response to this is we have to characterize Korean society, and this is why, lover, as the POI in Korean society, an average day-to-day life is glorified as part of Confucian culture. It is the idea that caring for your family, fulfilling obligations to people near to you, settling down with a job, and living a peaceful life is something you should value because the value of peace is connected to the spirituality that Koreans are taught transgenerationally through their families and through the educational system. Because this is how you achieve spiritual equilibrium. If you live with harmony with others, this means that one, money in and of itself is not something that is valued insofar as it's not conducive to you fulfilling the idea of peace. But secondly, it's something that you as an average Korean strive towards and probably desire in middle-class life because you see your family, your grandma, your grandpa telling you about who maybe times were better before when there was not this much individualism. It's probably inculcated in you and you believe in this spiritual culture. But secondly, we said most Koreans have economic security, and it's not just the idea our Koreans, you know, developed economy civilization is good. Opening opposition, I would agree there's maybe corruption at the top, but tables employ the best majority of the Korean economy because Koreans work in family units. In tables, families are recruited as specific working units in specific sectors and given that they are operated largely through logic to more of a public system than a private system, it's incredibly unlikely you get laid off insofar as this is not a competitive industry but a largely public-run industry, which means that most people have economic security and tables are inherited between families. This means that families who are employed in a previous generation also get to inherit their spots, which means in a huge amount of situations, you have the ability to pursue education, to go to these trips, to enjoy all of these nice things because you have some money savings. There's not the harms of being a K-pop star. But even if corruption is a problem, reform is incredibly likely because recently been a huge anti-corruption wave within Korea. The previous prime minister was deposed because of this. The current is unlikely to win the future election because he's being targeted, especially for not reforming this. Even if my corruption is a problem, it's likely to become egalitarian over time. But we also think it's going to become more egalitarian in two other ways. First of all, that Korea, given the Confucian culture I mentioned earlier, is also a strong welfare state. There are things like minimum wage laws, there are things that can employment subsidies, there are things like public housing, something's a huge amount of people in South Korea have public housing. These are policies path-dependent and bipartisan on left-wing and the right-wing, which means that even if you're not a high middle class, as Hamsa says, you still have access to baseline security. Before I go to identity liberalization, opening opposition. > POI: Confucianism might have been true during the 1900s, during the dictatorship, but due to the fact that it was associated with Park, there's a lot of backlash to that because it's interacting with forms of repression. I think society has changed over time to appreciate forms of uniqueness more. No, Naomi, literally, was the opposite. The Catholic Church was associated with oppression because this was the religion of the colonizers. Confucianism is the original Korean ideology, and part of the reclamation of the Korean identity was arguing for these values. This is why, apart from in southeastern South Korea where people are Buddhists, which is a religion, most South Koreans are not religious. Which means that even though they're conservative in terms of things such as beauty standards and how you're supposed to look, they're not necessarily conservative in terms of identity suppression. And this is likely to change over time, even if you buy opening opposition's the status quo, because there's a huge wave of progressivism, there's contact with the West through social media. If you want to buy the mechanisms from opening opposition's why the institution, the industry is going to liberalize, which explains why it won't regardless, then you also have to buy that the wave of progressivism happens on our side as well, and there's going to be more acceptance of LGBTQ minorities, there's going to be more acceptance of women. It's symmetrical. What's not symmetrical is that the harms of the industry itself, regardless of liberalness or conservativeness, exist on both sides of the house. We've taken off at their best, we've proven the comparative. For all of these reasons, closing government.
CO · OppositionIt's a shame that nobody read the topic of this debate, because this wasn't a debate simply about whether you prefer to be a K-pop star or if you prefer to be a Korean. It was whether you prefer to be a K-pop star or an average anonymous Korean. Emphasis on the term "anonymous" there, because the burden of this government bench wasn't simply to show that life in Korea was good; it was to show that living a life where you were completely anonymous in Korea was one that was good. We think living an anonymous life is one that's extremely harmful, mainly because there's no capacity for you to actually attain notoriety. That was extraordinarily sad for three reasons. Firstly, you couldn't gain recognition in any field that you wanted to enter. Secondly, you couldn't land any meaningful legacy. Note that opening opposition talk about legacy being something that's important, but we say that it's not just that you can't get a legacy as a K-pop star, it's that you can't get a legacy at all whatsoever, which is a far more meaningful plan. But thirdly, at the point we have to be an anonymous brand, it exacerbates all of the harms of opening opposition talk about. That is to say, you're not comparing your wage to just the average Korean; you're comparing your wage to the average anonymous Korean, which obviously knocks out with a high profile for people who probably reap the higher salaries and move that average up. So you're probably now in the lower echelon of people within Korea, which meant you were living in a way that was not particularly fantastic, contrast when you had a K-pop career, which was to say that at worst, you probably experienced a lot of the stresses that the government teams rightly point out exist in this debate, but at least you were doing it for your family, you were able to have some sort of meaningful expression of your life, later you're having to, uh, capacity to actually attain some sort of legacy. What are the two preemptive responses we get to this material on anonymity? Firstly, opening government says nobody gives a shit about glory and legacy, and secondly, point guard in a point of information, closing government suggests that Koreans are conditioned to be extraordinarily ordinary. But note that this entirely contributes almost the entirety of the analysis that comes out from opening government, which is to say that there are pressures in society to look better, to be better, there is extraordinary idolization of these figures. Speaker, it cannot be simultaneously true that being ordinary was the peak of living in Korea, but also the people on mass subscribe to having to make themselves look better, to having to be better. The idolization of these figures, government can only run with one of those characterizations. Their failure to do so and us pointing that out means we're clearly already ahead in this debate. For extensions that come out from closing opposition, firstly, why you necessarily have to be anonymous, which I've already covered. Secondly, why this occupation was not one which was predatory. Thirdly, we'll be the first opposition team to be directly comparative as to what your position is likely to be. And fourthly, we'll be the first opposition team to take the burden that the government sites put at their fullest potential, which is to say that even if you have to suffer for your entire life, that suffering was one that was likely to be meaningful to you, that suffering was one that was likely to be extraordinarily worth it. Onto that second extension there, why this occupation is not particularly predatory. Four things to say here. Firstly, we query in a point of information immediately in response to OG's idea of this harm principle, you're complicit in culture and figures like Psy, for example, don't need to do things like consume diet pills. I understand opening opposition trying to run away with this analysis, but it's obviously something that we initially point out, which was to then say that it's extremely possible to thrive and exist as a K-pop star without subscribing to the worst bits of this culture, without being complicit in that culture. That was particularly and uniquely beneficial for closing opposition. Secondly, though notably, societal standards existed outside of K-pop. You know, at the point where opening government says there are so many plastic surgeries or diet creams being taken, yeah, in wider society as well as in K-pop. And note that at the point where you're an average anonymous Korean, that is, you don't get any notoriety, it's probably relatively like you're not particularly good-looking individual as opposed to when you're a K-pop star, meaning it's extremely likely that you individually felt those pressures in a way that was particularly damaging to your own psyche. Certainly note that the K-pop stars have unique defenses to actually change those societal standards. Fair enough, opening opposition talks about that bit, but fourthly, note that a K-pop star is not necessarily locked into that which they have to do. They could probably write an expose on how poorly they've been treated. The masses of fans they have internationally mean that people probably consume that content, meaning it wasn't necessarily likely you're always actually going to be locked into these industries. Third extension that comes from closing opposition is that we're going to be the first side to give a proper comparative of the exact position you'll find yourself in, and that's on three axes. Firstly, what is your economic position? Secondly, what is your occupational position? Thirdly, how do you get personal fulfillment? Firstly, with respect to your economic position, note that your earnings are likely to be extraordinarily high, and a lot of the analysis particularly comes out from closing government about how this is a tenuous industry probably just falls out of this debate entirely because the topic presupposes you're a K-pop star, meaning you're probably relatively entrenched in these industries, and obviously then the earnings you get are likely to be high. Yes, in some circumstances, it's likely that perhaps like studios take a lot of that money from you, you're obviously going to be earning far, far, far more you never have the possibility to do if you're an average, again, anonymous brand. Contrast then what happens if you just are an average, anonymous brand. There are three particular harms. Firstly, there's a shit pension scheme in Korea. This is something that bizarrely opening government points out, even though it's obviously opposition content, which is to say the old age poverty rate in Korea is four times the OECD average. At the point where you know you're just an average worker, you probably have risks of going into that and falling into those shit pension schemes. That was harmful. Secondly, there was a lot of welfare spending in Korea, at least well below the OECD average, and that meant that your safety net at any given time wasn't particularly strong, and knowing that that's a harm that operates irrespective of whether you ever need to actually go on to welfare to begin with, that is to say just because it's in the back of your mind that the welfare state existing Korea is not extraordinarily robust, that adds stresses to your everyday life. But thirdly, just note the income is well below the OECD average, and as I point out in the introduction of this speech, also comparing yourself to the average anonymous Korean, which also takes out the high-profile grades in direct comparison, so you're probably earning very little. Secondly, your occupational experience. Noting that this is directly responsive to all of the harm and trauma material we hear from two things to say here. Firstly, Korean workplaces aren't so fresh up either. They're typically extraordinarily hierarchical. You're typically overworked in office jobs. You have less capacity for things like self-expression. But secondly, even if you're a kid, you're forced into K-pop, not the alternatives. You're forced to go to school in schools, particularly existing Korean, are often high-stress environments. Thirdly, with respect to personal fulfillment, it's just unlikely you had much because you didn't have an outlet for creative material. But secondly, you probably weren't able to gain political influence because you had to be an anonymous Korean, as the topic presupposes. But secondly, note the political influence the K-pop members have is quite large. Note there are increasing calls for BTS to be exempted from military conscription, which is something that was likely to exist in response to one of the arguments by the government teams. I'll take a point from opening. > POI: Yeah, but the explanation as to why they have political influence doesn't stand. At the point where you don't react to the preemptive, which tells that you don't have an incentive to use that political influence, insofar as you want to retain success. It's mutually exclusive. No, but you at least have the capacity to attain political success and political notoriety on our side, whereas on your side, you can't even get that opportunity. So, irrespective of what you do to it, we can exclusively point out that at the point where you can at least be, you know, a Korean of note, you have the potential to make any changes. That was the important difference. Fourth extension that comes from closing opposition is to actually take this government at their full burden. That is just no insane sort of things they point out. All the harms they talk about, all the abuses, your complicity. We're going to say that even if you have to go through the worst conceivable, you know, circumstance of being a K-pop star, that was all worth it because your life at that point became a sacrifice you viewed as being taken for two reasons. Firstly, because you could do things like guarantee the livelihood of your family and friends and those around you, because the government talked about Confucian ideology that exists in Korea. Note that taking this sacrifice, probably one that you saw, has been worth it if it meant you could support your families around you. But secondly, you know, insofar as most Koreans were religious of some nature, you'd probably see that sacrifice as being one that was valuable and you reap your reward in the afterlife as a consequence. For those reasons, because you have to be anonymous, because we give a direct comparative as to what your life is likely to look like, and finally, because we show that the suffering is one that was worth it, it's extremely clear, closing opposition wins this debate.
CG · GovernmentFirst, rest of the debate. First of all, comparing yourself to our side of the house, as well, your side probably compares too, but you are surrounded by super rich folks, as opposed to being surrounded by average folks in our cell house, which means that the comparative for yourself house is inherently one where you feel less off, or you always want more because there's always someone richer, more successful, etc., etc. Secondly, on the idea of being average anonymous, they probably mischaracterize what it means to be an anonymous. Here, it means that you're not super famous, not that you're not like a guy who doesn't have friends or no connections at all, but recognize that there are also no responses to our incentives on social security, while these things are reforming, probably relevant for your pension fund, etc., etc. Lastly, the idea of stress and the difficult education system is on our side of the house. Actually, this is our contextualization. This proves our metric of studying for state exams, efforts, the Confucianism of the culture, the sacrifice of that for of that sort is an unacceptable sacrifice from a Westernized, individualized perspective of how people should function and what they should do to the state. What is the acceptable amount of work in the culture that is not something which happens from a Korean perspective, so therefore they need to answer from this side of the perspective why this is unacceptable and why there is no like a huge incentive where you're brought up in this period so that you actually take pride into becoming this and doing something for your community. What is the friend stand opening government or structurally characterizing the way in which economy works for average folks, but also what are the structural social fabrics and values that folks respect? Why this is important for the realization of the average individual? But secondly, the DLO's response to my POI loses the framing debate for them because they run North American norms and messaging as applicable. Oh, extra guarantee success, a beacon on a hill. Comparative is that South Korea is very Confucianism, egalitarian social purpose society where this is not taught but rather from the phone because you are putting yourself before your community. Know that they recognize this and then try to argue the opposite in a POI, which is not enough compared to the material which team brought. But also recognize that the argument about positive power to change and you have an agency to ask help. The second argument is unrealistic given that this will cause negative effects for your popularity and also for the company if you seem to be perceived as unstable or needing help or someone who is not a beacon on the hill who people can look upon. This is something which OG doesn't have any rebuttal engagement, but the first argument is one where you probably can make more effect. This is also where OG is like, "Oh, you can't do anything." We're responding more nuanced way. OG just says you are changed by chained, but recognize that the way in which you do this is likely to be very commercialized and serve the purpose of your faith, eating money, doing show-ups, photo ops, etc. You might rationalize this as still something meaningful, but this is a very low part of your life. The comparative is if you have high tendencies to help, you can do this more effectively as an anonymous person by helping others, volunteering, dedicating your life on our side of the house. So the comparative on this is also something which we exclusively. What about the preference and choice argument and actually how this conflicts opening position given that you are locked out of hanging out and having a meaningful support structure if everyone is indeed, how do you say, like a poor? But the problem is that you are often, how do you say, that you are oftentimes on tours. It is problematic for you to emotionally spend time with other folks as opposed to spending money. Recognize that also this argument that you have friends in other bands is completely unrealistic. So the comparative is that you don't actually compare to your regular and normal friends in how much money you have because you tend to find folks who also have the similar amount of money on you. Because otherwise, these relationships oftentimes don't work because someone has more money and then there's always a problem of them wanting nicer things and you cannot afford nicer things or they're paying for you, etc., etc., which is like the comparative is that you have more of a social fabric and society on our side of the house, something which is also unique in engagement. But also let's weigh the idea of causing harm to others versus having big impacts in terms of fame and happiness and legacy, something which is a deadlock on opening half. The problem here is that whether OG is right or always right, this is still a worst trade-off because you have to weigh huge effects of your behavior and other people's lives. This is very difficult to do from an average person and you have the tendency to negatively perceive your impact if you see criticism in the media, but also the validation that you're used to, which open opposition says does create negative psychological impacts on your interactions with regular folks, such as your family, friends, potential partners, when all you can see every day is tens of thousands of people cheering on you on the stage. But also recognize that OG's arguments are contingent on proving that you actually perceive these consequences, the negative ones, as those of your work. The problem here is that they connect, they don't connect the most important arguments here for their case. The idea that you know you change yourself because this is what the industry wants means that you know there is a possibility people notice you look differently or that they notice you changed your look. This insecurity that is inherently brought to you by this requirement is what why you psychologically do attribute your potential influence as a consequence of your choices, regardless if that's the fact. This is the argument which beats opening opposition mitigating mitigation on that part. But also recognize that the comparative is that your everyday interactions have very clear, unambiguous, and not overwhelming impacts. You have your friends, family, hobbies, colleagues, something's being characterized in this debate, and opening government spends two minutes in their two speeches on what is the average life, your social circle, which is very similar to what you were taught, and most importantly, what others were taught in your country is the good thing to do because this is the average conclusion is a way that your grandparents, that your schools, that basically everyone in your society teaches is the best way. The problem is that the society, if it's very Confucianism and you value averages, you value social egalitarianism, you're serving a higher purpose. The counterfactual is you have to reject all of these things to be brought up in a different way. Therefore, when opening garment says you are brought from this from seven and eight years old, this is not consent. This is not the most relevant thing. The most relevant thing is that in order for you to be brought up in this way so that you value this extraordinary like purpose that you have in society, being a superstar is what contradicts everything that everyone else has told you and will tell you in their society. And this is the unique mechanism which proves why you have less of a social circle and cannot even like hang out with other other stars. OO before I finish. > POI: You can only be the kid at the concert if your family has a lot of money. On our side, you need a lot of money to be able to send your kid to the concert. You can bring your families on tour, and at the very least, you can rationalize leaving them sometimes when you know that you were supporting them and giving them the life that they deserve. I think it's unrealistic that concerts are generally inaccessible to the average Korean. Even if that's the case, I can enjoy music without ever going to a concert. Literally, I can be the biggest K-pop fan. I can rip off things, always download, never buy a cent, and I can still enjoy this competitively outside the house. The benefit which you put forward is that you can bring family on tours, and the family, which is not rich, is going to really enjoy the very strict schedule and that they can't do anything, that they can give any media time, that they don't see you. So, I don't think that this really is a comparative versus being home with your family, spending holidays with them, not having to perform on Christmas Eve or Christmas night, etc., etc. Last year, the idea of a lot of money, this is not something which OG. I think thoroughly engaged, so this is really important for the economic standing of an average person. They say aging population, but recognize that the aging population is a symptom of a developed country, right? The natal rates go down because you are very developed and because people choose not to have too many kids because the society has so much change that you have different ways of spending life, career, blah, blah. So, I think this defeats their argument, but also recognize that we are the ones who give you unique incentives or why the society is very egalitarian or why it is reforming in ways in which it is not necessarily meritocratic, something which doesn't happen on opening government. So, for all these reasons, CG.
CO · OppositionI'm not a massive K-pop fan, but I am a really good big sister. When I took my little sibling, Anna, to a Stray Kids concert in Sydney, it was impossible to remain impartial. Literally thousands of young people in the crowd were caught up in the energy. The atmosphere was completely electric, and the band was completely devoted to the act. So, if OG believes that you are complicit in beauty norms because you participate in them, imagine how much more complicit you are in the absolute joy of these fans. In that ability to be known, to be influential, to inspire people, we thought that that brought you an inestimable amount of utility. And if CG believes that because you're Confucian, you care more about the collective than the individual, we thought the ability to inspire so many people, to bring them along on a journey, to give them hope, and for them to care about you so deeply probably meant a lot to you. Nonetheless, I'm going to do two things in this speech. First of all, I'll talk about how much agency you actually have as a K-pop idol, and then secondly, I'll talk about when your lifestyle is likely better. On the first one, then, about how much agency you have as a K-pop idol, because much of the government's case, including OG's principle, rests on the idea that K-pop idols have no power whatsoever to change society and the harms of the industry. A few ideas then in response to what we hear from OG and to an extent CG, I suppose, as well. The first thing to say is that all of the problems that are identified by OG are well known. They are attracting increased scrutiny, which means that there is more and more pressure on the industry to change. And their claim here is just like, well, the industry shuts you down, the industry stops you from speaking up. But we thought this was unlikely to be true because even if you, as an individual, did not speak out, the kind of scandals, you know, created by other people's mental health crises, created like literally already exist, were already putting pressure on fans to demand better from the industry. And I think something that the government bench literally just does not acknowledge in this debate is how deeply fans care about you, how much fans want K-pop stars to have good outcomes. And we think that that probably means that there is substantial pressure on these industries to change. We would also note, obviously, that CG knifes their opening when they tell us that there is this huge wave of progress, which probably does mean that life is getting better for K-pop stars. If that is true, the second thing to say is that OG concedes that not all K-pop stars are bound to the kind of beauty standards and things that they're talking about. See someone like Psy, whose satirical and memetic power obviously did not come from his appearance, that won fans around the world, which probably suggests that as a K-pop star, you are able to do things like identify a niche and escape these pressures to an extent. I think the third thing to say, though, is it is obviously absurd to suggest that you are culpable for industry harms. But even if that is true, the huge amount of joy you much more directly create is likely able to sort of make up for that. You know, obviously, you are probably key in the joy of fans around the world, but you're probably not keen key in the fact that people, you know, want to get plastic surgery. But I think the most important thing to say here is that, like, you know, given that you have, you know, millions or whatever of adoring fans who care very deeply around the world, this typically gave you an enormous platform to try to create change. You know, that does not necessarily have to look like undermining the industry. It can also just look like, you know, say, see like Rose from Blackpink speaking out about LGBT rights. This gives you a platform that you simply would not otherwise have, and we think that that is immensely important in an emotional to feel like you can impact the world, to feel like you can make the world better for people other than you. But more importantly, it's just useful. I think to note that people, like, in an everyday life sense also, like, huge amounts of agency. That is to say that, you know, everyone in this debate has acknowledged they are also likely to be tied to beauty norms. People are bound to capitalist success. To the extent that K-pop stars are fundamentally not free, like OG says, we thought someone slaving away in an office was probably also not free. The third thing to say is that actually, we would say that everyday people are bound to social norms far more strictly. For the reason that they do not have the kind of, well, of goodwill that they can fall back on, the well of money that they can fall back on. So we would say that they are far more bound to the conservative social norms that OG is so worried about. But finally, we would say that normal people do not have a platform whatsoever. CG tries to strawman us on anonymity. We're not claiming you literally, like, you know, you have to wear a mask all the time. The point is that no one will ever remember your name. No one, you know, you're not notable in any field or meaningful to anyone. You know, beyond a very personal, individual sense. And what that meant is if there were things about society that frustrated you, you had absolutely no capacity to change them. You could not make a meaningful change to that. And that is why our idea of giving you a platform of giving you an ability to inspire people was so particularly important. All right, moving on then to discussing when is your life likely to be better, noting that I think there are two levels here. The first one being about living standards and the second being that kind of how you feel about yourself. On living standards, a few things I would say that before CO, this debate did not have a particularly full picture of what the actual comparative in this debate looks like. We give you a number of details to suggest that this comparative is particularly imperfect. It does have a lot of harms for the individual. This looked like things like huge financial risk. South Korea has a very poor social safety net and a very poor old age pension, which meant that even if the average everyday person has an okay life, they have to contend with the constant threat of financial ruin if something goes wrong in their life. The second thing to say is that Korean workplace culture was particularly toxic. It had high pressure, was highly hierarchical, and the only response we get from CG is like, "Oh, well, people are used to it," or kind of aligned with their values. But note that they're literally like, you know, OG wants to talk about the suicide rate in K-pop. We'll look at the suicide rate in corporate Korea. We thought it was massive. We thought objectively the level of work, the level of struggle that people had to put through, be put through was likely to have negative, you know, psychological effects on them, even if they were, you know, conditioned to try and tolerate it. The final thing to say was that, like, clearly then contrast with that with the enjoyability of a job in K-pop. We thought that that was likely far more fulfilling beyond being more lucrative. I'll take a point from OG. > POI: On your anonymity extension, most good doctors, lawyers, and teachers are perfectly anonymous, yet have a bunch of money and lead reasonably good lives, right? Uh, I mean, I would say that's probably not true to the extent that, like, if you're really good at those things, you often do have a public profile to an extent. But, you know, even to that, to the point that it is true, this debate is about an average Korean who's not at the top band of income, so that doesn't stand. All right, moving on to the self-image and spirituality extension that we hear from CG. I think this extension is really strange because it weirdly suggests that you can't enjoy your fame because of Confucianism, but you can feel the pain of it because of Confucianism, which doesn't really make sense, right? Because, you know, if it's the case that, like, you feel bad about being famous or because you can't appreciate individual feelings or sensations or whatever, um, then why is it that, like, you can feel jealous of your friends? Surely you're kind of glad for the collective benefit. Like, I think this is a very odd caricature of Confucianism, which doesn't really make a lot of sense. They cannot claim both the heart of both just the harms of that. But I think also that this claim from CG that success is fickle, that you cannot enjoy it, doesn't really make a lot of sense in the first place because, obviously, like, you know, thousands of people around Korea look up to K-pop stars, want to be K-pop stars. So if it's true, like, it just clearly isn't true that Confucianism makes you not value success, given that that is something that people en masse aspire to. Finally, just on the idea that the success is fickle or not meaningful to people, uh, firstly, note that it does have a collectivist dimension in that it often benefits your family or the world generally. But secondly, note that, like, you know, you are very likely to be protected by your fans, protected by your management, because note that this debate is not just about an aspiring K-pop star, but someone who's existingly well-known, who existingly matters very deeply to a lot of people, which means that you're likely insulated from some of the worst consequences this government bench wants to talk about. At the end of the debate, being someone who was anonymous meant that you had to struggle with literally no agency, with no ability to change your circumstances. That uniquely changed if you were a K-pop star, if you had a platform, if you meant a lot to people. That is why we're so proud to oppose.
vencedor único bp_220 · This House Supports a decline in global reliance on the dollar.
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Motion (tema debatido): This House Supports a decline in global reliance on the dollar.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=220, label gold.csv = "OO".
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Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a superior structural defense of the status quo by grounding their arguments in the practical mechanics of currency pegs and the volatility of alternatives. DEBATEDOR_A relied on broad assertions about US privilege and development without providing a viable mechanism for how a post-dollar world would function, ultimately failing to engage with the technical rebuttal regarding commodity-backed reserves.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentThe world's reliance on the dollar is unquestionably a bad thing. It has exposed the global economy to systemic risk time and time again. And moreover, has made it hard for countries to employ policies that are needed for crisis response for the individual economies that will have different requirements from the dollar. In this speech. First, we will do some setup. So the dollar currently manifest its global reliance in three ways. One, it is the main currency of international reserve. It is a store of value by which you use to shore up your government's income. And generally, it's also used primarily for international transactions. It's also secondly, the main currency of lending. And thirdly, is that a very large amount of countries have either accepted it as their currency directly or peg their currency to the dollar in some form. We want to highlight that as an historical note, this is not a consensual activity for many of the poorest of the poor whom we made poor. This was a requirement for Bretton Woods Institutes in order for you and for them to provide you loans in order to lift you out of poverty. This is a dramatic decline in autonomy for currency in the global economy. What will it be replaced by? We think there are a variety of plausible options individual nation central banks will use to determine the value of their own currency. We think they will likely peg it to a variety of other things when they need strength or leave it floating if they feel comfortable in its stability. It's possible that they peg it to a basket of other currencies, potentially the RMB, the yen, the pound, the euro, or they peg it to a commodity that is vital to their industry like gold. We don't have to explain only one, but that it is far better to have the plausibility or the optionality of other options. Why is this likely to manifest in this way where countries have choice and not where they're forced to pick one other option? This is because the decline currently manifests as the current global tightening cycle pushing for countries to replace their reserves gradually because the fact that obviously it's introducing massive amounts of risk to their own country and price stability is in shambles for most countries around the world. So essentially the current global tightening cycle is something the countries want to opt out of or try and avoid and they will try and slowly replace their international reserves with a variety of options and this also aligns with existing efforts of broader international push for a long time to substitute the dollar or augment it with other countries' currencies like the IMF special drawing rights, for example. We think these other options will be expanded in order to allow countries to have it. So we just think this is likely because it's obviously best, it's safest and safest for these countries and just their existing efforts that we think they can capitalize on already. Two arguments in this speech. First of all, systemic risk. How is systemic risk introduced by a global reliance in the dollar? The US is one of the most deregulated financial sectors in the world, exposed to significant lobbying from large groups since the Reagan era to consistently expose it to financial shock in the 90s, in the 2000s, all the way to now. Countries, specifically the central bank in the US, has to cater to these institutions as particularly the revolving door in the Federal Reserve where they go back into industry and benefit off of the chaos that they've made. Right now, even during COVID, we've not felt it, but so many firms are over leveraged, banks giving out precipitous amounts of non-performing loans and countries that are pegged or dependent on the dollar are exposed to this risk. Why does this risk manifest because of the world's global reliance on the dollar and why does it expand to other countries? Typically, because everyone's currency is related to their international reserves and they have to settle things like imports and exports in dollar, they have to convert the dollar, price stability is reliant on dollar, and all these things. Generally speaking, when the US goes down or when the US experiences harm, all these other countries experience harm due to the contagion effect of the dollar. So the counterfactual would be, presuming that you believe our alternative, the countries are substantially more autonomous. This gives them a variety of other options. Number one, they have the ability to hedge currency risk. If the US has experienced substantially more price instability, they're able to hedge it to other currencies like the euro or the yen. Moreover, this crisis response is also particularly tailored to their side. So maybe if they're okay with the currency inflating and the currency going down, they can stick with some mixture of currencies that is best for them. But moreover, the ability for you to hedge in the first place also improves the confidence that many investors have in emerging economies and emerging markets. Finally, I just also want to point out that crisis response on the opposition side is very, very expensive and very, very difficult because they're forced to pay back these goods, they're forced to pay back these loans, and they're forced to pay back price stability by forcing down their individual local currencies in dollars, which can get very, very expensive, particularly if it's a developed economy that's already quite if the US is a developed economy that's already quite rich. So what is the harm of exposing the world to systemic risk? I mean, I think this should be a little bit obvious that most countries around the world do not like experiencing systemic risk. And as a direct consequence, they are most likely to experience things like economic collapse when the US experiences it. The counterfactual, obviously, is that the US would have that current would have that crisis of currency or the crisis of reliance on the dollar solely confined to that country as well, or at the very least, the shockwaves of that would be slow enough such that other countries would be able to adjust. Moreover, other countries are hamstrung in their ability to respond to this economic crisis. So it makes it substantially cheaper for them to adopt. This has a load. This is a gigantic amount of impacts towards people on the ground. It means that they're more able to pay for food. It means that price stability means investors stay in the country for direct investments and flee the country. Essentially, people don't starve. As a direct consequence, economies are structurally stabler and happier for the future in the long term. I'll move on to the second country, a second argument that even if the US is not exposed to systemic risk, just that the US has a very, very drastically different economic strategy and monetary approach to things means that other countries have a much harder time surviving and doing well. But before that, I'll take a POI from CO. > POI: Okay, I think it's soft debating to say that there are a host of other alternatives. What is the most likely thing for specific countries to take? So if you're a country near China, what do you think their foreign currency reserve will look like? The basket option, because they don't want to hedge so much. So presumably, if they think it's a bad idea to put all their money in China, you might make arguments to that effect, then they will likely put some money in the yen as well, maybe the pound. So moreover, we also think secondarily, it is much harder for countries to enact an economic strategy that is best for their country. It is difficult for them to pay for the debts because the dollar is much more expensive. Some countries will want to increase the value of their currencies to import, while others will want to decrease the value of their currency to export. This affects the price of goods in their country, essentially jettisoning price stability in their country. A good example of this is the US announcing gigantic rate hikes recently and forcing central banks all over Asia to follow the rate hikes of their own, leading to massive outflows of foreign investment, businesses collapsing and unable to survive unnecessary loans in times of crisis because the US was ready for rate hikes, but other countries were not. This forces essentially macroeconomic tightening cycles all around the world if they don't want their currency to collapse in terms of price because the fact that their price stability is itself pegged to the dollar already, which will have necessarily different directions in terms of monetary policy and fiscal policy than other countries will just because their economies are functionally different when it comes to the approach that they take to importing or exporting. This means it's difficult for them to change the value of their currency when America takes the opposite direction, which will make their approach useless and potentially even lead to things like stagflation where they get the worst of both worlds, and they might need to take additional measures like going into further debt, which will worsen the economic crisis potentially for the future. Not all countries may make good decisions, sure, but for the countries that have a corrupt and incompetent central bank, very little will actually change. But for the vast majority of countries where all the incentives are there to not get fired, to keep the economy stable, and they kick in, they are hamstrung by their reliance on the dollar. What is the broad impact of this argument? It means, number one, the poorest of the poor who are very, very different from the economy in the United States are least likely to be able to provide for foreign direct investment for their country. They're least likely to be able to keep investors in, which means that the availability of services like basic access to electricity, water, food, etc., because of the loss of price stability, as well as the loss of ability to control your own economy, as well as just the loss of the ability to keep the economy in the direction that keeps them here, means that people on the ground are again substantially more exposed to risk, are substantially reduced in terms of access to benefits and quality of life. It means, on the whole, the global reliance on the dollar has made things worse for everyone, and that's why we support its change. Thank you.
OO · OppositionWe won't be soft. The first thing I'd like to point out is the current economic crisis that is happening because the dollar has strengthened is due to a host of other factors that are external to the US economy. Things like COVID and the supply shock it has created, things like the Ukraine war that is intertwined with the way in which demand and supply globally has impacted the economy has meant that a lot of the things that you see as a symptom now have deeper reasons behind it. So I don't think illustrations of just suffering right now is good enough reason of this motion passing. We also prefer that the dollar is used by all countries around the world. We're happy to defend the norm of things like SWIFT or things like preferring credit cards from Visa instead of Chinese union pay. I'll talk about three broad things. First, why dollar is inherently less volatile than any other currency when pegged against. Secondly, why one currency within your foreign currency reserve, i.e. the dollar, is better than fracturing it into a basket of reserves, which opening government would like to defend. Third, why pegging against the dollar is an important foreign policy tool that we ought to give the United States. First, why is dollar inherently more stable? The first thing I'd like to posit is the US democratic system has the biggest checks and balances that make sure that the dollar has a floating value that is stable and predictable. There are three reasons under this. Number one, the US is the biggest economy in the world where it has diversified into primary, secondary, and tertiary sectors. So you have things like oil in primary and machines in secondary or even service sector in the tertiary, all of which means it is by far the most diversified economy where its currency, if you peg against, means you have inherently less risk. Number two, democratic checks and balances, the political institutions, the autonomy of the central bank, all are inherently more prone within the United States. The only thing OG says against this is our regulation has failed for a period of time. But even that, we've seen a lot of that removed because of the failures of 2008 and the recession it has caused. This is because the political system allows for you to recognize why you suffered at that point in time, hold politicians accountable, and have conversations about how you can best mitigate that crisis going forward, which is why a lot of regulation happened post 2008, simply because the institutions of the United States are stronger than anywhere else. Third, assuming all of this is not true, and maybe there is some level of lobbying that happens within the United States, predictability of the United States is far higher. Why is predictability important? This is because currency value is often based on hedging and on speculation. So the fact that you have access to information from a very free-floating economy and, you know, indices like S&P 500, or the fact that politicians are actively challenging each other and talking and discussing about where the economy is headed, or there are two really powerful political parties that are always going against each other, means there's always access to information for you to access and understand where this currency is going. Why is this comparatively worse in their world? The first thing I'd like to posit is small countries are unlikely to be rational actors, as they themselves would like to posit. This is because countries are nothing but an amalgamation of politicians who want to gain power within these small countries, who also have weaker institutions than the United States. What this means is when you have, like, you know, promises from Russia or China of really good economic inflow in the short term that puts you in power, you as an actor are often likely to trade off long-term economic risk, because at that point in time, when your tenure is over, it's something you don't need to care about. That's why a lot of these small countries around China have systematically sided with them. The difference is because the norm is you have to still use or peg yourself against the US dollar, your foreign currency reserve was not based on yuan or rubles. What this means is pressures from big actors means you might still end up with one other currency as your foreign currency reserve, except it'll be a far riskier economy that you're pegged against. First, because China and Russia are artificially controlled by their government. The currency float is artificially controlled, which means, although best case scenario, you just don't have information. How many of us know what the Chinese government is thinking or what Putin is thinking or what his next step will be? That breeds uncertainty and risk that makes your currency far more unstable. Number two, there's less ability for you to hold this government accountable in those cases, even if the alternative is the European Union. Maybe that is an alternative. It's unclear why that is. A federal state where the United States has control over budgets of different states and its problems means you're more able to control risks within that. But you can't control what the Greek government does, which inherently breeds more risk. The first argument proves inherently it is likely the foreign currency reserve will be on one currency instead of many. And when that happens, the US is inherently a better actor. And therefore, the US dollar is something we prefer. Second argument, fracturing. We think that there's an increasing likelihood that you will peg your currency in a way in which is really random, which means so evidence of the fact that India wants to trade in Indian rupees while Russia wants to trade in Russian rupees. The first reason is the failure of the dollar breeds insecurity. You don't know what the next big economy is. Is it Russia? Is it China? It's hard to often predict where the economy will be five years down the line. The second is oftentimes there are ways in which you're caught in the struggle of politics. That means you have to have different actors cater to at the same time. What this means is on a worst case, you will irrationally pick different currencies and put that as part of your basket. Why is this really bad? The first reason is when you have reserves in different kinds of currencies, you often make sure trade becomes more difficult with countries that don't have the basket in those same amount of currencies. So say country A pegs its reserves based on rubles, country B pegs its reserve based on yuans. The fracturing or the way you diversify that basket inherently creates more risk when you have to trade with each other because the conversion steps happen at an extra layer. So you first convert to yuan, then you convert to rubles, then you convert to the country you're trading with. What this ultimately means is you have less free trade between countries. Before that, I'll take a POI from closing. > POI: If the Chinese economy is that unstable, wouldn't countries be more likely to choose the euro than they would the yuan? First, you need to explain the incentives of EU to diversify to the same extent as China. Second, the politicians within these small countries and the way they interact. That's analysis that you're missing. So the first thing I'd like to posit is free trade becomes far more difficult when there are more layers in the conversion process of currencies. What this means is comparative advantage shrinks. The alternative that we defend is one US dollar that inherently allows everyone to trade with each other, that minimize the cost of international trade and allows you to specialize, which improves your ability to export and import and have efficiency among economies. So fracturing in and of itself is a bad thing. Lastly, this is a tool that the US uses as a tool of global politics. So the fact that all countries have dollars pegged to it allows the US to sanction countries like Russia. Why is this important? And why is this an actor that we want internationally? First, US has internal accountability versus any other actor. It has a diversity of minorities that care about global issues because they're from those countries, our families there, or they consist of educated liberals that care about external issues. Chinese populations or Russian populations are unlikely to do so to a greater degree. Further reasons for this in DLO, but it's evidently clear that the dollar is less risky than the alternatives. Very glad to oppose.
OG · GovernmentFirst on the stability of the dollar. On face, I want you to note that the stability of the dollar does not mean that the economic interests of the US necessarily match those of all the other nations that are pegged or use the dollar. I even if the dollar is stable, the fact that they want to increase the value of their currency, whereas many developing nations seek to decrease the value of the currency in order to increase the attractivity of the exports means that just because it is stable does not mean it's preferable. And all the reasons that they give an opening opposition is why it's so difficult to change. And it is up to the political interests within the US make it such that the autonomy that these individual nations have are never going to be accessed on their side of the house. Stability does not equal the benefit. Secondly, they say, what do you peg it to? And that all these other countries are for some reason so stupid and irrational, and therefore they'll just pick whatever comes their way. The first thing I want to note is that if this is the context opening opposition wants to deal in, any kind of economic policy they pursue is not likely to be very smart, and therefore the change is marginal on either side of the house. But in the instances that these economies have, independent central banks have shared economic interests, and oftentimes economies are the main ways in which politicians win an election anyway and to be able to determine their stability. It is unclear to me why it is so. First, the diversification of currency argument makes no sense. If you peg it to the value basket of currencies, you have to convert on every individual currency in order to make trade. You can just do it with the country you're trading with. It is a matter of the value. But secondly is, what do they peg it to? Not only do they purely assert they make bad decisions with whom they're going to peg it to, but secondly is, I think their assumptions of you just peg it to China, you'll peg it to Russia are uncomparative. Not only have these historically, when the nations that are the most lax with respect to economic trade, have imposed the least restrictions with respect to giving loans, and therefore are unlikely to be the ones that force you into this kind of negotiation. But secondly is, in a global decline where all these countries maybe seek economic interest in being able to have you peg your currency to them, I would say you restart a competitive process in which in order for countries to convince you to be able to take on their currency or to be able to put them within your basket, it is much more likely that favorable trade negotiations, investment within your country in the inflow of capital, and being able to ensure the startup specific industries in this country is how they are managed to do that. The important nuance here is that the point in which the dollar was widely adopted was around the 30s, 40s, in order to ensure the widespread of the buttonwoods institutions, and oftentimes this is a period after World War II where economies were entirely desperate. I would say the context and status quo where there's likely more leverage and autonomy for these nations is where they are much more likely to be able to make a smart decision about this. So they cannot pick such a convenient context and say this is going to be all the countries and therefore we win the debate. That is not the case. Thirdly, they say this is an important tool within international relations. The first thing I want to be able to note is that it is unclear to me why the unhampered power of America to be able to make significant decisions with respect to economic sanctions and how they work is a good tool within politics. The first thing I want to be able to note is that while some countries or especially powerful nations can afford sanctions, there are many other nations that are smaller and are unable to meaningfully impact the nature of sanctions, make a country as big as Russia budge, but are more likely to ensure that they feel the effect of those sanctions such that they have less trade, they have less imports, etc. So it is not a winning game for a lot of these smaller nations where they have such minimal impact on this country, but at the same time, they take on the brunt of increased tariffs, they take on the brunt of increased prices of imports, etc. And therefore, that is not fair for them. But secondly, I don't think that's a good thing. I think if America wanted to impose widespread sanctions on another nation, it is much better to be able to force that through international and multilateral organizations, or being able to build consensus within all of these different countries, because it is impossible for me to believe that American international relations and their interests are always positive in nature. A lot of the time they have sanctioned regimes that or rather they have sanctioned nations that have simply disagreed with them and favored other authoritarian regimes with a lot or significant amounts of hypocrisy. It is impossible for me to believe that just being able to do this is much better than being able to choose from a myriad of alternatives coming from opening government. What am I going to argue in extension? I want to explain why the shift of many global economies to trade and labor exploitation towards the US has led to significant amounts of exploitation for a lot of developing economies. But before I move on, I'll take the POI from Closing Opposition. > POI: Yeah, Miko, in a world where these current countries are using smaller currencies and a variety of smaller currencies, doesn't that decrease the amount of information and stability to get out each of the choices that they're making? That's, first of all, unclear to me as to why that decreases the amount of information. But secondly, insofar as you have more choices of that currency, I think it is much better for you to be able to do so. In fact, I would just make the argument that this gives incentives for mutual stability of the economies of other countries, insofar as you don't have to rely on just the US being stable, but also ensuring surrounding economies you trade with are also stable. And therefore, the amount of investment that is mutual within countries, the amount and their ability to loan and be able to give to each other in periods of economic crisis increases as well. How have countries reacted to the dependence on the dollar? I think it's a couple of things. Firstly, they've significantly redirected trade to either the US or US dollar-using economies. And the importance of that is that while I think this is a fair decision to make, it is the decision that should be made on how much can you sell your goods for? How much are you able to ensure that they will have a large market and therefore buy your products? Because there are many other good options for them to pick, like Europe, like China, et cetera, in order for them to be able to export their goods. But the reason they do this is because the large dependence on the dollar means that you need a significant amount of foreign currency reserves in US dollar in order to keep your economy afloat. And what that entails is you have to shift the way your economy works in order to receive those kinds of foreign currency reserves. Rather than what might be most strategic for your economy as a consequence. So that means that when trade could have been more favorable for you, when you likely could have had a greater ability to determine your policy, you were unable to do that because you need the dollar as a consequence. And this has also significantly impacted the ability of loaning institutions in order to ensure that you are also receiving US dollars in loans, but you also cannot inflate the value of your currency in order to pay those loans off. And therefore, the power, the coercive power of the IMF and of the World Bank as more and more countries sign on gets more and more powerful as well. And what they have often entailed are neoliberal policies that favor exportation to the US to the detriment or exploitation from the US, the detriment of building up local industry. But lastly, and the reason this is also bad is that many developing economies have shifted to the exportation of talented and important labor from their countries to work in the US. And that's important because the reason they do that is because they want remittances from the wages they get to go back to their home country. And that's a bad thing because for many developing economies, what you need is skilled and talented labor to build up industries, to move from manual labor and primary industries to more secondary service-based tertiary industries. But when they instead leave your country and compete in the US, not only do they not necessarily live better off lives because there's a greater amount of competition, you strip away developing economies of their way in which they can develop by diversifying industry, improving the nature of their economy because they needed the dollar. I'm very, very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThe reason Open Government is out of this debate is because in DPM, they claim stability is not preferable. Two reasons why this is not true. Number one, if stability is something that we already have on our side, which they have conceded to a certain extent, by the way, means that a stable currency is much easier to hold a standard against. So for example, controlling or floating your currency against one stable currency is far easier. So for example, if you want to devalue a currency in that particular sense, it's easier to control it and hedge it against the US dollar, because then you don't have to care about how the yuan is moving, or the euro is moving, or the pound is moving, and so on and so forth. One standard is much better in terms of stability and so on and so forth. Secondly, markets are far more predictable, right? When you are trading with a particular country, when different countries, companies are trading with each other, when you have a basket of currencies within your reserves, and you do not know which sort of a currency that you're going to get from that particular country, it's far harder to predict the value of goods and so on and so forth. This is incredibly important, because if you don't know the value of goods, you wouldn't know how much to order. If you don't know how much to order, your ability to trade with other countries, smaller countries that opening up is so concerned about, goes down at that particular point in time, because of the simple reason that you do not have markets, currency markets that are as predictable anymore, you're more likely to trade with countries with more stable economies, rather than countries which has certain advantages, such as low labor costs and so on and so forth, which is very important on our side, because that's how they achieve economic growth and so on and so forth. Number three, and this is also to a certain extent integrated within stability and so on and so forth, they said that, oh, but every country now caters to the US, but literally, like, no, like every other country trades with every other country on the basis of reserve currency, because of the fact that every country in the world has a dollar reserve, even freaking Russia has a dollar reserve, which has been frozen, that's a different story. But even Russia has a dollar reserve means that you can trade with any other country in the world, because you can use the predictability of the US dollar to hedge against. So for example, when Zambia wants to trade with Rwanda, they can use a dollar as a convertibility in between these two currencies in a world where you hedge against that particular currency, currency basket that becomes far more difficult to do. Why is the currency basket so bad? Because I think CGA will probably have to defend it on based on the rules of debating and so on and so forth. I'll give you four broad reasons why. And rebuttals integrated. Number one, they said that the dollar is not good because they like regulations and so on and so forth do not exist. Untrue, after 2008, we have the Dodd-Frank Act and so on and so forth, the US has become far more sort of sensible in terms of financial regulations. Secondly, they said that on net, the US economy and the US financial system is deregulated. We tell you it's a good thing that it's on net deregulated. What are the alternatives that you have? You have China that is not deregulated, that it's heavily, the financial system is heavily hedged against its housing market, which can bust at any point in time because the housing construction across the world can go down and that market itself can go down at any point in time because the construction companies of China are not making profits currently. Secondly, it's captured by oligopolies on the alternative. If you have a deregulated market, you have more competition, you have more and it's easier to enter into the market. Like companies such as Lehman Brothers can just be not bailed out and shoved out of the market because it's possible to do so because they're not an oligopoly that have captured the entire US market because it's a deregulated market, which is not possible in other major economies. You can say, ah, but the euro is great and so on and so forth. Number one, the euro is a far smaller economy. Two, euro has very similar structures with US, it's basically a budget US. At that point in time, why do you want to complicate things with the euro and so on and so forth? Number three, it also has countries such as Greece, Portugal and Italy with far worse balance sheets within their economies and have different regulations all across, not a standardized form of regulations. Standardized form of regulations are important in order to have some predictability within financial markets because deregulated economies allow you to see information within these markets, see information within stock markets, see information within these companies and disclose information, access information because the economy is literally run on information and that's a good thing that you have in the US. So you don't have to go looking for Greece's balance sheets because that's a bad thing. Thirdly, we tell you that to a large extent, the reason why the US is so stable to a certain extent, and this is true, is through a self-fulfilling prophecy of the dollar being so big, right? And this is quite important because what I posit to you here is that hypothetically, if we could make one country the home of the one standard currency, that would possibly be the best thing possible idealistically. But here, the US is the best actor in this particular instance rather than hedging it towards multiple actors because that the US is the only country that has the dollar, it has the ability to go for things like loans and fiscal stimuluses, which does not have too much impact on its economy. The reason it's very important is because the 2008 financial crisis would have been far, far worse if the US generally did not have the ability to bail out so many companies and bail out its own, not bail out companies, but bail out its own economy so easily. And the COVID-19 crisis would have been so much worse. By the way, the COVID-19 crisis literally hit every economy in the world. In a hedged economic sense, you would have been far more fucked unless you did not rely on the US because the reason Biden was able to give so easily fiscal stimulus checks to people was because of the fact that it had the backing of the US dollar, and he knew that the US dollar denomination is the most powerful in the world and it won't lose its value. Therefore, it was able to take loans from external actors because they know that the US loans are the most stable investment. It's pretty much a self-fulfilling prophecy because the US dollar is so powerful, it allows itself to get out of recessions in vast majority of cases, not even get into recessions to begin with. And that's quite important in terms of controlling economies. Before I move on, I'll take one from OG. > POI: Okay, your claim that the US is also on its own sometimes stable is missing the point. Our point is that other currencies also diversify in ways that the US doesn't. And the best way to hedge most structural risk is to hedge across many currencies rather than just one. Amazing. What is the comparative in this particular instance? The comparative is in vast majority of the cases because of the way in which the economies are intertwined. First of all, if the US is in a crisis, almost certainly the euro is in a crisis because of the fact that they are so intertwined as an economy generally. In a lot of cases, I've already told you the structural problems with the Chinese economy. But the problem here is every economy by the sense of economics goes through a boom and bust cycle, right? At that particular point in time, would you rather hedge your bets on that one economy that you know can use the dollar to fortify its economy in multiple levels versus five or six currencies where you have no guarantee that these economies will be able to fortify their own economies through the ability of that singular currency? Because in those particular instances, the ability of having that singular currency is so very important that you lose out at the point in time you create a basket. The point at which Chinese economy goes into recession, there is no escaping from this. But when the US goes into recession, there is an easy way out in that particular sense. Lastly, in terms of why is it more important from the perspective of say, countries like Russia and why we should essentially ban for countries like Ukraine, because the alternative is far worse in terms of geopolitics and so on and so forth. The Chinese and the Russians do not have as much accountability mechanisms as the US just in terms of geopolitics. If you want your ability to stop countries like Russia from going into war, penalize countries to a global standard that has essentially a global country that has things like democratic mechanisms within it, you want the US to have the dollar power. Because otherwise, literally most of the sanctions with Russia does not work. Because a lot of countries, including Europe, want to trade with Russia at that point in time. The reason you can put so much pressure on Russia and the reason Ukraine hasn't given up on it, given up yet, is because of the simple fact that you could put so much pressure through the financial system. Without that, you're not able to do so within these countries. And you allow a lot of these problems within that world to persist. In the end, we have a far better economy and a far better world. The US dollar needs to persist. Incredibly proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentThe problem with the US having global reserve currency status is it means the US is massively privileged with respect to any other country in the world through its financial system. People will always buy US bonds. The US will always be able to borrow for cheaper. US equities will always outperform other nations. In the worst case, we think if other countries get these benefits, we just redistribute towards Europe and China, which are in and of themselves relatively poor countries, but also nations all around the world whose finances have fled because people, when they have savings, want to go into the US equity market and buy US bonds and are much more likely to spend this money domestically. We literally make global development much more likely to happen. Why is this a prerequisite for the development of a large of the world? Under the status quo, the US has run a massive trade deficit for a very, very long time. If an ordinary country did this, this would lead to a massive increase in government debt and then a huge amount of inflation because people expect that the government is going to devalue the currency in order to be able to pay back the debt. The US has been able to maintain currency stability despite doing this, which is a massive win for them because a trade deficit means they get a bunch of stuff from abroad that goes to them. Everyone gets richer. US consumers are able to buy this stuff without the costs of having to do this. Why are they able to do this under the status quo? The first reason is because there is a huge demand for cash in US dollars. There is a massive demand for US bonds. So inflows of money to purchase US bonds means that there is not a massive deflation in the US currency because people are buying dollars and buying dollar-denominated assets. The second reason, and the reason, obviously, they want cash is they execute transactions and because if you believe that other people buy the US dollar, it is likely to be stable. Secondly, this as a consequence also makes US equities substantially more profitable, which means that other people are then much more likely to buy US equities as a consequence of this policy. Because A, the fact that the US is the global reserve currency means that it's substantially more stable than other currencies by my first mechanism, which means that the cost of borrowing in the United States is likely to be substantially lower than in other nations. The US has lower interest rates than almost everywhere around the world because of this massive demand for the bonds in market. Secondly, because when foreign people buy US bonds, and I think about more than half of US debt is owned abroad, this pushes US bondholders into other forms of the economy like equities, which has a massive stimulating effect within the US country. But thirdly, because people also want incomes denominated in US dollars because they want foreign reserves, for instance, they are likely to buy US equities as opposed to anyone else. This in net amounts to a huge boon for the US economy at the expense of other people, people buying US companies and funding them instead of holding monies in other markets, people buying US bonds, funding government expansion at the cost of everywhere else in the world. What happens in the alternative? One, other countries, if there's true, there is likely to be pegging internationally to or holding foreign reserves that we think everyone admits is likely to happen, are likely to get a massive boost instead via exactly the same mechanisms. People will now buy European bonds. The cost of borrowing will go down in Europe. Europe will be able to fund more fiscal stimulus domestically, which is really good for the European economy. In the worst case, we just get countries like Japan and the EU getting access to these benefits, which are one, still poorer than the United States, so things we should care about. Two, much more likely to compete against the United States once they have this additional financial power, decreasing the extent to which any country is dependent on either China or the United States. But thirdly, have suffered massive stagnation in the last few years because people keep buying bonds. Whereas now, if you make the amount they get paid back substantially less because they get competition from abroad, you're much more likely to force people to spending this money domestically, which means that you're much more likely to stimulate these economies. Greece, Portugal, much likely to be better off. But even if the most likely way this is going to happen, and this is allowed within the rules of debating, is that people will buy RMB-denominated bonds and Chinese government bonds because they will execute the vast majority of their tractions in the RMB. The reason this is likely is one, because China is currently the world's largest trader and has expanded into a huge number of countries internationally. So people do need to make sure specifically that they are able to hedge against deviations in the direction of the RMB because that is the currency they denominate their contracts in. But secondly, because China has used some underhand tactics at times to try and enforce this globally. This means that China is the country that is actually benefiting from this motion at the expense of the United States. Why do we care about this? China is currently struggling quite a lot, right? The equity market has always been relatively unstable for a variety of reasons, and as a consequence, it has been hard for them to respond to pretty much any financial shock because if they ease capital controls and they reduce the amount that their bonds pay out, people will just flee the country. For instance, this is why in response to the most recent financial crisis, they could not reduce rates sufficiently to stimulate the economy because they were worried that everyone would just leave the country and start buying US bonds instead. We make it much more likely that China can finance expansion, that China can respond adequately to financial shocks. The reason we care, one, even if they fuck over the rest of the world, China has a billion people, a seventh of the people in the world who are much poorer than anyone in Europe and the United States, getting massive benefit because the Chinese government is now able to fund expansion. Chinese people are now able to import more to make their own lives better. I'll take the POI from Open now. > POI: So you can see that the US has an ability to always maintain a stable dollar. In a point of economic crisis for small countries, they have different kinds of economic risk, one of which is currency risk. You can see that currency risk is eliminated. Is that not a good thing? You did a good enough job explaining it. You don't need to re-escape these points. I'll get on stability later on. Secondly, we think that China specifically needs a large amount of additional funding to get out of the middle income trap that they currently face themselves in, and therefore a large amount of money that will enable them to upskill people domestically is actually necessary. But thirdly, China being wealthier means, A, it is less likely to compete with other manufacturing countries, for instance, by devaluing its currency to make sure that it's not outcompeted with Vietnam because it's more able to pay people into relatively more skilled forms of this. Secondly, given it has very close ties to almost the rest of the world and much closer to the United States because it doesn't have isolationism to anywhere near the same degree, it is a much better candidate for purchasing exports from other countries. China's additional wealth means that all of Southeast Asia gets a massive benefit because it's more likely to trade with these countries and they can buy stuff under their side of the house. But finally, countries that are now just less likely to hold any foreign reserves in general. Let's talk through this. The reason stability primarily matters is when your incomes are different from your expected costs in the future. You have to pay people domestically out in welfare, but the money you get from abroad is in a foreign currency and there might be some instability. The problem is, even if the US dollar is stable, if your currency is unstable relative to the US dollar, then that is still a massive problem for you. And sure, you can solve this problem with reserves, but notice the implicit cost of this is that people are just buying US bonds instead of spending their own money domestically and it's not clear why that is a valid trade-off. Under our side, if you're trading with China, you're now much more likely to hold things like Chinese reserves. If you're trading the neighbor, you hold domestic reserves. It is unclear this makes a massive difference in stability because you could also have an unstable domestic economy relative to the US, but the benefit is that we get a massive redistribution of financial power to these nations instead because people want assets in their currencies. Very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionLet's chat about two things. One, how China uses their currency. Two, how the US will react. Couple of important framing things to deal with first to deal with some of the really odd claims coming up from opening and CG. OG says countries can choose what to pack their currency to. Wow. I know this is a grand final, but what a massive risk after NAO. As you correctly point out, your pack will be actual commodities that you need to keep in your reserve. It's not just a random number that you chose. So it looks like lots of foreign currency, for example, that themselves will be packed to other randomly chosen actual commodity baskets. This means that the strength of your currency and the stability of your currency is determined by moving these commodities around, moving this basket around. This is the basis of having any kind of monetary control in the first place. So you cannot have everyone deciding for themselves what their basket is because how will you move these commodities around to ensure that your currency is stable if the country that you're moving this commodity to has a different pack than you? This is why the gold standard failed and why commodities are now tied to the USD because physical commodities just don't work in creating a good economic monetary system. The alternative therefore trickled down to one competing currency and one currency that becomes the hegemon. And the reason for this is because there needs to be some kind of standardization in international capital flows. Maybe you can accommodate two or three currencies for a while, but you're likely to homogenize over one international standard eventually because that's what makes life a lot more convenient for you in ensuring that you are able to more conveniently access international markets, international capital flows. Note, therefore, that the long term is that you probably give China the same advantages that the CG says that the US currently has. Why is the UN the most likely option? First, the rise of massive foreign investment from China, trade happens in the UN when it comes to the BRI project, the Asian Investment Development Fund push. All these transactions happen in the UN. That's why it's likely to be more powerful than any other currency out there. Second, the fact that China has an incentive, right? State-owned enterprises want to move out of China to cool the Chinese domestic economy. Other economies like Europe doesn't have the same open heating, especially not the EU where most of Central Europe exists, that still have massive demand that the EU can still tap into. Does zero work to prove that the UN is a currency of choice? We do. Let's talk about why, how and why China controls its currency and whether that's likely to change even if they gain more leverage in the international monetary system. Why do they control their currency? One, stability. China escaped the AFC in the late 1990s because they had tight monetary controls and therefore, historically, China has seen protection of their currency as the precipitation of growth. Second, political control. It does not trust the international world order. It prefers to ensure that it has more control over its country than not. Third, it is still largely reliant on manufacturing and production and will likely continue to do so in the future because there is a huge demand still for Chinese products because things like MNC networks already do exist. For things like fast fashion, manufacturing will continue to exist in China in a large degree. Why is all of this important? Because the desire to control the UN is probably likely to get even worse in a world where the UN becomes a currency of choice. One, because there'll be less easy ways to devalue the UN. The current easy way that China adopts is to keep buying US treasury bonds. Presumably, if China is the international dominant currency, they can no longer do that in order to ensure that their currency doesn't strengthen. Second, the UN is more subject to the whips of international economies which scares the government because they do not want to be subject to these international pressures. This has already winded up in the status quo with China engaging in weird economic innovation and I use innovation in a very negative way. Shit like quantitative easing that China has started to experiment with just earlier this year. This is massively risky if countries decide that this is the currency they want to conduct capital transactions with because it increases the likelihood of bad Chinese contagion. The Chinese government hasn't exactly made fantastic economic decisions in the last 10 years which is exactly why they are in the shit that CG points out that they are in. I don't think therefore that reliance on the Chinese economy and Chinese government's economic decisions are the best way to conduct international capital transactions and have a strong currency that can actually act as an international backer for the rest of the world. This is therefore the necessary comparative that OO doesn't want to engage with versus the stability of the USD which we accept OO's arguments for but they have done no comparative in this debate. I want to add that even when the US does actually do rogue things which is the government's worst case scenario, this tends to be corrected by the democratic process that happens every four years. OO has no comparative and no proven counterfactual. They are out of this debate. Let's talk about geopolitics. How will America react? The answer is that they will react badly and the reason for this is because losing reliance on the global dollar is a signal of decreasing US influence. This is the one area that democrats and republicans all agree on is that you don't want to fucking lose influence to China. This also flips CG because CG says the US is incredibly privileged. We agree. They have done all the stuff like trade deficits that CG talked about but the point here is if this has been part of the US's economic strategy for the longest time, this change in the international status quo is a massive threat to the US. It affects the way that their economic strategy plays out in ensuring that the US continues to grow economically in the future. Also, they don't want to lose control of their allies to China because the country with the biggest block economically has incredible power in shaping what the international order looks like, what the rules-based world order looks like. This is something that the US is trying to cede to China. Also, security threats. The Asia-Pacific region encroachment by China against the US's most important allies in Japan and South Korea is of incredible importance to the US. Before I move on to explain what America will try and do, OG. > POI: It is not clear that there is forced to be one currency since the competitive process of taking on new currencies leads to the favorable trade policies. Inventor capital, we talk about. Much better than the closing rate. Okay, so the point here is you might have some competition in the mid-term or the short term but eventually, the fact that investors, banks always want to have the most convenient, less costly economic transactions means that you're always going to default back to one currency in the long term anyway. Okay, so what will America do? First, they cannot subsidize their firms to the same degree without relying on the same devaluation that China currently uses to subsidize firms. Therefore, their only option is to threaten these countries in other ways. Note, the US still has massive financial capacity. A lot of countries, especially in the American and European region, trade the most with the US. This means that they're likely to preemptively sanction countries to consolidate their economic block. This is a flip on OG's multilateralism argument. And it's especially true in countries where the cost of switching is currently high because they already have lots of US foreign reserve currently and they already paid their economy to the US. If the US senses that China is going to be on the rise, the likely outcome as a result is that they're going to try and consolidate these partners and form an economic block around these partners by threatening them and saying that if you do switch to the Chinese current foreign currency to the UN, there's going to be lots of repercussions, lots of implications towards your trade deals with the US. This means that small countries but also mid-sized countries will end up being forced to choose between America and China, creating the bipolar world order that we experienced in the 1980s and 90s and sending all of us back to the Cold War. I think that forcing countries to choose is a terrible option insofar as right now countries have the ability to leverage between the US and China in a way that they wouldn't be able to do when you consolidate blocks in a way that will happen only on government. Okay, that's my time. I'm the proud beneficiary of the love and support from so many friends, families, people I care about, and inspirations from the Singapore Circuit that have paved the way for this to even be possible. To them, I'm eternally grateful. For them, I oppose.
CG · GovernmentOur extension is about development. The betterment of human quality of life for millions of people across the globe. Our claim is that US growth is turbo-charged by the dominance of the dollar at the expense of the economies of other countries. In the absence of the dollar hegemony, these benefits disperse amongst other states. And we know that this applies regardless of what the counterfactual is, whether it's the renminbi, whether it's Boston for different currencies. And I think that if you're questioning how to resolve that clash, you know, it's quite good that our clash is independent of that. But this is also really, really massive, right? Because it truly is to the tune of trillions of dollars. Half of US denominated foreign debt is held by foreign actors. That's like $14 trillion that are currently held by these foreign actors. And I think that when this goes to other people, it's just like a huge amount of financial stimulus. But the second main thing is just it's also the case that note that Opp side cannot support the enrichment and growth of developing countries. The reason for this is because this is a trend that is already happening because the US returns are currently so stable because people often invest in them rather than in their own economy. But there is a trend towards investing more domestically as stability increases and people get wealthier and it's easier to invest abroad. And therefore, the enrichment and development of developing countries inherently comes with a decrease of US currency hegemony. The bottom line is this. The US has a lot of money. That's not great. We would rather go to other countries. Why is that so beneficial? For a couple of reasons, right? The first thing is just very, very simply, when people default to investing domestically, buying equity domestically, buying government bonds in their own currency, that's really, really good because it gives local governments more to work with. And note that monetary policy is not really effective in the absence of government spending that is fiscal to back that up. But second of all, it's also just the case that you also make it such that countries become much more stable due to increased democratization and access to foreign capital. And that means that they're also less susceptible to shocks and domestic financial conditions and the rate of return to domestic investments was also substantially higher. What does this mean on the ground? It means that it's easier for people to set up businesses because they borrow at a rate of 2% rather than 5% or because the currency of that is used within their own region is something that is regional as opposed to something in the US that they have to buy because it's so in high demand and therefore relatively expensive. But the second main thing is it's also just the case that we substantially increase the well-being of the Chinese economy. And the reason for this is because right now, we think that the Chinese government is actually not doing great. It's stagnating and it really, really needs all of this investment. And that's for two reasons. The first is growth is currently really, really slowing. The middle income trap means that China's most of the main comparative advantage that it previously used to become richer and increasingly becomes poor and poor. It has supply over capacities, for example, like billions of dollars placed into state-owned enterprises that invest primarily in steel or in infrastructure that currently have no demand and therefore completely wasted. It's also just the case that Chinese growth in the past was reliant on state-owned enterprises and government-planned economy and investment, which is currently proving to be less and less effective because of underlying lack of faith in the Chinese government means that as soon as someone gets rich, they put their money into U.S. bonds, U.S. capital, U.S. homes instead. And for those reasons, China is getting poorer and poorer and entering more and more debt. Growth is slowing, and that's really, really bad. Why is this more important than the other impacts in the round? For a couple of reasons here. The first thing is, I think what Greg's told you about the certainty of development and how money goes into domestic countries and spreads much more evenly across the world is much more certain and likely to occur than the links given in top half, which are mostly about stability, about financial crisis, which honestly, I don't think are that important in the round. The first reason being, look, I think Elo points this out reasonably well. Financial crisis is a bit of an edge case scenario. There are lots of reasons why they can be quite bad. And I think the word is already integrated to an extent that it's not really clear why this particular mode of dollar hegemony makes it so much worse. But the second main reason for this is because it limits the OG's impacts to one, countries that have their currencies pegged to the US dollar, which is actually not that many countries in the world. Two, it also means that their efficacy is limited to monetary policy. And I think that I said this earlier, that is fine. Monetary policy is not very effective when you don't have fiscal policy. But the reason is this, right? Monetary policy works because when you lower interest rates, you hope that people decide to take risks and spend more money and take out loans. The problem is all of that is secondary to your faith in the recovery of your economy overall and your perceptions of how much money people have to spend and whether the economy would better off overall. Therefore, in times of financial crisis, no matter how low you make the interest rate, people are not going to borrow and help you. And therefore, you really, really need government fiscal stimulus, which is why it's so very important, why, as Greg says, we tell you why the benefits of having a global currency is diffused amongst everyone across the world. OK, so I think that's a reason as to why a financial crisis has a secondary impact on the ground. But I also want to chat about stability, right? Because maybe it's just my small brain, but it is truly mysterious to me why stability occupied such a large part of the top half debate. Because the link between having currency reserves held in a particular currency and the stability of your own currency is kind of indirect. Foreign reserves help because you can buy and sell bonds in your own currency to control the exact level which it is at. It is not hung on the levels of value that your currency reserves are currently in, as long as you can moderate the amount that you're buying or selling at any given point in time, which means that, honestly, as long as you keep some degree of foreign reserves, seems probably fine to me that stability is probably not super important. But the second main thing is it's just also the case that stability is affected far more by domestic financial conditions, which we uniquely tell you about. The second thing I want to do then, in terms of weighing, is just explain to you why it's comparatively still much better to have money in the hands of other governments that are not the US for two reasons, right? The first is it's used to a much larger extent because so much of US investment goes to military as opposed to other countries that don't have the dependence on this military hegemony and therefore have a tendency to spend it on other things such as development. But the second thing is that it's also just the case that China is way, way, way, way poorer than the US. And I think for those reasons, the marginal utility of this money is also better on our side. Finally, on China bad. China good. I think the main issue that they say is they assume that Chinese power is quite bad. I would posit that Chinese aggression is driven primarily by insecurity, i.e. China is more expansionist in the South China Sea when they feel like they're under threat. And I think that when the Chinese economy is much more better off, it also reduces their need to use manipulative measures to control other currencies. I also think it's the case that right now we are at a status quo where the US is highly dominant. And I think in a world where lots of different currency blocks are using different currencies, it also means that there's greater accountability placed on the Chinese government and a need to please other countries as well. For all those reasons, we make people especially richer. And for those reasons, CG.
CO · OppositionI think there were two important contributions from Dion's speech that aren't dealt with by the closing government. The first is an explanation of why Chinese use of currency specifically is economically volatile. Secondly, is an explanation of why geopolitically this leads to drastically worse outcomes in the interim, but also moving forward. Let's talk about economics. I want to note that the discussion in abstract makes no sense for a few reasons. First, it drastically undercuts the value of closing government. Closing government ends up in a position where they say, well, we'll benefit some countries and a variety of countries, but each of them presumably will benefit a lot less in a world where this is done in the abstract as OG wants to do by saying, well, either random currencies might increase in value. But secondly, I want to note that this abstract discussion of multiple different currencies is unrealistic for the reasons Dion gives you. And for the reasons, incidentally, that opening opposition don't give. There are a few things that Dion says. The first thing he points out is that only China can trample the economic rulebook in a way that would enable them to become the main currency and therefore capitalize on the decline of the dollar. The reason for this is in the status quo. Swiss market advantage, as OG characterized, is significant, but only China will be able to trample on these economic rules to make CIP as the alternate global transfer of significant transfer actor. But further to that, also, I want to know that China uniquely has the capacity to trample on companies' wishes. These companies that have the incentive to maintain status quo that work for them, relatively large companies. That's something the EU and Japan, for example, don't have the power to do. What that means is that uniquely it's likely that China is the alternative. I also want to know that constant change is unlikely to be possible because the degree to which you need reserve currency is one thing, but the reliance also looks at the reliance on the currency for trade and the level of difficulty and cost that is incurred asking people to have multiple different trading payment systems or to change between different payment systems radically as per different policies happening, economic policies happening in each country. It's so significant that countries are unlikely to be able to do this or the cost of the extent to which the change is very limited. That deals with OG's claim that you increase the agency of countries to be able to play different risks. The third, when OG say that you don't know the next step, therefore, like of China and Russia, the problem is that that reason was unclear in terms of why the US uniquely is known in terms of what the next step is. That's why the centerpiece of the discussion has to be on why China is specifically bad and that's analysis that was given to you by Dion, not responded to in the government with Speaker. The final thing I want to note within the economic clash is the deal with closing government because closing government says let's redistribute money drastically and this is going to be a good thing. I have broadly like four responses. The first is that it's not true that you get an increase in money and the reason for this is that if they really have a basket, what that means is that in that basket, you risk countries shifting money around and consequently, that means that by OG's logic, there's a risk to any investment that you get in closing government because they might not want to buy your bonds in the future. That insecurity limits any degree of economic change and development that closing government wants to claim happens. That also means that it takes out the argument that China will magically be more secure because China presumably might feel that it might reduce the amount of inflows that go to it might reduce moving forward. Secondly, I want to know that this argument weighs really weakly against every other team for two reasons. First, that isn't likely to go to other middle to rich countries. Countries like Japan, like they suggested, these countries have fairly strong economies. I do not see the value of increasing these economies more. The reason why this is structurally going to go to other strong economies is because you don't want to use a weak economy as your peg or any part of your peg for the reasons that are given by all other teams in the debate, which is that that exposes you to a significant degree of risk. But more than that, countries have so many other ways to grow in addition to this idea of inflows coming as a result of fiat from the policy. I think that therefore there is no tipping point to this particular argument. But thirdly, at best, what they do is they create more regional inequality as opposed to one single actor being significantly stronger, i.e. the US. That's not a good thing because it means that for countries that operate as like in relatively equal playing fields within their particular region, that means that these countries suddenly lose out. The amount of trade that they were able to get previously, because regionally it makes more sense to trade within that region rather than with the US, reduces and so that regional inequality is going to hurt small countries even more. Before I move on, I want to take opening government. > POI: Stability is not mutually exclusive nor an a priori good when it's disaligned with the country's economic policy. Why is picking between the US and China better than the competitive incentives we provide for big countries to develop small countries in order for them to adopt their currency? I got that. So apart from Dion's analysis, I want to note as a final note on this economic thing that it doesn't matter. And the reason for that is that in the long term, it's likely that countries will find ways to cope with the new economic environment that exists. So on balance, no one is going to get a big win here. Let's talk about geopolitics, therefore, because like Gulfwood just doesn't deal with this at all. The big argument that was given in Dion is that in the immediate interim, the US isn't going to just sit back and allow its currency to decline because of the massive geopolitical and economic benefit that CG suggests that it is able to benefit from in the status quo. What that means is that they are likely to react by trying to coerce countries to take to keep itself strong. OG has a throwaway line on this that says competition. The problem is that US will recognize that it can't compete with China. One, because China has the ability to give extreme subsidies to its companies and to other countries that the US just doesn't have the ability to throw money around because they recognize WTO rules, for example, against subsidies, but also because the US economy and the ability to activate random money out of nowhere is a lot lesser than China's ability to use state-owned banks, for example. What this means is that you're likely to get more coercive measures that Dion tells you, like sanctions or like significant diplomatic pressure. Four reasons why this is the most important. First, because it's the big argument, the biggest likelihood in the debate, the most immediate outcome because it happens in the immediate interim as this policy, as this trend happens. Secondly, it is the least mitigatable as a consequence, not just now, but in the future because the bipolarity that is created. Third, because the comparative harm of economic outcomes are all market forces, which means that different actors have the ability to correct within the market. This is a V1 actor specifically trying to manipulate the market to screw over smaller countries. That is a lot harder for you to mitigate, and it is a lot harder for you to react to and defend against. But fourthly, this is just a massive, massive impact. Countries, especially small countries, are going to lose the short-term capacity of agency as a result of this policy because of the sanctions that are placed under. But in the long run, the bipolar world that Dion tells you is really important as well. Because what he tells you first and foremost is that a Cold War context weakens sanctions because if you always have a major backer like China or the US, there is a world in which you don't have to be scared of the other side's sanctions. That means that there's no way whatsoever to enforce any degree of global policing of actions on that side of the house. I want to note that China increasing its economic power is probably bad because it removes the existing incentive towards moderation in order for it to grow its economy in other ways. In contrast, multi-polarity means that even if you make sanctions work, that is slow and time-consuming because you have to get so many actors to agree. In a context where geopolitics moves fast and within days, the ability to sanction before, for example, Russia can move assets out of US banks is really important. But also, the implication of cross-sanctions between different blocs that makes countries significantly poorer on that side of the house because the Eastern bloc, for example, tries to sanction the Western bloc because they're trading in different currencies. What that means is on that side, countries get poorer on net, but also our ability to police the global environment decreases drastically. That's why we oppose.
vencedor único bp_224 · This House Would ban the use of advanced analytics in political campaigns.
✓ acerto
Motion (tema debatido): This House Would ban the use of advanced analytics in political campaigns.

Gabarito do painel humano: GOV — Painel humano: vitoria do Government (OG,CG)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=224, label gold.csv = "OG,CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: GOV T2: GOV T3: GOV T4: GOV T5: GOV
Voto majoritário: GOV (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_A maintained a consistent focus on the structural risks of advanced analytics, successfully refuting the opposition's claim that current echo chambers render the motion moot. DEBATEDOR_B relied heavily on dismissing the opposition's points as 'marginal' without providing a robust counter-mechanism, ultimately failing to address the specific harm of algorithmic precision in political manipulation.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentThe integration of AI and machine learning into many of the world's leading industries has seen highly problematic issues arise. I would say this is going to be far worse for politics, where misleading information and nefarious incentives will likely lead to the deprivation of choice, of variance, and actual political consent. I'm going to do two things in my speech, right? The first thing I want to do is talk about what we think the goals of political campaigns are, and secondly, why it is that elections address these problems right now, but these processes are likely to be perverted by these machine learning systems. Before that, though, I just want to characterize what we think advanced analytics looks like, right? I think there's two broad features that are important to point out from opening government. The first is to point out that advanced analytics allows a much better understanding of voters' pre-election preferences, and about the weighting between those preferences, right? We have polls to know how people feel about X, Y, Z, but we don't know whether the same person who Our model is then going to be very simple. We're going to ban it. We're going to ban it everywhere. If there's a gray area, we'll also ban it. Any POIs about hypothetical middle grounds, I'll ban it as well. Firstly, then, what do we think the goals of the political campaigns generally look like? I think there's two things, right? The first thing that we think political commands look like is that we'll probably agree with Op that democracy should fulfill preferences and the end outcome is that we want to serve people, but the second function political campaigns have is that elections are both preference-fulfilling and preference-creating. A crucial function of elections is to help people figure out what they want and to better understand the trade-offs between issues and how various decisions will impact them and the people around them, contingent on the issues of others, right? Just note a simple intuition, which is that the reason why all democracies are representative as opposed to direct is because people lack all information they need at the outset to create a reasonable government. For example, some people assign far more value to issues than others. Some people just don't understand some issues and some people would change their minds if it was clear of the effect some issues had on other people. In light of this, a one-person, one-vote system does not necessarily maximize beneficial outcomes without having a mechanism to address these irregularities. So how do elections address these problems right now and why then does this pervert that process, right? I want to talk about three mechanisms here. The first mechanism I want to talk about is most elections have a multi-level structure in which there is a phase where people get to test ideas and then a later phase where winning ideas get used to win the election. Think primary systems or voting for a set of local candidates by following a national list. What this allows for competing versions, what this allows for is the competing versions of ideal messages and even the same message to be fleshed out on a macro scale. People test these ideas in a campaign and end up in disagreements and debates. These discussions are valuable because they allow people to understand the trade-offs between issues that are counterintuitive, not just in terms of which message they like most, but also in-depth analysis on what is politically possible, what other voters want, and how they should balance their concerns, etc. This plays a crucial role in helping voters reshape their ideas and as they want changes, candidates can respond in real time by updating their positions to account for negotiated compromises from the primary based on real-time input to changing poll data, etc. Lastly, advanced analytics makes this impossible because what it does is it identifies people's initial views at the onset and tries to maximize what increases their desire to vote for you immediately. Note the potential for this to go wrong right now. This looks like micro-targeting people who may have extreme views in one dimension and activating them with the most incendiary message possible in a way that turns them off from other candidates before the fact and makes it impossible for this process of persuasion or discussion to happen in the first place. Moreover, it looks like giving people information that incentivizes them to lock in their existing positions before there has been any negotiation. Now before I move on to the second mechanism, I'd be happy to take a POI from closing. > POI: So will parties still be able to use this data outside of political campaigning or do you completely ban it? Yeah, yeah, we're going to completely ban it. In any way that politicians can use this advanced analytics to alter their decision making, we don't want it. So second mechanism as to how we address these problems, right? But before that, I just want to quickly address one thing, which is I think a lot of arguments in this debate are likely going to focus on why it is that this allows you to make better policy that is exactly what the people are looking for, right? Some type of like oblivious simplification of how this process is actually going to look. I just have a couple like preemptive responses and layering to explain why this argument is so significant, right? I think the first thing to point out here is that in many cases, they are not going to get their best case scenario, which is that problematic policy that reinforces inflammatory rhetoric in conservative localities is probably equally as likely as them getting good policy in areas that have very homogeneous beliefs, which is also probably unlikely considering I would imagine that most places have pretty divergent beliefs, especially where it is politically inflammatory or politically important to win those areas, right? But the second thing to point out is even in cases where this creates more tailored policy, it omits part of how politics is about discourse and preference creation, which is now entirely reliant on this technology. Thirdly, this also lowers the variance overall in politics, right? So the comparative here then becomes that in the status quo, there are processes in which politicians need to use an aggregated platform to react to shifting popularity of different policies to create reasoning and justifications around the things that they support. An alternative in which every politician already knows what they think is the best or an alternative in which only the richest candidate knows what is actually best is a draconian future in which there's less choice in the political system overall. But next, I want to talk secondly why advanced analytics creates an incredibly strong competitive advantage for candidates who use it in the initial instance. Since campaigns have a very high incumbency and early polling advantage, everyone will rapidly converge to this system, right? The first thing to point out is that this makes politics have much lower variance, which is that far fewer people like Bernie who enter the election with a set of issues that nobody is committed to beforehand. This then means that most candidates end up looking quite similar. Crucially, even if this fulfills preference as well, the processes of new candidates of a high variance is good because it provides an educational function that expands on what issues people are thinking about. This shifts the Overton window and brings in information that the algorithm can never access beforehand because it hadn't existed before. Overall, for the formation of better preferences and the selection of better preferences, I am so very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionFirst, why this will be regulated and done in a good way. Secondly, why to lead to more accessibility in political campaigns, which evens out of the field and crowds out privileges and the fact that many politicians have a shit ton of money. And thirdly, on to maximizing preference. Let's begin firstly with regulation, which directly quashes with the vast majority of the case coming from OG. A few reasons as to why this will be regulated in a maximally efficient way. The first thing that I just want to generally point out is that the state has a massive incentive to regulate it as well, because otherwise it would undermine the fundamental principles of any which stands for, that is to say democracy, rule of law, maximizing the freedom and preference of people. Secondly, political parties have a maximally selfish incentive to do so, considering that if another political party actively uses this more efficiently or abuse it, this actively undermines the chances to be reelected, which means that they're going to be strict regulations. Thirdly, in terms of civil society, many people care a lot about their privacy. That is to say, their data specifically is used and they don't want to be manipulated because people intrinsically care about freedom or some nations, for example, the UK or USA, or the US have a culture that is engraved on maximizing their preferences and generally caring about freedom. Fourthly, generally speaking, there is a scientific community, for example, that is developing those technologies that are generally speaking very ethical, care about developing humanity in a very good way, generally speaking, are going to again lobby the government in a way that ensures this will be regulated in an effective way. I think the bottom line of this is pretty intuitive. In the vast majority of cases, political parties, the scientific community, and generally speaking, people care about fair elections because this is something very personal to them, because it allows them to maximize their preferences, it allows them to live a prosperous life, but generally speaking, they also have selfless incentive to do so, which means this will be done in a way that allows us first to effectively select out the data that is actively being used, most likely there will be independent committees that are actively checking whether or not this will be used in a proper way, or thirdly, there is going to be strict regulations on private entities that are actively developing those algorithms. Secondly, on to accessibility. The problem in the status quo is pretty intuitive. You are a politician who either by virtue of privilege have a lot of money, or secondly, you are a massive political party that by virtue of existing for so long as compared to small political parties, have a lot of money and a lot of donors and specific nepotistic connections that you can actively use. This is crucial because your capacity to specifically target people, to make sociological-like posts, to specifically make huge campaign-like events, to have a shit ton of volunteers, to actively have a lot of advertisements, and generally speaking, to reach out to people is strictly tied to money prior to the existence of this policy, which means candidates that don't have those connections, specifically the connections that give them money, are gated away from the opportunity to get the same accessibility in terms of political campaigning. Why will this policy be very accessible, or it's on a trajectory over the long term? The first thing that I just generally want to point out, there is state funding for many policies or many technologies that are considered essential for a party or for a candidate to succeed. This is why intuitively political parties receive funding for campaigning, which actively means that the state and political parties have an incentive to lobby to receive adequate access, either to an algorithm that is state-based, or secondly, to finance it in order to have this algorithm. Secondly, in terms of the private sector, there is a massive amount of competition between companies that are basically racing themselves to the bottom to make it as accessible as possible to private agents and to political parties, considering that there is a massive amount of lucrative profits if they manage to do so, and secondly, they want to increase their market share, which means over the short term they're willing to undercut their profits in order to actively ensure that they get contracts over the long term with political parties. This actively means that this lucrative market over the long term leads to more accessibility. Thirdly, the AI, and specifically the analytics community, isn't just about profits. There are massive amounts of people that are very enthusiastic, passionate, and care about values like democracy and freedom, which are developing those technologies and are making it accessible. They're basically making them open source, which actively means that it is accessible, regardless of the selfish incentives of many actors. Why is this important? Firstly, I think it is important because now it levels out the political field, because now politicians can maximize their scarce resources, especially if they're disprivileged and don't have the same capacity like big parties to actively ensure that their campaigns and specifically that the way they're targeting people are firstly more accessible, more efficient in targeting people, which maximizes resources, but second, at the point which they're more efficient in meeting their targets of actively engaging people, this actively means they can reach out to more groups instead of specifically targeting and being risk averse and specifically targeting previous demographics. Now, before I talk about maximizing preferences, I'll take a point from CG. > POI: You've proven that there is access to data, but you haven't proven why people in positions of power with more capital will not be better able to use that data to weaponize it for themselves. Okay, but still, if this is accessible, and the info slide basically says that the algorithms are going to be semi-autonomous, which means you require two or three experts, or in the best cases over the long term. Secondly, this becomes fully autonomous, and it can do this on its own. This means that the capital you require for you to hire experts and to have expertise is very minimal, which means that, again, it is very accessible to people. Now, on to maximizing preferences. How does this maximize preferences as OG-like kind of already concedes that this is able to do so? Firstly, it gives us a closer understanding of the beliefs of people. Secondly, it allows us to get more persuasive messages that specifically target demographics, preferences, and the personalities of certain people. Thirdly, the analytics give us the capacity to see changing demographics, and also to see correlations not only between a specific demographic caring about certain values and policies, but also why a certain person who cares about certain policies may also care about other proximate policies, which actively means it allows us the ability to maximize the efficiency of targeted advertisements. Why is this hugely important? Firstly, politicians in the vast majority of cases exist in bubbles, or even if they are disprivileged over the long term, they start to exist in bubbles. That is to say, demographics are constantly changing, but they don't have access to the way in which they are not actively like living with normal people. They live in their own social privilege bubbles, which means they get out of touch or have different privileged beliefs that are out of touch with the preferences of people. Secondly, this is uniquely powerful in actively engaging people. That is to say, persuasive messages are the precondition for you to actively get interested again in politics, to feel as though somebody wishes to represent you, which gives you an incentive to get more informed. But secondly, this allows us the capacity to target multiple groups at once. While in the status quo prior to this technology, certain political parties would only cater to their own demographics and would entrench in those beliefs. Now at the point at which you can do this more efficiently, and you can maximize your resources better, this actively means that you can cater to different groups, which means you reduce the amount of echo chambers. And finally, the alternative is much worse. If politicians don't know what's happening, they rely on populism. That is to say, us versus them rhetorics. That is to say, actively critiquing the character of people or boasting their own personal qualities and sending fake messages, instead of actively relying on concrete policies for which over the long term, you can hold them accountable if they get reelected. For all those reasons, I'm proud to oppose.
OG · GovernmentThe first thing I want to explain in the DPM speech is why the construction problem is the most important problem that democracies have to solve. What we explained to you is that democracies should not just be about preference fulfillment, because if they were to be about preference fulfillment, in theory, we could have a direct democracy, or at least we could have AI administer a direct democracy, and we would end up getting the best outcomes. But we've learned that this is not the case, that in general, brute majorities don't make good decisions, because there are certain structural issues with democracy that render them impossible, that we can't get every single thing that we want, because there are anti-democratic features built into our system that force us to have compromises, that sometimes, even if 51% of people want things, 49% of people have a much stronger preference for that thing, and that's a legitimate reason for us to want that outcome in a democracy. And finally, people often have a limited understanding of issues that don't directly affect them, or about the trade-offs between issues and the way in which they indirectly affect one another, and these kinds of relationships, when become aware of them, can change what you vote for, and what kind of policies you end up wanting. So a crucial problem we have to solve on opening government is to help people construct their preferences in a way that is better. And note the practical outcomes of this, right? We think that there are two broad things. The first one is, this is virtually the only way to solve policies passing in the polarized environment that we live in, in that given that people are digging in their heels increasingly, given that in basically every democracy on earth, political polarization is trending up and not down, it's important for politicians to negotiate compromises as early as possible, because if they don't, and if they commit themselves to the position that their core base wants, it's incredibly hard for them to then turn on what they committed themselves to, and dug in their heels on, and say, we're going to work with the other side. So it's only in the instance in which you make those compromises early on before you're elected, and you convince people of their utility, that you're able to pass policy, versus a world in which basically the policy process stagnates. I want you to note that a corollary of this is that the less policy gets passed as a result of this polarization, the worse that polarization gets, because people become increasingly convinced that it's impossible to work with the other side, and that doing nothing, or not working with the other side, is only going to result in things deteriorating more, hence it's better to remove the other side from the conversation. So when they talk about things like political populism being used to exclude certain groups in the process altogether, that is a consequence directly of a narrative that says that we can't work with the other side, that compromise is just not possible. Second general implication of this though, is that we need to bring more ideas into the system, and that crucially requires us to bring in ideas that we were not previously aware of. So one thing I'm going to note here is that AI just does not have the capacity to know our preferences before they exist, right? It can test against available data, but it cannot generate an out-of-sample fit for something that is not in sample, and that is critical, because what we say is having an imperfect politics, one that is a high degree of variance, in which people can say new things that have not been tested at a very high risk to themselves, is the only way to bring in ideas that represent groups or ideologies that previously were disadvantaged for systematic reasons. So if you're coming in representing felons, and felons have not been a huge part of the political discourse, then there's a higher chance that people start to care about that, and that if you can bring other people on that side, you can start to bring about change on those people's behalf, if not in a major way, then at least in a minor way, in terms of getting political compromises that can favor those groups. That is something that is essentially impossible and ruled out on their side of the house. Let's deal with OO's case. There's three general ideas here. The first one they give is there's going to be regulation. Most of these warrants are very selfless and ripped from Matterprep. They say people care about rule of law, and parties want to make sure that other parties don't abuse this. This is not true in the environment we live in now, because first of all, politicians and parties are operating in a highly polarized, highly populist environment, and so there is no short-term incentive for you to try to give up all of your power and essentially say that in the long term this will save democracy. If you can maximize your odds of winning right now, and if your base believes that the other side winning is tantamount to murder, is tantamount to you letting tons and tons of issues that you care about never pass again, then it's very, very likely that politicians opt for that short-term incentive. It's very, very hard to opt out, and even if you think it would be better that you did opt out, if you believe that there's even a five percent chance that the other side is cheating on their end of the bargain, then you're incentivized to opt in as well, just to maximize the chance that they don't corrupt and capture the political system while you unilaterally disarm. That also then deals with the idea that some people care, or that some people value privacy, or the scientific community matters, right? Because ultimately the only two actors that matter here are a. the people who create the technology, for which I would say large technology companies that produce tech have much more of an incentive in selling technology than they do in heavily watering down that technology, which is why, for example, there's about 100 times more people developing AI algorithms than there are working on AI ethics, and secondly, if politicians and political parties want to use it, then they're going to have willing sellers. On top of that, I just think we're very pessimistic about the prospect for regulating these things. I mean, the entire point of an AI model is that it's a black box, is that you don't understand how it gets from point A to point B, so the point in which you're getting to point B, going backwards and saying we didn't like how it got there, is going to be near impossible. Next thing they say is that this is going to undermine privileges in politics. The first thing I want to note is that if we think that this technology is bad when lots of people use it, we're happy to concede that everybody gets the technology and it makes politics worse. That enough is enough to beat the argument. But on top of that, I'd say two things. Firstly, I think that we're trending in a way that makes this less of a problem. Things like free media and social media are making politics more accessible. The correlation between having money and winning elections has severely broken down in most of the countries that we're talking about as a consequence of this. But secondly, and more importantly, even if your algorithms allow you to get an even playing field, then the only other way you can differentiate yourself, right, is taking the insights of those algorithms and just reaching as many people as possible, which still, according to them, requires a huge amount of resources. So it's not clear that this resolves any disparities, just changes on the intensive margin, what strategies people with and without money use. The final thing they say is that you're going to be able to see things that you could not see before. And before I deal with that argument, I'll give CO a chance to engage. > POI: Campaigns usually have platforms they run on regardless of using this kind of tech. When potential governments start coalition building, compromise has to happen regardless of the campaigning that happened during the election process. You're right that compromise has to happen eventually. But our claim is that it's much harder if you commit yourself to a different set of views in the election. And we're seeing this empirically where governments are breaking down because they can't get things done. In terms of positions that they would campaign on otherwise, yes, we agree there's some degree of static in politics, but we made two specific claims. The first thing we told you is that in the process of those static ideas being debated, trade-offs that you were not initially aware of become revealed. And when you become aware of those trade-offs and the interaction effects between things, your preferences change through time and the best politicians respond to that, which is how they win the first stage of the election and get to the second stage. The second thing we told you is that when there's a higher degree of variance, when nobody has the really strong competitive incentive to have the exactly right message in the very first sentence, because if they don't, they automatically lose, that means that people like Bernie Sanders can come into elections and can change what people are talking about, can challenge the existing norm at a high risk to themselves. But that high risk, high reward strategy can often completely change what we're talking about in politics 10 years later and create new issues that nobody knew about prior. This then is what beats the opening opposition final argument, right? Which is just that they say that you might be able to expand people's view of ideas because the AI is picking up on it and you're not. But if you're using micro-targeting, then you're not making everyone aware of these issues, right? You're making specific people aware of these issues. What we explained to you is that everyone has to be aware of these new ideas and the trade-offs between these new ideas, because only that is the way that people can actually learn about how they relate to others in the political process and actually make the compromises that are necessary to keep democracy afloat for a long period of time. We're very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThe interesting thing is that OG already conceded our case. They said in PM, this becomes lower barriers for politicians to enter, which is bad in their own analysis. But I think the point at which they already conceded this is very easy for us to take this one, but let's engage with their case. Firstly, what do they say? You will be able to change some people's opinions in a worse way. Here's the thing. I want to prove to you why the alternative likely is very much either good for big parties already or just worse for smaller politicians. Why is this the case? Firstly, note that while this is banned, it means that you will go to other worse alternatives for you to reach this data. This looks like you're buying data from social media companies and actively looking at who interacts in what way. Maybe it's not as advanced as the AGI, but it's very similar. For example, if you get the data from Facebook, you can see what people like and this subconsciously shows you how much or in what way they interact with the political views in the sphere, which means that this, however, is only accessible to the big parties because it's, one, very expensive, but two, you need to have the connections in order to be able to do so. Smaller candidates and parties don't have access to this. Secondly, even if you buy that, oh, maybe this is a regulated, even though I don't think in the status quo it is, I think there's another thing which shows why big parties have access to do this anyways, which is they have the money, the capital, and the connections to hire very good researchers who can give them similar data that the AGI can, who are very geniuses in their fields and basically can see how people interact with what. I think to the fact and to the point to which you can do this, the problem is just that those people who have the information anyways, the delta here is whether smaller parties have, this is just if everybody has access to this and basically makes it more equal. But the last thing, you have other ways to specifically target individuals in a way that is not with this like algorithm, right? This looks like, for example, doing rallies in specific regions that are, for example, red states, and you know that the moment that you do this and you go on specific issues that you already know that they are doing because of the polls your researchers do because you pay them good money, you can target them and still be able to radicalize them to that extent. So what's the point here? You can also buy very big billboards in specific areas and still convince them. You can, well, probably control the medias because most parties are affiliated with different medias such as Fox being controlled by the Republicans and stuff like this, which means there's a huge advantage for political parties currently to stay in power. And please note that this is not a US-centric debate. Most countries have more than two parties in parliament, which means smaller parties are very important to get into power. And if we prove that big parties have a big advantage now, even in now the playing field is very important. But I'm going to weigh this in a second. Why is it firstly likely that you will help smaller parties? A few things. One, it's not only that you can see their preference, but rather that you can do the targeted ads for specific regions and peoples in a more accessible way. Because currently for you to buy a billboard, it costs like a million. To do a rally, even more, which means that those people don't have this kind of money and basically do not do this and just go to different areas that is just cheapest for them to do so, which often is not as many people as they can reach and most often not what people necessarily want. So why would this help? First, you are able to reach the people that potentially could be swing voters, right? That's the most important thing, because people who are already radical have no choice. They will probably vote for the radical party at all cases. And the liberals, same thing. But rather it's about the people you can't access, the swing voters. For example, Republicans, that is kind of hesitant and doesn't know if they want to vote for Democrats. Now, for example, Democrats can target those people and not put them in echo chambers where they're only surrounded by Republican ads right now because they're the ones that go to that region. Secondly, you, for example, don't have to go to every city because it's unaccessible for you to do so. You don't have to do those big rallies all the time. Now you have this alternative way. But secondly, why is it so important for those people to get into power? Firstly, they're the ones that most often bring the innovation. OG claim, oh, but once you have this information, all people want to win and basically you will not bring new ideas. Three rebuttals as to why this is unlikely to be the case. One, not that many people get into politics because they want to bring innovation and something new. Why? Because being a politician sucks. It takes a lot of time. It's low paid unless you get to a very high position. And it's generally you have to sacrifice things like your privacy, which means that people get into politics like the newer ones and the newer parties and more progressive people get with the incentive to bring something new, not necessarily win at all costs, which means that the moment you give this mechanism to them, they're better able to maximize it and actively bring the goods that they can, right? Such as, for example, bringing new policies and improving discourse within parliaments and not having just old guys argue about random stuff that young people don't care about. Or, for example, more progressive things because they're likely more progressive in that regard. But secondly, they're the ones that hold the government accountable. They're the ones that actively want to expose corruption and break the status quo. And they're also the ones that are likely to do this in a more passionate way. Why is this very important? One, most of those parties represent people that were never represented before, which is more important than maybe radicalizing a few people that are already radical, right? Because if you get representation from people that were not represented before, you're better likely to improve their quality of life and actively make them less vulnerable in that regard. But secondly, it just impacts more people. Yes, their impact might exist for some people who shift their opinion, but that is unlikely because many people who are already extreme in that regard will do this. Or even if they have the initial exposing, like initial ideas on this, that they might get radical, they will likely get swayed by other mechanisms that big political parties have. The idea is for us to counter this and actively be able to expose them to different views and maybe increase the chance of those smaller parties winning. Even if we get their votes to get up by like 10%, this is extremely important because it gives them more money from parliaments that they get from the budget. But before I continue, CG. > POI: Isn't it also true that if these small parties have particular weaknesses because of the limited capital, you having access to specific data that can challenge them and mitigate them also empowers you? But again, this is the thing, you probably already have this. I'm unsure why this specifically gives you this advantage. But even if I presume that you do, the benefit outweighs it. You don't necessarily get a lot of data. What is their weakness? Because this is not as personalized. The idea is for you to understand how to get those politicians, those people to reach them, such as with targeted ads, or just generally want to know what they necessarily want and you're not going to be populist and just representing the higher elite that they're educated, but rather being able to reach the vulnerable people who are not as educated in an understandable manner, because you don't know how to do this as a new politician, as a smaller party. Now, let's continue with this. A few other things to rebut. Secondly, I already rebutted no ideas are brought. I think this is absurd. I already rebutted why you will be able to shift opinions. I think what the best thing they have to do here is about regulation. They say this will not be regulated as well. I think this is not the case because if you have competing parties, they have the incentive to not give advantage to either one of them. So this is regulated. And also, there's likely to be committees that look this in an independent point. What's the most important here to know? This is that this is likely to become very accessible with time because companies compete, even if it's not currently. But secondly, even if we're able to maximize preference and represent more people, this is not only morally correct, but practically good for people and improve their lives, as well as allowing smaller parties to come to power, improve the political system and hold them accountable. Vote us.
CG · GovernmentTwo broad areas of engagement to OO before moving on to our extensions and why that wins over OG. The first thing they argue for is this technology is likely to be regulated very well. Four sets of responses. First, the very nature of this technology means it is autonomous or at worst, semi-autonomous, which means the machine operates in a way in which is beyond human capacities to think. So at the point in time where these kinds of regulations happen, they happen post-facto on action already being done, i.e. the message being amplified or already happening. A lot of this technology is hard to control from humans to begin with. That's the nature of the technology. Two, let's assume that there are political incentives of certain courts to hold these companies accountable. This is only true where that politics has evolved to the point it is a developed country, but this debate happens globally, i.e. companies like Twitter and Facebook operate in countries like Bangladesh and India as well, where criminal justice systems are significantly weaker when it comes to this. So if you have a sensational message that even borders lines on hate speech, it is extremely unlikely a politicized court such as that of India or Bangladesh will hold this accountable, or it is unclear why people or voters in America care about the messages that are being spread in India or Bangladesh. That's why you have hate speech on Twitter and WhatsApp that leads to things like Muslims being killed by Hindus in India. Third, I think it's also important to recognize that within the veil of ignorance, there are other principles that these companies can hide behind as well. Things like data privacy, things like freedom of speech. So they say this algorithm operates independently and amplifies it to you, and they don't intervene in that because that hurts another one of these Western liberal values that you really care about, like the fact that you are now as a company having to see what this person is searching, or violating their privacy, or violating their freedom of speech. Ultimately, meaning there are many ways in which you can scapegoat this regulation in order to make sensational news that makes you give money. So the conclusion, or that gives you money, conclusion is this regulation is extremely unlikely. The second thing they argue is this technology is inherently more accessible to smaller parties. If you look through your notes, they've only proven there are mechanisms, not necessarily incentives, that make this data accessible. First, it is unclear why the accessibility is to a greater degree on smaller parties. Yes, smaller parties have access to that data, but so do large parties at the same time. The problem is once that data is accessed, large parties have lots of tools through which they can better use that data, if anything, to control the rise of small parties. The first thing is they can highlight small indices or small increases in numbers very early on because that spike in a graph is something that they catch early on because they have access to data. Number two, they also know the minor preferences of those individualized voters that are slowly going away to a minority party. So they can use short-term incentives or low-cost things that spin the story against them, like find out what this one politician did in high school and spin that story as something that this person is untrustworthy to. The third thing is, like, even if you don't buy that, this empowers those with money to buy better computers and better, you know, technicians to disempower smaller parties from rising. At best, there is a mitigation. In our world, we still have social media marketing as well, which bases the existence or the structure of social media marketing, costs the same amount of money, which means maybe you market with slightly less preferences, but your access to social media marketing still exists regardless. The preference accumulation thing is therefore awash on both sides. The only other thing they say is you get access to the worst kinds of data, this bites their own argument of regulation, like then regulate these bloody companies and don't give them access to data for the big companies to begin with. All out of this debate. The first extension I'll talk about is why this makes politicization far more bipolar. I think the where OG ends their analysis is that it is much easier for, you know, people with different views to come in later on in politics or the conversation to evolve over a period of time, but they don't explain the really structured mechanism and the incentives of political parties to really turn political cycles vitriolic. The first thing I'd like to argue is the biggest priority for any political party, regardless of what their intentions are in the long run, is to win the next election in the short run. This is what gives them power to exercise control and makes them have an identity control where they want their legislation to look like, how they want to shape their policy, put their own people in different points of power, power, getting access to power is the fundamental conduit to everything else. How do you get access to power and why is that better when you have access to data? Number one, you have passionate voters, i.e. you can find who is more likely to show up to vote and therefore you can spin the narrative and find those people and get them to vote to begin with. Number two, in a world where new people want to come in, you understand the minor margins to which you can differentiate really early on. And number three, in a world where, you know, things like political capture of companies is strongly demonized, you have greater ROI with smaller amounts of money, so you need less political lobbying and therefore you can use that to sensationalize and capture small voters using less amounts of money. Why is this really bad? This short-termist incentive enables a mechanism through which you get power in the shortest time possible with the least amount of money spent. That is often by being vitriolic to the vast majority of people and enabling them to form hate speeches or be hateful to a particular group by basis of insecurity. Four reasons or four mechanisms why this is done. First, the data you use is often historical data which is often stacked in a way in which makes particular groups feel like they are worse than they actually are. So a vast majority of white people are probably not racist but they've searched something on Google about anti-immigration once at a point in time. The comparative is that bias is often hidden or forgotten or never triggered but in the world where you know the individualized preferences of everyone, you can trigger it. So you confirm that bias that otherwise would be completely forgotten. Number two, this is empowered through social media algorithms that amplify that to more people with same preferences. CO, very quickly. > POI: Do you think Modi would suddenly become super pro-Muslim and not at all racist just because they couldn't micro-target on Facebook? But no, that's not the argument. The argument is Modi gets worse yet his ability to do all of these things is worsened when he has access to this data. It doesn't have to be like we change the world for good. We just stop it from becoming worse. That's a competitive that we win as well. So the second mechanism is algorithmic feeding. Once you win that, you feed it to people with similar preferences as well. The third is sensational content by nature has more clicks and engagement. So social media companies have an incentive to amplify that as well. Lastly, because you have access to micro-level individualized data, you can balance out and create selection bias. You know what the limited attention span of particular individuals operate through. So you know which issues they really click through or read through or you know which issues they selectively ignore. So you create messages that make sure that their attention is only basis that one message and the selection bias that you trigger means they're less likely to search for other news articles or read more. That's how because you have access to this data, you can create that echo chamber that prevents the worst or creates the worst excesses of politicization and bipartisanship. What I've done is successfully proven the incentives of politicians to do this and the structured mechanisms through which politicians, data and social media companies do this. OG did not do any of this legwork to prove the impact that they're basing their case on. Very clear to win this debate basis those.
CO · OppositionWhen you take away the set of information which people basically need to meaningfully consent at the ballot box, this is fundamentally unjust and this is going to be our main claim. Let's quickly talk about all other three things in this debate. Let's talk about CG, a team which has very, very small comparative, if any. Their biggest claim is that this gives you incentive as a politician to amplify differences and polarize people and voters. Panel, I just want you to check your guts. Fables like Facebook and Twitter echo chambers already exist. Mean algorithms which push and incentivize people to be inflammatory already exist. You as a politician always have an incentive to push the most passionate voters at the ballot box after they are very extreme. Nations all over the world are incredibly polarized. The US, the UK, all of us are very, very polarized and I do not believe that any meaningful impact on polarization exists on CG and even if it exists, it is so marginal that I do not think it should matter more than any other set of considerations in this debate. Let's talk about opening government, a team which basically lacks any real and exclusive harm. The closest they get to a harm is this is maximizing your desire to vote for specific politicians. First of all, why is this bad? If I presumably see an ad for a party and I'm like, yeah, I like this party now, this presumably means that this messaging corresponds to what I believe and hold as something which is very important, right? I don't see why this is an inherent harm. Secondly, why is this an exclusive harm? Whenever I walk down the street or I see an ad on the TV, right, or I see a billboard, this presumably sometimes it raises my desire to vote for a specific party, right? So even if maybe this is a harm, it is a very non-inclusive, right? And I do not believe they can claim it, right? Third question on this is why the alternative is me actually weighing properly multiple different considerations besides my particular interest, right? I do not believe they explain any of this, right? I do believe the other set of harms that they have is that this kind of lowers variances in politics, right? This makes no sense, right? On our side of the house, we're basically defending micro-targeting, right? When parties can micro-target, they have an incentive to basically portray their programs to be more particular and more specific. This is what OO says as well, right? So I do not believe that on the side that basically defends majoritarian views and broad messaging, they can claim that this kind of pushes politics to be the same. Finally, let's quickly chat about opening opposition, a team which relies on a set of very beneficial conditions which might not occur always, right? So not just a bunch of their claims are based on regulation and accessibility, right? This might happen, but it also might not. I do believe that, as we saw, regulation in tech sector is something which is incredibly hard. We all saw how incompetent senators are when they basically need to question Mark Zuckerberg and basically Mark Zuckerberg then has to explain to them how the ad monetization on Facebook actually works, right? Also, as CG said, right, even if you regulate it, it will often come post the fact, meaning some of the harms of govs will actually occur, right? Finally, I do believe what they have as a positive impact is that it creates a more closer understanding of preferences of people and meaning parties have an incentive to basically be more particular, right? This is true, right? I'm not going to lie. I do believe this is a very good impact. They explain it properly, right? But I don't think they explain the exclusivity of it, right? Because to some extent, it is, I think, intuitive to know that a bunch of parties already have a huge incentive to basically be very particular, to target niche holders, right, to basically be single issue parties, right? All of this is happening already in the status quo and I do not think they do enough of a job to point out why this benefit is something which is exclusively happening when you are able to micro-target with this type of analytics. Okay, with all this being said, what then is our constructive case, right? The constructive case is going to be just one very simple thing. Banning this type of specific targeting principally harms our ability to meaningfully consent and opt-in at the ballot box. What are we defending on this, right? So notice that on our side of the house, people both see the broad and not targeting messaging and additionally, they see the targeted messaging, right? As long as even in the world where basically parties specifically target, right, I still see billboards, I still see TV ads, I still see posters, right? I still see very broad messaging but in addition to that, right, I see particular messaging targeted towards my group, right? Both govs assume that the only type of messaging which I now am seeing is a targeted one. This is nonsense, right? These two things work in parallel, right? To some extent, this is the only principle that sway. Why? Because my level of information now when it goes to the ballot box is actually much higher because I know what the party that I'm voting for, I know what is their broad messaging but I also know what is the particular messaging which will harm my group. For example, if I'm a student, right, on our side of the house, I know what is the broad stance of Democrats on econ but I also know what are their broad policies based on student loans, right? Things which do affect me and things which they target me for, right? This is the only just way to actively opt-in at the ballot box, right? Because first of all, I can actually meaningfully see what is the full set of like great policies that this party actually proposes, right? Second of all, I can see inconsistencies, right? I can see that, for example, parties maybe not consistent with what their broad stance is and what their particular stance when targeting towards me is, meaning I actually have the ability and agency to say, no, I don't want to vote for you all. For example, I have the ability to say, yes, I want to vote for you because I see that your broad messaging is something which is in line with what you target me specifically for, right? All of this means that my choice at the ballot box is far more meaningful, right? Because I actually have far more information and far more ability to exercise the agency that I do experience at the ballot box, right? And this is something which is based on our democracy, right? If my consent is not meaningful because some information is lacking, this is something which is fundamentally unjust. I will take OG. > POI: As usual, you completely strawman our case on preference creation. Our material on precluding the discussion of trade-offs, maximizing extreme preferences in the short term, and preventing new ideas from entering the mainstream are all reasons why ... No, no, no. Sorry. Please prove why these harms are exclusive. Okay. Why your agency at the ballot box? Is that to be hard when I do not know what is the particular messaging for my group, right? Basically, what does happen is I will vote only at the broad stance of my party, right? This is harmful because very often I will vote for them without knowing what are the specific policies that they have which actively target me, right? For example, if I'm a woman, right, I might vote for, like, Republicans because I know what their broad stance of econ is. But for example, if I'm also, like, a student, I do not know what their stance maybe on student loan is. It means that very often I vote against my interest, but I very often vote just poorly informed because I'm not clear what are the specific policies which do affect me, right? And I do believe to some extent I'm less able to decide which of these two considerations is more important for me, right? I am unable to decide whether the broad stance of the party or the specific, like, messaging to me is something which I should value more or less, right? I'm unable to exercise my choice profoundly, and I do believe that this fundamentally is the biggest impact in the debate because I do believe that a bunch of harms from Gov can maybe be, like, can maybe be mitigated. But I do not think that the principal harm to our agency at the ballot box is something which we can solve. I'm very proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentFirst, I'll start with addressing the rebuttals coming in from closing opposition, then their case, then opening opposition, then opening government. So first, in terms of addressing the rebuttals to our case from the closing opposition. So closing opposition basically didn't listen to a lot of Sajid's speech. And the reasoning I say behind this is what they say is a very lazy response of, ah, but Facebook and Twitter echo chambers already exist. But what you need to understand in this particular instance is the existence of Facebook echo chambers does not necessarily mean that, A, they cannot get worse, or B, that this particular policy amplifies the existence of them more across the board. What do I essentially mean by this? In the current world, yes, to a certain extent, you still have without data analytics, the ability and the incentive to create some form of echo chambers to a certain extent. However, why is this far worse when you have advanced data analytics? Because in case of advanced data analytics, you have literally the mathematical and the rigorous backing to do so. What do I essentially mean by this? If you as a politician know for a fact that anti-Hispanic messages are something that is likely to feed into these people, because you know exactly what 70% of those people in that particular locality are searching for and have exact data on how they're doing it and in which articles they're doing it. You know, one, how to exactly shape the message. But two, you also know for a fact that you can get away with doing this because 70% of the people are doing this and you need to cater to them. Under our world, even if there is at least a 10% possibility that these individuals have some, these territories have some Hispanic populations and so on and so forth, you are more likely to hedge your bets against this. What do I mean by this? In those circumstances, you're likely to create a social media message that is acceptable for more people because you don't know what is the percentage of like racist or anti-immigrant individuals and so on and so forth. But more importantly, if you want to create that, and the second response to this is if you want to create an anti-immigration narrative to begin with, you know exactly how to construct this basis on their other preferences that they have. So for example, if there's a particular form of pop culture or literature that they prefer, then you can use that against them literally to advance analytics to create those narratives, which you don't have the ability to do under our site if this technology in and of itself is particularly done. Thirdly, even if it makes, even if it is something that already exists to a certain extent, given that Sajid's analytical reasons as to how this gets far worse and the ability for politicians to exploit that through their incentives, it's far worse, that should be enough for us to win the debate, which means that hate speech gets turned into riots and so on and so forth, which becomes much worse overall. Now direct engagement to what CEO brings in, because what CEO brings in is quite interesting, but I'm not sure the value of this within this debate. And the reason I say this is, what they're essentially saying is that you need to meaningfully consent when you're going into democratic preference, which is voting and so on and so forth. And for that, these political parties need advanced analytics to do that. Number one, I'm not sure why you need advanced analytics to do that, particularly because there are still old school fashion ways such as like, you know, going door to door, knocking door to door, knowing people's preferences and so on and so forth. But secondly, this policy actually creates an incentive to ignore large parts of your policy preferences and consent. What do I mean by this? If you as an individual, most individuals in the world are complex and have multiple preferences and multiple ways of expressing their political views, this policy specifically targets and finds out what policy to a certain extent is likely to, not is your first preference by the way, is likely to get you more engaged. So maybe you're a moderate with some forms of insecurity as to, oh, you're not getting a job and so on and so forth. Maybe you can be fed into an anti-immigration bias in that particular instance. This policy allows you to do that and therefore create a world in which you are made to feel, made to ignore the rest of the policies that political parties have and so on and so forth, because you're able to create those silos and silos and echo chambers within social media that do not allow you to meaningfully opt out of the particular preference that you have been fed into, because it is done in such an advanced analytical way that it essentially captures all of your preference or the most likely of your preferences in those particular instances. What this means is the comparative is very simple. Under our world, you're likely to preference more people and see what is acceptable for more people generally, because you have no way of specifically targeting specific parts of the country through absolute targeted ads and so on and so forth. You're more likely to listen to more people and therefore get more meaningful consent from them in terms of passing policies and so on and so forth, which means that in general, you're more likely to be able to get their preferences out better. But more importantly, if you really want to meaningfully consent to the things that politicians do and so on and so forth, I'm pretty sure we can make things such as, you know, go through their whole policy paper and look to what policy preferences that they have. If a political party wants to do certain things, what is their policy position on student loans and so on and so forth? I'm not sure why you need advanced analytics in order to ensure that. So before I move on to opening opposition, I'll take a PR from them. > POI: Look, this is comparatively more accessible because you don't have to hire 200 people to do it. So as we proved, you have the ability to target audiences you wouldn't otherwise be able to maximize their choice and improve the political sphere even a bit by allowing them to get higher percentages and get into the sphere. But this is contingent on A, that this higher, like this specific targeting of these specific people is essentially something that is beneficial. But B, at the same time, that you essentially listen to all of these individuals, because that's somehow possible within the political arena, because realize what the incentive of these people are. The incentive of these people is to win an election, which can be 50.1% of the vote in certain countries, maybe even 48% if you're counting United States of America and places like India that do not have popular voting, and so on and so forth. You literally want to maximize the ability for these individuals to push them first, push them to vote, and then to vote for you in that particular instance. Why do you have an incentive to go out and cater to more populations, given the fact that you can literally win an election by specifically targeting 50.1% of the people? That's literally what Cambridge Analytica and Donald Trump already did in this particular circumstances, and they have no engagement to that at all, because Donald Trump literally has no incentive to reach out to these politicians, and so on and so forth. Moving on to opening opposition, in terms of their smaller parties and grassroots campaigns and so on and so forth, we think that social media campaigning is still possible, to the extent to which grassroots campaigns should be more about going door to door, asking individuals for their preferences and rallying them to actually getting out their emotions in real life. We would prefer that happening the same way, for example, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez happened and so on and so forth. But secondly, a lot of what they said is, oh, but now this allows Democrats to target swing voters that have been already captured by Republicans. That's not necessarily true in this particular instance. Why? Because if someone has been already targeted and captured by Republican parties through advanced analytics, they have a far bigger advantage in already feeding them stuff within their algorithms, according to all of the structural analysis given by Sajid, to capture them for a permanent period or for a longer period of time. What this allows you is create that chamber that is harder to break. In our world, you do not have the ability to capture them in a way in which you do under their word, which means that it's easier to break these chambers and then break into and convince swing voters to vote otherwise and so on and so forth, because you do not have the ability to do this through things like image analytica and so on and so forth. Lastly, we've given you structured responses to why regulations is not possible in this particular instance. This is quite important, because if regulation is not possible in this particular instance, and even if there is a 1% chance of all our harms existing, I'm pretty sure there's a far higher chance of our harms existing, then we win this debate because that harm is far greater than any benefit that the off-bench can bring you in this particular instance. Incredibly proud to propose.
CO · OppositionNow this is going to be a very classical whip speech. First I'm going to deal with closing opposition, then I'm going to weigh against opening government, finally I'm going to weigh against opening opposition. Let's first deal with the responses we hear from Sir David on to Marta's speech. We hear, ah, maybe echo chambers already exist, but they will get worse because reasons. We still don't have heard an actual mechanism for why they get worse. We still haven't heard how much worse it gets. We still haven't heard why the incentives are greater. Because notice they say, when I know that anti-Hispanic messages get me ahead, then I will use anti-Hispanic messages and anti-immigration panel. I will direct your attention to, you know, the Republican policy of the 50s to early 2000s, where that was exactly their policy because they were already aware that their electorate didn't like Hispanics coming over the border, right? We know this, that Modi's BJP hasn't liked Muslims long before political targeting has occurred. When a party knows populist messaging works, they're going to use populist messaging, regardless of whether they can micro-target people or can choose not to micro-target people. I'm still at the end of closing government arguments, unsure to what extent it gets worse. Secondly, they tell us that, ah, but the meaningful, on our meaningful consent argument, they say, why do we need advanced analytics to do this? Because, and here's where Marta's analysis actually gets just flat out ignored from closing government, people are less likely to know. Because Marta explains to you that on both sides of the debate, we have both the broad targeting and the micro-targeting. Because you still put up posters, you still are going to be on television, you're still going to be on radio, you still have political debates between the candidates, so the broad messaging still exists. On top of that, however, what micro-targeting allows you to do is to inform voters of issues that may particularly pervade to them. That means when I'm, that means when an issue particularly is important to me, I can be informed that this is also part of the platform, even if the party strategy says this may not be the most important thing to target your broad analytics on. This means that on our side of the house, voters are significantly more likely to be informed of what benefits them specifically. Finally, we get this idea that more extreme parties can target the, you know, evil extremists on their side of the house more, maybe, presumably, the nice parties can also target progressives more. I'm not sure to the extent to which this doesn't just cancel each other out. Presumably, most of those people are going to vote for those types of parties, regardless of which side of the debate you're on, so I'm unclear why I care all that much. Let's not deal with that. Actually, before I go on, opening government. > POI: It doesn't explain why your best case example of why our case doesn't make sense is the status quo. But the point is, when you ban it, of course, it improves from the status quo because this data exists. I just don't understand why. You're not explaining to me why the existence of this data itself means that people target this significantly more. I'm unclear, after two of your speeches, how much it gets worse, to what extent it gets worse. Maybe it gets a little worse, but even if it gets a little worse, I think it is worth trading off against the ability to have a more informed electorate when the comparative is, you know, that now voters actually know what they're getting themselves into and they know who actually represents their interests. Because ultimately, unlike what opening government tells us, no, OG, thank you. Unlike what opening government tells us, the comparative here is where can people actually maximize their preference? Because there's kind of this implicit idea in opening government that people should maximize the utility of their vote for the maximum of society. But that's not usually how we do these things, right? We don't have voter tests to make sure that you're a perfect utility calculator, right? Usually, we allow people to vote on whatever fucking basis they want, meaning that we already, to some extent, agree that voters should be allowed to, you know, make whatever decision. Now, opening government tells us that we're strawmanning their case. A couple of things here, like we always do. A couple of things here. First of all, I'm very curious to hear about the multiversal debates we've had against them because we have never in our life faced Chicago. Two, more explicitly, like OG says, we basically require information and discourse in order to allocate our votes. A few things here. One, no one has all information, right? We don't require perfect information in any case in order to make votes in the first place, right? Non-targeted advertising usually doesn't drop an entire policy set on every single voter, making them perfectly informed individuals, right? Information overload makes it likely that you don't retain all the details of the policy anyways. Most voters don't go out and read every single policy proposal from every single party, right? Most voters don't bother to inform themselves to the maximum degree, meaning that opening government just asserts that there's significantly better discourse around this for some reason, we have broader discussion. It is unclear to us why that happens. Secondly, not every piece of information is of equal importance to every single voter. OG, we already took you in the member speech. Not every piece of information is equally important to every single voter, right? I have the right to remain ignorant in my election choices if it benefits me. I could be Jewish or Muslim or Hindu and prioritize significantly that a party cares about keeping me safe against other individuals. I could be queer and prioritize a party that wants to ensure that I can get married, that this is the type of policy that protects me. I could be a student and only care about, you know, and only care about the party that reduces the amount of students that I have left. I am allowed to be a single-issue party and the side where I am more likely to be informed of how a party stands on the issue I care about the most is the side where I am better able to maximize the choice that benefit me and maximize my agency at the ballot box. This is the comparative then that is important compared to opening government because opening government says I should be more broadly informed. I should be more broadly informed about, you know, how I make my election decisions. They don't really explain why I have that moral duty towards other electors. I think, more explicitly, parties should, voters ought to generally prioritize what benefits them personally because that is the point of democracy. It is about maximizing the allocation of resources to society as it sees fit. Secondly, weighing to closing government, that they say that other policies or, you know, other policy things are also important. People can see all the information. A couple of things here. First of all, it makes it less likely for people to see it because people generally don't go out and vote and read every single pamphlet and get all this information. On our side of the house, rather than people needing to go out and discover the information, the information is brought to them from the parties themselves. It is the parties that push the information towards voters that actually care about them, meaning that the micro-targeting will only impact the voters where a party actually has incentives to inform them of this information, right? The harm is that if you don't understand where your priorities, where your preferences are maximized, that is where you're less able to decide what is best for you, right? Given that you're therefore not maximally informed on either side of the debate, we think it is better for voters to be informed on the specific issues that they themselves are most informed about. That is the comparative. Finally, weighing us against OO, because I do think that OO is correct on a lot of the things they tell us, they're correct about small parties and all that stuff, but we think that regardless of whether or not this really benefits small parties or if government's side is right and what people with large money can use the system more, we think on either side of the debate, for sure it is guaranteed, on our side of the debate, what is for sure guaranteed is that principally every single voter is most likely to better be informed about what every single party does for them. It is this piece of information that makes it particularly critical in order for people to make the kinds of choices that are morally relevant at the ballot box, super proud to stand in opposition.
vencedor único bp_230 · The House Prefers a world where all individuals have a strong belief in Ub...
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): The House Prefers a world where all individuals have a strong belief in Ubuntu.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=230, label gold.csv = "OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: GOV T2: GOV T3: GOV T4: GOV T5: GOV
Voto majoritário: GOV (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a more consistent logical framework regarding the systemic benefits of Ubuntu, effectively refuting the opposition's claims of alienation by introducing the concept of reciprocal empathy. DEBATEDOR_A relied heavily on asserting that individual autonomy is inherently superior without sufficiently engaging with the structural benefits of collective action proposed by the government side.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentIn opening government, we believe that no man is an island, and to the extent to which you yourself can do the same things in the world, collectively together, we can achieve greater things in society, build more things together, grow the economy, achieve political accountability, and impact these particular things. On their side of the house, we will necessarily be pushed into individualism and have the problem of collective actionism. I've never been hard to propose this particular issue. What I would prove to you is necessarily on their side of the house, you'll be pushed to individualism for a couple of sub-choices. First, not enough biological pushes you to do these particular things. These are usually things like survival mechanisms. They want you to care about yourself, because you're a couple of thousand years old to do so, I think. So this is why necessarily you experience things like pain and these types of things which pushes you to care about yourself. But second, other structures also prop up on their side of the house, like for example capitalism that pushes you, individual narratives, like for example American dream, but also other narratives. For example, you should look after yourself and care about these particular things. But I don't know. Even if they have some extent of collectivism, this collectivism is usually limited to other things, like for example your family or your close relatives in these particular cases, which actually take away from your community in these particular cases, because when you make them family, this is what happens. And I know what they're going to say here. They're going to say, oh, what if you're elderly? Of course, it was forming a bad community. You can still opt out on our side also. This is extremely crucial nuance. Because this narrative, like any other narrative, is not brainwashing you completely to do this sort of thing. If you experience pain, if you experience all these particular things, you can still opt out. We think that this still means that most of our benefits are marginally increased, but these types of parts do not happen. But what is the bottom line here? This analysis also works on our side of the house. Because these pushes do not change on our side of the house, or still exist to a certain extent, which means that this narrative is not likely to be a super bad coercive narrative in this particular case, and it's more likely to be a good one to do this sort of thing. Now, why everyone? And this is something very important. On both sides of the house, you have communities. But the extent to which resources are pulled from these communities, in terms of money, in terms of time, in terms of people working together, and the extent to which you particularly care and invest in these communities changes. What happens on their side of the house? On their side of the house, you have collective action problem, because you have uncertainties in what types of people are engaged in this community, and what types of people are engaged in this sort of thing. But you also have other reasons that are co-opted into this thing that may be more necessary and not care. Like, for example, you happen to migrate to another country or another town because you want to pursue education in this particular case. Or you may have other interests, because, for instance, there are Zoomers in this particular case, and then you have grown other interests from your family. Here's the problem. The problem is that structurally, some people will always be locked into these communities. This, for example, old people, who have loved people in this particular case, have to live in the neighborhood. This, for example, people who do not have access to education, who do not have access to all these particular things, who have to remain working as a farm worker in this particular case. So this means that if we're able to push other people who live to still care about this sort of thing, to still care about these sort of people, this is an advantage in this sort of case. What are the things they're likely to do? Firstly, they're likely to do things like, for example, be more likely to return to their community, start a business, fix some kind of problems that exist in this particular case, or send money in this particular case, donate, for example, to a school to be built in this sort of case. Or just, you know, call your grandma and see how she is in this sort of case in order to be good, in order to try to make positive impacts to them. Now, this is extremely important, because I'm not necessarily pushing, I'll explain to you a bit more why this is true, but just to be clear, to the extent to which we at least are a little bit winning the utility of these people, but we help people who have no other option and have to rely on their community in this particular case, we try to increase the utility of these sorts of people. But notice also, secondly, you're also to engage not only people external, but also internal in this particular case. Why? Two reasons. First, the narrative or the belief rewards people who are likely to be others and often into this particular case. This is everything from, for example, your neighbor telling you, ah, we did a good job building this fence the other day, or us going to church where collectively we're doing this particular case, but also setting up examples of people who have, how do you say, do good things, John did this, etc. Now, this may not be perfect, but the fact that people virtue signal, the fact that people do this in a good particular way means that you collectively have an interest and an incentive to be pushed in this order. But secondly, narrative also penalizes people who don't do it in this particular case, who are most likely to be shortlisted as bad in this sort of case or not doing their duties for this particular case. Since this community is likely to be very important to you and you're likely to be indoctrinated from this sort of case, so your parents telling you this, your community telling you this particular case, you're likely to care. Again, not to the extent that you're receiving total help, but in aggregate people care more about this particular case. Why is this important? Because people opt out of doing different things they can do. Like, for example, helping each other out. Like, for example, giving each other, how do you say, food in this particular case. And no, this has practical, tangible benefits to people. Because collectively we can do more. We can build more houses. We can start more businesses. We're likely to do. And in many of these cases, these problems in existing communities are because people don't feel taught about these sort of things to begin with. So if you're able to connect people to do this, it's good. But you're not taught it's good. The fact that people engage in this sort of thing, even if it's only building a house of this sort of thing, it's still good for people. People feel nice when they do this sort of thing. When they're able to be rewarded by communicating with their community, or at least they're indoctrinated into believing this particular case, then that means they have better time on our side of the house. Yeah? > POI: There's some magical penalty that apparently doesn't stop people from opting out, but it's strong enough to encourage people to do all these different things. Yes. Literally, yes. Third argument. Don't coerce us in this particular case. No. It's hard for you to engage in coerce. Because it's something you may not necessarily care about. Like, for example, you could say, oh, it's not my problem. You could be, for example, lazy in this particular case. You could, for example, say it's not that important because they don't have anything to do with us. This changes on our side of the house because necessarily both political actors on this side of the case are necessarily connected to your inner group in this sort of case. Because it's necessarily connected to benefits that are engaged for you. So, when you say mechanisms of society, in fact, this means that people have a higher likelihood to go out and vote, a higher likelihood to join political movements and social movements for specific problems that they have in this particular case. And because politicians see this sort of thing, they're likely to coerce these types of mechanisms and they're likely to coerce this intermarriage of talking about, if they're a part of the community, talking about this particular case. This means that you create whole, how do you say, groups of people or voting groups that exist that are important in democratic process, both in terms of local elections, like, for example, the role of America in the election, but also in terms of national elections in this particular case. Meaning that communities, how do you say, that if they're able to get the push from, for example, them receiving 10% vote, 15% vote, or 1% vote in this particular case, their bargaining power increases, the likelihood of good policies coming to the fore, general political availability of people voting vote also increases in this particular case. The vote online is very simple. Maybe, for a certain extent, some people will be coerced, but collectively, together, as we're able to build all of these routines, as we're able to do all of these routines, means that the curve is bigger on a national level. For all these reasons, propose.
OO · OppositionThe first thing I'm going to do is outline a defense of status quo. We still have communities. You still see yourself as an individual related to that community, but the primary source of your identity is your ability to dictate yourself, and your primary obligations are to yourself. This doesn't mean that you never affiliate with your community, but simply it is the way that the community tries to get you to affiliate with them, in the first place, changes. Namely, the obligation should not be from you to the community, but that the community should convince you to stay within that community. This stems from three competitive reasons. The first is simply that there's competition between communities, which means there's a strong incentive for them to try and provide better and better services, or alternatively better and better narratives for you to opt into. But secondly, there's also a fear of dilution and general weakness, which means they have to create awesome incentives for you to help others, and create a strong community. Thirdly, obviously, is that there's no option to disaffiliate enough with any community at all, because the community is simply not good enough for you. The problem with opening government's flippant response to my POI is that these penalties, these obligations, manifest badly, they always have, and they always will. Theoretically, you can opt out, but that is never a realistic choice. For three structural reasons. One, because everybody believes in it, and therefore no one questions it, it is almost impossible to come up with the confidence to speak up and stand a scope. Beyond that, it's impossible or difficult to have visible and invisible examples of other people trying to speak out in the first place, and it's difficult to leave, to move to other places, and to mobilize a notion of support, to give yourself a job, to give yourself community, if community is so important to government, you could never feasibly leave. But secondly, and worst of all, is that once they are, you know, feel the need to instrumentalize you, right, you feel like you're strung along, right? So it's constitutive of your identity, which means it's hard for you to criticize it internally, because you feel it so deeply connected to yourself, and it's hard for you to criticize it for others, because they feel like it's impacted themselves. So realistically speaking, criticism is not an alternative on government bench, but thirdly and finally, that it never occurs to you that the obligation is a problem in the first place, and this blame is displaced onto other groups, other groups of people, other problems in your life, despite the fact that it has and always will be your community. Status quo is a far better site than this alternative. We move to the first argument. People live better, happier, and more fulfilled lives. All people believe they have an obligation to the community on government, but they do not necessarily fit in. We believe that over time, these communities become less and less good for you, less and less fulfilling, and make you less and less happy. First, communities tend to be imposed arbitrarily on you upon birth. Another criticism to the point of opting out is simply that they never explain how you could opt out. You might say in your head that you could opt out, but if you're like an LGBT person, and openly go to the example, and you try to opt out of the, you know, sex community, of the homophobic community, how do you stop heteronormative standards being fed down to you, being forced down your throat? How do you stop your parents at dinner tables saying terrible things to you over and over again? This simply isn't a realistic alternative when you don't have competitive incentives to want to improve that community over time, such as the harms never manifest in the first place. But beyond that, these communities are structurally likely to displace you, because one, they're just millions of ways they will not sue you, or you're released just by accident. And beyond that, over time, the mechanism of social change means that these communities were built and optimized for the past, but as social change in time goes on, you are simply not the person this community is built for. They are built on traditionalist, conservative beliefs that simply do not fit the worldview of today. But secondly, and worst of all, is that values and beliefs within communities become more malleable on opposition bench. The first thing is that simply put, more people question LGBT states, and you criticize whether or not they're good. So maybe in opening government, there are some obligations that they are good, and we can agree, but there are some obligations that are bad. Some of them are a waste of time, some of them need to be corrupted, and some of them are insufficiently accountable. And we observe that when more people question them, we are much able to improve and drastically change these structures as if the actual pooling of resources isn't self-good. I'd like to note that this impact has two immediate outcomes. The first outcome is that the actual services themselves get better, such that the pooling is not done towards harming people, but actually good in the first place. So government never proves that these resources are used for something good, but secondly, and more importantly, is that if they are bad and ineffective, people are never off agency services in the first place, and you get a community that works for no one and for nothing. The second impact is that simply put, people are more receptive to criticism. The opposite of the initial mechanism applied in the initial part of the speech, which is that when you don't feel like it's the only part of your identity, or the main and critical part of your identity, you are more receptive to change within this community, because you don't feel like it's an assault on your identity, and you don't feel like stagnancy is necessary for stability and safety. Which means that you are substantially more likely to allow for change, whether you're a person in power, or a person with the pass of the vote, with the pass of the change, rules of the household, and so on and so forth. But thirdly and finally is that communities themselves have a larger self-obligation to help people, for the structural reasons we provided earlier in the intro. What are the impacts of these points, independent of their destruction of learning space? The first is that simply put, these classes, these cultures, and so on, are preconditions for many of the material needs you have to survive, in order to have food, water, and so on, and a sense of belonging. And so when these things are from the beginning, terrible, or they grow worse over time because they grow less and less into your life, or worse of all, you are unable to go to the one that actually is best for you, you live a much, much worse life, and this is a precondition to any possible benefit that might arise from debate. But secondly and worst of all is that it's worse in communities over time. If government is right that some communities are good, and some are bad, more of the worse ones tend to arise, and this is the good ones tend to stay in place and stay in power. Thirdly and finally is that simply put, people are less happy. They have less time to explore their own preferences. They have less time to explore individual ways, their obligations they might give to themselves, for the basic reason that they feel this is mostly subsumed by the community and hence they are less and less happy. They less know what they can do in that community in the first place, so maybe they might think some basic conditions for happiness, but they never have the sufficient conditions to know themselves and be happy in the first place. Closing. > POI: So how would you define your community, and do you think you only have one today? Probably when you have the capacity to question that community, you can have people talk together to decide what that community needs in the first place. With a discussion about what the obligations are in the first place, that's where you actually get the benefits. The way I want this argument is quite simple. It's important, one, because this is just the definition of access, right? If it's dated by racism, if it's dated by terrible notions within that community, even if you can pool resources, if it never gets to you, or it doesn't get to you because you don't feel like you have the opportunity to access it, or worst of all because you don't feel like it should be good for you, then there's no guarantee that this pooling of resources has the right distribution. But secondly and more importantly is that the strips are a main benefit. If to me the identity is good, it gets better. If to me the identity is bad, there's no opening opposition to fix it. The second argument, quickly, is that this makes conflict worse and more difficult. Some of the worst conflicts in the human race are spurred on by these communities and their willingness to instrumentalize and dehumanize individuals. The problem is that one, you drastically increase their capacity to mobilize resources, both on a human basis as well as a passive, for people to allow certain things like funding for arms and so on, as well as their capacity to dehumanize others for the basic reasons that they feel like they deserve forced obligation to, but beyond the second is that these resources become zero sum to come between communities. It's much harder for you to see an intersectionality between communities, I lost my time by the way, it's much harder for you to see the differences or the similarities between these communities because you are so focused on this one community subduing your entire life. So maybe they spend more and more time in that one community, but the problem is that many communities get weaker and weaker over time as they are drawn on by the larger ones that cause hate crimes, that cause destruction, that cause war. Maybe open government is why some communities are good, but they never allow them to be. That's why we oppose.
OG · GovernmentDon't you really care about all of us? And that's okay. It's okay because, you see, you have your own communities, you have your own things to care about in your particular life. The problem is that, if me and Roman also didn't care about Bulgaria and debate it, well, it wouldn't be maybe that worse, it would be significantly worse to the extent in which we are in the unique position to do some good for these particular perspectives. You see, life is a lottery of birth. You don't get where you're chosen to be born. So let the individuals who have the most capacity and the privilege to actually enact some change in these communities make their own choice, not to be obliged to those particular cases. They remove the only chance for these communities to thrive in the first place. This is what we stand for. A, opening, government. A couple of things like this. I think a lot of the frame of Roman explains to you why on the counterbalance we do not have the tipping point for active particular change. So you might still do some things for your grandma, but you are unlikely to take the bigger chances and bigger risks. So this means like you taking that corporate job in the big city versus you establishing an NGO or a business in your particular small communities. You are not choosing to go under the pressures of actually engaging in politics where you can just stay in your house and make money and donate some money to your community in this particular case. This particular narrative is the tipping point for these things. We also believe you are going to do it in a smart way, meaning that you are part of this community, but you are also part, and this is direct responses now to opening opposition. You are still like an actual human being. You still engage in globalism. You still have access to internet. You still have access to knowledge and all these things, but you also have the ability to recognize particular wrongdoings and problematic things that your community is particularly doing, which means that you are in a unique position to call these particular things out. We want individuals especially in privileged positions to continue calling out these particular things in order for them to enact actual change inside the community, and if they make the choice not to do it, nobody else will be able to, which means all the other people who are not in that privileged position, being the LGBT person in that religious community, being the person who is in poverty and cannot escape to the big city and things like that, there's nobody else to help these people. So gradually things are going to get worse for them, and gradually we will have no active change on our side of the house. I think you have to help them, and on principle I don't believe that you have that particular obligation exactly because you are in your unique position. You are probably in many of the spaces, one of the few that speaks their language, one of the few that understands the particular context in historical sense, in political sense, in any other sense that bad things do. Maybe some of the cases you take particular privilege because you are smarter than many of the other individuals in this particular place. You are the only one because of your burden, because of the inherent nature of society to make sure that you do something for these people, and you cannot be permanently proud to support this. More responses, I think, in the most extreme cases. We don't see this obligation as going as far as actually coming to die for your country and things like that. And I also would say, we don't even say that this obligation goes as far as you have to pay taxes to this community, things like that, because no compensation is set. What's more important, however, is that you still have the capacity to choose how you engage with this particular narrative based on your particular degree and consequences, but the main goal is that you do something. You do something that you believe you can help this community, and you think about this, and you go to the gate, and you make the right choices in a particular case. We still care about you. You're still going to put yourself in the worst position ever, but this is why you're going to engage in this narrative in a productive way in many of the particular cases. Look, I also, yeah. So, in happiness. I think happiness, again, is for us out of the house. First of all, you can uniquely achieve happiness from outside of the house through this narrative which is given to you, because you believe that you derive your happiness from the fact that you're helping your community. Why is it we pick on ourselves and say, essentially, flipping? You know, like nowadays Americans, we like flipping. I don't know. The thing is, we like happiness on the outside of the house because you have direct access to a particular meaning of your life. On the outside of the house, we don't know. Is it because you're religious? Is it because you eat something like that? Things like that. It's far more important to derive happiness from helping other people, and it makes you make the hard choices in the first place, which is extremely important. I think, finally, of conflict, I think incentives to create conflict are symmetrical. Things such as states, deep propaganda, nationalism, and things like that are probably going to happen on both sides of the house. I think the extent in which you care about your community, at least on our side of the house, the rebuilding process is much bigger, because you don't escape this country which is basically ravaged, which has no alternatives. And you don't leave the people behind that are being there, that have no other options, especially if you are not a privileged person. Before I continue, opening. > POI: So this relies on the premise that the most excluded are in the community in the first place, and the problem is that we constantly look for reasons to exclude them because we constantly force other ages on them that they can't be. No. You are picking and choosing particular situations and particular communities. We talk about much more situations on our particular side of the house. Many people are not LGBT, and they gain LGBT responses on this particular basis. You don't have to defend. You're dying for this particular situation. I explained to you why we have the particular obligation. I think finally in this round, what matters the most is that we increase the capacity for these communities to do better, and we uniquely do it only for us. It means that when that person decides to go back in some other way, especially when individuals are different, some are very egotistical, others are not so egotistical, all these spectrum will influence them throughout the whole, especially those from privileged backgrounds, because those from privileged backgrounds are likely to see the full picture in some of these scenarios and are likely to feel the pain. Now, when they are actively part of their community, they feel it as an obligation, they learn more, they are more activated, and it trickles down for all of your society in terms of your ability to basically bridge the empathy gap to other communities and understand that other people need help in these particular situations. For the one last fucking time, I'm so happy to propose.
OO · OppositionIn the world of opposition, unity is a shackle that alienates you from your very sense of self, discourages you from discovering your own preferences, and emboldens the worst forms of theory. The first thing I want to do is explain why individuals feel deeply alienated and unhappy in their world. Because the extent of their material is to say that you can derive happiness from helping your community. Problem, they never explain why people have the capacity to help their community. And I would suggest that in any given society, very few people will have the resources to give back to their parents. Especially those in the most vulnerable and marginalized situations, where they need, as a precondition, to be able to help to prioritize themselves to the extent. And this is where we fit the material. The vast majority of people fail their obligations far more often than they are able to meet them, even in the smallest ways. Most people become busy with their job, can't call their grandma, can't call their parents, can't vote in elections because there are other things that preoccupy them by matter of necessity. The difference is that on that side of the house, the unhappiness and intense feeling of failure you feel as a result of everyone saying that you have this obligation intensifies. And this is where their case falls apart, right? Because they can't assume there is a magic pill that leads you to believe that things were conditioning. The mechanisms of social conditioning remain largely the same. This is things like legal punishments. It's in their world where communities become more harsh, become more dogmatic, and become more willing to impose strict punishments on people who fail to meet their obligations. So when they talk about the elderly who cannot contribute, who cannot work a job, these are the people that society comes to resent on their side, these are the people who are more unhappy. Look at how marginal the entirety of the opposition states is, secondly, to all of the material we give you from David as to why alienation results. First, you aren't given the time and capacity to find your preferences. Yes, you believe you have an obligation to your community, but doesn't mean your preferences are automatically aligned with what the community says your preferences should be. Individuals will still want to find and want to pursue their passions. The problems in your world, they're constantly discouraged and are never given the avenues to explore their passions. You aren't given the things like access to education, given the things like access to extracurriculars, because in their world these are seen as distractions rather than useful things that individuals ought to pursue. Second, because even when you find your passions, you're constantly forced to make sacrifices, constantly, never tolerated and never given the option to voice out your own preferences. But third, because even if you are able to engage in your passions to some extent, you feel constantly burdened, because you feel like the opportunity cost of not helping your community is always what you're sacrificing. Take the example of an Asian child who thinks constantly that he has to help his family, he has to help his parents. Even when he does find genuine joy in playing video games, every breaking moment of that means of happiness is played by the thought that he isn't doing enough for his community, that he is failing his obligation. And this is where the analysis today is crucial, because we explain why the expectations of communities get worse in this world, why the obligations become harder and harder to meet as a result of people not being able to opt out and communities having no competition mechanism that facilitates them. Even if you get better collective action problems, people are just unhappier and that is worse. Secondly, let's engage with OG and explain why this narrative makes communities themselves work. Because the entirety of OG's substantive case is that communitarianism motivates people to engage in collective action, to build social obligations and do things like vote elections. The problem with this is at no point do they explain why these are all, but all exclusive. The first thing I'd point out is that self-interest can motivate each of these impacts as well. It is possible, in fact, to go to a line of self-interest and come to collective solutions. You want to vote for outcomes that benefit you. You love your parents as an individual, which is why you vote for them. You recognize gains for society and economy writ large still raise your own quality of life, which is why you work towards them. And here's the kicker. It's in their world where individuals are less likely to consider what outcome is best for society, because they don't view themselves as having that role or that responsibility. They believe that the community is the only actor that can dictate what's best, which is why they never seek to imagine these in the first place. You are bound to what leaders tell you is the best outcome, which is why you're meant to actually get worse outcomes from them. But secondly, I'd point out, for many of their own impacts to work, you need a level of individuality. You need to have the motivation to climb the social ladder before you can give back to your parents. You need to have the economic capacity to do things like that. It ain't so far as individuals are less likely to take that step, less likely to move away, less likely to pursue a job in a different city. Because they feel like they are failing that obligation, you won't get any of the benefits you yourselves clamor for. But thirdly, I'd point out, and here's where we flip it, I'd point out that solutions to collective action problems are both more likely to be sought out by the people and better done when communities actually feel like they could benefit the individuals in question. Because government assumes that the mechanisms by which communities decide what outcomes they work towards remain the same. But that can't be the case, because many of the mechanisms we rely on in status quo, like the vote, are premised on the recognition that individuals are superior to other communities. The fact that they're premised on the idea that the communities don't know everything. Accountability requires a level of independent thought and requires a meaningful opt-out, which is why we cannot get their impact. I'll take closing if you have a point. > POI: Do you view debate as your community as well as the community you were born into? Okay, so this is where I want to flip the point of intersectionality. Communities become less tolerant of people having more than one community in opposition for three reasons. First, because every obligation and their ability to feel every obligation is seen as zero-sum. You are either fulfilling your obligation to the debate community, or you are fulfilling it to your nationality in the instance as where it used to be. Second, because individuals themselves are less exposed and less likely to seek out other communities in the first place. Why would my parents, in a world where they think my only role is to be, I'm sorry, but to my community, allow me to engage in debating, allow me to spend the holidays in Madrid rather than spend time with them? I'm sorry, dad. But thirdly, we're more forced to make trade-offs to the most immediate community, because that is the one with the most power. I want to note here, communities themselves striving is not the alchemy that can win opposition to debate, insofar as they don't explain why those communities are good. We explain why our net communities get far, far worse, which is why our material and our responses put us ahead. Thirdly, let's talk about conflict, because this argument is independently debate-winning and has an absolutely minimal response, which is just to say that nations have an incentive to propagate conflict and nationalism on either side. Clearly, the difference is a few things. First, it manifests in how willing people are to disengage from that conflict and disengage from the terrible things the states are willing to do to them. It manifests in how willing you are to question, how willing you are to form counter-identities and counter-communities, say that you are a revolutionary, secede from your state, declare yourself as an independent actor, rather than continue to be forced to exist in the same community you were born into. But secondly, it manifests in how willing you are to dehumanize other people, when you see them as fundamentally different from you, because you don't consider yourself an individual, you consider yourself a part of your community. That is when you are far worse, that is where you are most in a nation, for those reasons, oppose.
CG · GovernmentThere is a problem on top hat so far. OG, good guys, want to talk about good communities getting better. OO want to talk about some bad communities getting worse and alienating people and explain why communities would be something that would lead to less need to serve individuals. In our extension, we are going to show how people in the counterfactual world are likely to perceive community and what communities they are likely to identify with, meaning we will set up a question on which is more impactful. We will show why communities still have an interest to compete for you and why people are likely to give back to all of us rather than just an individual ethnic community that they might share. One piece of extensive rebuttal then the extension. I want to point out something from the manual because I feel like OO should congruent. In this house prefers a world not just there is no retro causality. The motion gives us fiat to assume that people just believe that they have an obligation to their community. This is why the retro causality which they can't argue anyway about the community would have to enforce it and push to everything it enforced in the manual even if you don't agree with it is something that we just can't claim per the debate. Secondly, I also want to remind that a word in the motion is all individuals, which just says to politicians and leaders that decide policies in the first place. We think by all this logic, it's likely that communities in any case are incentivized or even if not incentivized, believe that they should aid their own people. Let's chat about what actually changes in the debate. Quick for a preposition. OO concedes in leader opposition that on both sides of the debate, people have community affiliation in addition to their self-interest. They use it to mitigate OG, by saying you still have caring for your community, which is obviously correct. Note, however, that without characterizing which are the incidents in which today we don't prioritize our communities, this also mitigates their own impact in the debate quite significantly because it means that while the communitarian prioritization of my own people, et cetera, is quite symmetric, what are the instances in which we think today people prioritize themselves over their community? A, when they think that the personal benefit to them is larger than the one they would get from the community. So today people also have a self-interested reason to care about the community because the community serves them. But when instances where they think that they could get more than what they would get from the community directly, say if I could make a crime and get away with it, are instances in which I intended to prioritize myself. Two crucial reasons why it is solved under our side. A, because self-identity that is grounded in community means that hurting the community is equivalent to hurting myself. If I base my identity on my community as well, it also means that I'm less likely to hurt it. But secondly, it means that there is no need to get caught. Note, throughout most of history, we have issue of actually enforcing laws. Half of all murderers never see the day in prison, not to mention crimes which are much harder to prove such as rape. Simply because it's really hard to deter people, it's really hard to catch them in incidents and people have optimism as to believe that they won't get caught. Under our side, they don't need to get caught. Their own guilt, their own conscience will always haunt them. Thirdly, when people don't know or rationalize to themselves that what they are doing isn't hurting their community, because they can't read minds, so they assume that their actions are just going to benefit others even when they are actively harming them. Because, say, they are being bigoted in a sense where they don't know that a friend of them might also be in the poor part of the community because they are in the closet. Under our side, there is a much stronger push to actually proactively think of what are the implications of the actions you are doing on the other. Fourthly, when people think that people around them are bad and don't deserve that you actually care for them or prioritize them. We think that under our side, you know that not just you, but everyone around you also believes in that. Meaning that you know that they care for you and know that they are going to serve you in the future. This means that you are less likely to have stigmas against people in the first place and think that they are going to care for you as well, meaning that they deserve good treatment out of you. Who are you likely to see as your community? We think several crucial things. A. People have multiple communities. When I came up to the stage, people shouted Tel Aviv, as much as people shouted Bulgaria for Sofia. However, we also shouted for them ESL because this is yet another wider community that they have as well. Presumably, they also have some non-debater communities, but these are obviously less important. We think that this means that people learn from a very young age to extend their community farther than just the one they are born in. Know how this already engages OO because this community still needs to compete for you and that your identity isn't locked to just one community. If, indeed, as OO said, I am gay and the community doesn't accept me for it for some reason, in addition to the community I was born into, I also have the gay community, which is great. Secondly, we think that people also see in the way that it manifests that it's not just about that. Because I'm supposed to prioritize the community over myself, and as everyone in the debate could see, this is set to the large community, not just my own family. It's not about proximity. It's not about my immediate circle of closest. It's about much wider than that. Thirdly, we also view community in this world based on what the community does for me. Note the wording in the info sign. I feel obligated to the community, meaning that it directly ties to what the community has done for me. This is what I'm more likely to feel affiliated with, rather than just the color of their skin or what name they have. This is what I'm likely to see as community. Opening. > POI: The big analytical gap here is that the community gets to define what meaning of harm and obligation is in the first place. Thank you. Thank you. Gotcha. Here's the thing. A, literally everything I said is likely to be implemented by the community itself. The community teaches me to prioritize the community, not just myself and my own family. So I prefer from these circles of proximity that are not the most proximate to me. The fact that I learned that the reason I should care is because of obligation. Okay. Moving on then. What are the impacts of this? Firstly, we think it means that in this world, people have significantly less stigma and racism. Note, all, all sense. On both sides there is communitarianism. The difference is, when today I associate with my nationality or with my race, I am less likely to apply to things that are relevant to my obligations to them, and more likely to associate with things that are about my favorite identity, meaning that it's less likely to be about wider circles. Secondly, we also comment people will do less bad things, less crime in the first place, proving less active harm, not just more donations. Thirdly, it also means that people will treat each other better personally because they extend the community to each individual around them, which doesn't have to go through specific societal systems that need to evolve.
CO · OppositionI think the truth of this round is that opening opposition has been highly worse case, and opening government and closing government have been highly best cases. It's probably unfair to imagine that communities are going to punish you massively for the types of things you decide to do in either world. So the contribution from closing opposition, and I know this might be a surprise at this point in the round, so it's no excuse for wanting to feel high, is that we are going to claim, A, since we've been co-opted by the American crowd, that selfishness is good, and B, we're going to deal with the claim of, we're going to deal with the best case of opening government and closing government and explain why it's the case that these communities act even out of love in ways that restrict you and prevent you from accessing choice. We think that communities have subtle pressures to manipulate you and mean that you can't make decisions that are in your best interest. Opening government and closing government in this round loudly praise how these communities and how many communities they're actually a part of, and yet still criticize the status quo where this is possible. I'll do a couple of things to that. First, refutation, then a constructive argument about why these obligations are negative, even when they come from a good place. Accepting the highest possible verb in this round and explain why it's still awful in the world of government. I just want to respond quickly to closing government, then. The first thing they say is that you can free me in these communities, and that is a good thing. One, even if we accept this to be true, this hurts massively. It is very, very difficult to turn your back on a community. But the reason why they say that this is so easy for them to be able to turn their back on the community is that they don't feel this very, very overwhelming sense of obligation that we think this world creates. So it is possible to turn away, but in their world, it is a decision that is fundamentally traumatizing and limits you. But more than that, they say that there are infinite ways to define a community. The obvious is that in the status quo, you are given the capacity to define and choose which communities you are actually a part of. Because there are competing groups, and there are groups that you can consider yourself a part of at any given point. You can decide to be a part of one or the other, because they aren't seen as trade-offs. They aren't seen as mutually exclusive. So, with that out of the way, extension. Your obligation comes from a sense of collective love. Your parents aren't going to be the ones that shame you endlessly every single night. It's not going to be the case that your friends consider you evil. I don't think this is fair. Instead, let's characterize this as the average community. Places where there is a sense of love, places where people do in fact care about you, and where they want you to succeed, and they want to support you. Why is it the case that even within the confines of these communities, you are still fundamentally excluded? Accessing the benefits of opening opposition, but doing so in a world that actually exists. One, there are cultural ways in which this is expressed. So, for example, watching movies where characters always give back to their families, or always give back to their most close communities. So, fundamentally speaking then, culturally, this is a restrictive choice. And even if we think that this choice serves some sort of utile, instrumental benefit, we think that we should care at any level, because we are not utility robots. We are people that derive satisfaction from making choices that benefit ourselves and our things that actually realize our own interests. So, to the extent that this is manipulated in their world, even socially and even subtly, this is still something that is principally regrettable. Second, I think that this creates, no thanks, a strong sense of responsibility. The reason is that it is overwhelming. You perceive it in different ways, right? Love in their world is a very different thing. Whereas now I believe my family, in our side, is a group that loves me unconditionally. In their world, that is fundamentally tied to the sexist condition. I doubt whether or not that love is something that is real. I feel like I need to give back, because maybe that love runs out when I don't. So, to that extent, even if they're not telling me that, to the extent that this narrative is fundamentally perverting society, it is something that still overrides my decision-making. Third, I think it's just the types of decision-making that make me become accustomed to. So, it's things like making decisions that benefit your siblings at your expense. These are very, very small things, but they are things that condition you to prioritize others at your own expense. But fourthly and finally, I think that alternatives and doing other things is just consistently portrayed by the media and other groups around you as just being something that is selfish. It is something that is counter to the interests of your group. It's not acting as a good human. So, if it's the case that you act selfish in our world, why is selfishness something that we actually think is just acceptable and is actually breathable? One, I think that having autonomy to redefine your communities and the communities you are a part of is something that is uniquely accessible on our site. So, you can decide which communities benefit you and which ones are holding you back, which is what OG and CG see so hell-bent on accessing. And this is really, really good for social mobility, because you can decide what community is actually restricting you. You can decide if your conservative parents are actually holding you back, and therefore you can move to that community, and you don't feel the sense of backlash or internalized guilt that their site imposes. Second, even if this isn't true, people can still specialize, and specialization is something that just makes people more effective. You can define communities that you are most beneficial in. You can define yourself in relation to your professional career, for example, or in terms of your romantic life. These are things that allow people to do what they are best at, and these are the areas that you derive the greatest sense of satisfaction from, because they are fundamentally rewarding you on a constant level. Third, it is moderated at some level by opposing narratives. Before I explain this, I'll take OG. > POI: Would you leave a drowning baby aside so you don't gain your mutual collectivism? This is so random, right? Like, it's not about the drowning baby. The claim is that like there are a set of reasons why suddenly you're pressured, and selfishness is something that is good, but not that this means you're gonna leave the freaking drowning baby. Why are we doing this whole best-case-worst-case thing? Let's just deal with what happens in 99% of scenarios. Hopefully it works. It is moderated by opposing narratives. Again, being terrible. God forbid. Okay. You moderate because there are other narratives that have to exist in society. Things like people telling you that you ought to care for your family that already exist in this vast book. Things like give back to community. These are all norm-stasis, religious-stasis in society at large, so that neutralizes the extent to which any given narrative can completely permeate your sense of existence. But furthermore, I think it's just growing to spite your community, because if you're aware of what you lost out on, you feel like you didn't get to make decisions, you feel like you were limited in the type of life that you offered in the first place. And that trades off with giving back at the highest level. Because then there's the sign, if it's true what CG says, that you abandoned your community at some point, or that you grow to dislike them at some level, that trades off with giving back, because you feel like that community actually failed you, or you grow to resent them over time. I think leading these communities, then, is a precondition to doing good, because making those choices is what gives you a sense of meaning. Why is this harmful? A few sets of impacts. One, even in the communities that actually treat you nicely, you preclude access to multiple sets of identity. This activates OO's material on the conference as well. You can define yourself by your job, you can define yourself by your romantic interests. But second, I didn't principally think this was flawed. We said that we probably believe that our obligations extend beyond these communities as well. For example, to the world. I've heard of processes like colonialism, for example. But thirdly, there is a general sense of isolation that sets in in their world. It's that you just end up spending more time with your family and these groups that are close to you, at the expense of others. So even in the best case, even when you're loved, even when you're connected to security, these subtle pressures restrict you in ways that are awful. And so the best case for government is awful, we oppose.
CG · GovernmentI'm going to talk about two things in this speech. I'm going to talk about the quality of life of individuals, and I'm going to talk about conflict of behavior towards other communities. But before that, a few answers to closing opposition. I think that what closing opposition misses, and opening opposition misses as a whole, is that when people view themselves as part of a community, an identity, an obligation towards that community, it's not just the individual that has an obligation towards the community. It is the community of other individuals strong within that community that feel an obligation and identify with other individuals within that community as well. That means that all of their analysis of the likely reaction of this community to my desire for change and how excited to be within the community is false, because if other individuals in the community see my pain, if they identify with it, if they feel like my pain and my inattention to them is there, if not bad feelings, then they're less likely to force that upon me and be more open to adapting in order to make me accept it. This means that closing opposition's framing on the fact that it is more traumatizing to leave the community on my side, I think is actually false at the end of the day. Because when Hadar gives you analysis on how communities view themselves and the circles of communities and how people relate to each other, this proves that on our side, because the rest of the community feels like it is obligated to you as well, that is when they're more likely to adapt and more likely to accept you branching out and doing all of those things. But moreover, I think today communities act that way because of the selfishness of individuals and because of the knowledge that other individuals will prioritize themselves over the community, so leaving the community is likely to harm them. By explaining to you the exact situation in which today people prioritize themselves over the community, and that's exactly what we're avoiding on the other side, that is where she shows you that communities are likely to react differently. Even if OG said similar words, our explanation of the impact and how this impacts how communities relate to the individuals within the community is unique to our side and significantly more engaging with the claims coming out of opposition than our opening government. But second, just in case we're closing opposition, we're trying to do it, we're one on the principle where you're allowed to be selfish, when I don't think they proved that an additional analysis would be too late. Here's what I think is not true. We think that there is a balance. You're allowed to prioritize yourself as long as the harm you're causing to other people doesn't overweigh that. I think what Hadar shows you by showing you where people prioritize themselves today and why that's likely to change, shows that that's exactly where the balance sits, because people prioritize themselves in cases like crime, in cases like corruption, in cases where you are prioritizing yourself significantly to that extent, and that's why it goes over the balance. That's why I think closing opposition are now out of this debate. Let's talk about the quality of life of individuals. What do opening government want? Opening government wants people to push more to do for their community, things like getting material needs and having a sense of meaning from helping the community. What do they don't care getting help from? Opening opposition tells you that today, individuals who want to help their community in order to help themselves also have an incentive to do many of these things. So I have an incentive, just selfishly, to build schools and to donate and to do all of those things. What is Hadar's unique contribution to this question and why it's important? We don't show you the additional benefits that people might have by getting one more school or something like that. We show you that today, the specific places where people prioritize themselves over the community are places which cause active harm to other people. These are places where people commit crimes against other people within the community in order to profit from themselves. This is where the tradeoff between individualism and the tradeoff between community happens, where the actions that you're taking aren't actions that benefit yourself and the community, but rather actions that only benefit yourself. These things that we're showing you on our side, we get significantly less of this active harm. Why do we think that less of this active harm is the important thing? It's because we think that less of this active harm is what leads to more people within the community having access to the good things that people have an incentive to do anyways today. Even if people have an incentive to build schools today, when I'm only prioritizing myself at the expense of other people, not everyone has access to it. Or if I know that people are going to commit crimes instead of going to class or just ruin the building that I'm donating, I'm less likely to do it in the first place. That means we show you both an expansion of the impacts that opening up and save themselves because people aren't only doing things to benefit themselves but for the rest of the community, but also show you why it's logically higher because if people know that other people within their community are going to harm them, if other people in the community are going to take away or mitigate or minimize the benefits that I am sacrificing for, I am less likely to do them in the first place. Where does this put us in relation to opening opposition? Opening opposition says that communities are bad and arbitrary and will get worse because they're not acceptant of change. What do we show you? We show you why their explanation of the counterfactual, of being more tolerant, is symmetric. Because there is still competition, that's what I thought I showed you, but also their claim on the narrative debate is actually less likely because of what I told you about the sex of obligation and identity going both ways. That means that both the competitive incentive means that I don't want to be punitive. I don't want to make people feel bad within my community. I want to make them feel good within my community so that they don't go to another one. That is their mechanism and it's symmetric and exists on both sides. But also the fact that the other individuals within the community also feel bad when I take punitive punishment towards others. They also feel bad when I make other people feel bad about having feelings because they also know that there is something that happens to me, that is why other individuals are less likely to do that, limiting their case and making it more likely on our side. Before I continue, I'll take closing. > POI: Religions tells you should give back to your society more or less policies like welfare. Why is this itself can be very worth access to the selfishness the only sentiment as equipped? There are some communities today which also say that you should give back to your community. We agree with that. What we're saying is that the specific cases in which the individual prioritizes themselves have been significantly less on our side leading to a significantly more positive outcome. That means that you have actually more choice and communities get more acceptance. And in addition, people have more access to the needs that they need within their community, meaning that they're less likely to want to opt out in the first place because the community is tolerant towards that. What is the impact on conflict and behavior towards other communities? We think that OG don't touch on this at all. But opening opposition push and say, when communities prioritize themselves over others, that's exactly when you become racist and conflicts break out. But we think that they don't engage with the fact that the origin for conflict isn't just I care more about my community, it's when I actively have to fight for resources over other communities and can't share, that's when I have an incentive to tell other communities that they're bad and can't have access. When we show you that more people have access, that communities get better overall, that we have less harm, we both show you that there's less stigma towards other communities, less legitimizing the actions against them, but also less fighting for resources that will cause the outbreak of that conflict in the first place. For those reasons, please propose.
CO · OppositionOur extension is very simple. People know themselves the best, and they're the ones who must live with themselves into the future. You only have one life, and you should make the most out of it. And people are better at making themselves happy than at guessing the preferences of other people and trying to make them happy indirectly. Even in the best-case scenario, people's desires and personalities do not disappear under the weight of community. Over time, resentment builds and simmers and starts support that they want to buy. What is the response we get from closing government? That, well, actually, we don't really want to restrict individuality to that extent. We only want to prevent you from causing harm. One, that is not what you said in the extension, giving everything towards a self-obligation to something imposed, for example, through culture, through conditional love, through the reasons that media changes and condemns you for making selfish choices, even if they don't cause harm. But second of all, crucially, notice that their metric for harm is based on the general definition of humanity. It's based on the idea that regardless of who experiences it, the human suffering is bad. However, it becomes justified to commit these immoral acts when you perceive some human beings as more important than others. Obviously, there are still going to be some of these harmful acts on our side. However, it's going to be significantly less than on theirs or your village pet harm for your community. Why does this speak OO? The reason for this is because we want to discuss love. Sure, sometimes you are trapped. You are coerced. You have nowhere else to go. But more often, you love your family and those around you, and they love you, and they want the best for you. They're the people who raise you, or the soft, lovely, cordial feelings you have towards the debate committee or whatever still exist. The problem, though, with their case, then, is that the subset of populations that they talk about, by their own survival mechanism, that those that suffer and have difficulty retaining people grow smaller and die over time, then become less and less prevalent, and Isaac's case is the one that makes up the vast majority of instances. Before we go any further, OG. > POI: You didn't conceive all your switch in better commissions for the most border of life was in those with the biggest class to make the biggest changes in this community even though which one that doesn't get the handicap. Do not fear. I remember your case. I will get one to it later. Okay. So then, why do we beat OG? They give us two contributions. The first one, they POI it two times, and it's how they're trying to outplay OO and take the one. They tell us that there's a plurality of communities, and you can opt into them. First panel, notice how defensive this is, because at best, it just mitigates the harms of quarantine. But second of all, it's also just not true. And again, Isaac gives you the reasons why your visits are not much more targeted than OO does. But second of all, they tell us how people behave better. Two responses to this. The first thing is, if this is true, then it's also the case that their claims on people, it's also extremely, extremely limited, because their first claim on community being flexible and you can opt in and out means that if a community tries to change a behavior to a larger extent, so for example, someone is predisposed to not having empathy for others and committing harm, then that person simply leaves that community. So it mitigates the insolvency to a larger extent. But second of all, in their best case scenario, this benefit doesn't prove. It's actually cons of the cause that we're not willing to solve. Because they tell us that deterrence is insufficient, that it's not enough for social rules to look at us and go, well, actually, this is bad, it's unacceptable, these are harms you should not commit. They tell us that you need to think constantly about what your community wants and perceive yourself as a subset of that greater whole. That takes away your autonomy and your agency as a human being, because you cannot think about what you want or what's best for you, and you constantly must second guess and check your preferences. This is a violation of basic human rights, and we reject this. Let's use a basic way in here. At best, their mechanism for change takes them in a small subset of cases. It's unclear what their margin is relative to the other consequences that exist on harmful actions. On the other hand, the restrictions they impose on human beings exist in every single case on scale we have here. Finally, then, on OG, their major claim is that, well, it's better for you to support other people, and that makes people better. So the first way we should beat them is we're going to compare supporting other people with being able to support yourself and make yourself as good as possible. Three reasons why individualism is better. The first thing is, I want to flip the structural reasons that we would give up top for why individualism and incentives for that already exist. In that exact same way, through our corresponding sense of polity already, you feel a desire to help others because of evolutionary desires, and humans are social animals, etc, etc. I'm here today to say this is very, very simple. The fundamental premise, then, is that family will help you on either side of that house. That is to say that the most basic and fundamental conditions that they're trying to win off are out of respect. This is far more marginal content. But the second thing is, even within your own community, this is a really bad way of helping each other. Very simply because it's a fundamentally regressive mechanism, right? Because communities are also spread out over demographics and social community groups. Those who are up top have a greater ability to enhance one another as well, and make themselves better off, whereas those at the bottom have less of an ability to do so, just because they're far greater concerns on time, on energy, on emotional labor, and so on and so forth. That means that they exert their inequality. On the other hand, I, okay, so this is kind of strange, but I will shout out to the EA girls, and say there are also strong trends in the status quo that mean that people gift each other, and they give in ways that are far more effective of the inequalities that exist in society. The dramatic title here, what the OG gives us, is perfect, because it's based on your obligation as an individual, and this is fundamentally morally right, as opposed to your obligation to any community, because they have helped you. So for those reasons, large numbers of people will give, and even if it's not large, there's enough extremely well-competing for our community to foundations such as, I don't know, fucking the Laurier Foundation, very close to each other than I do, to make things better. But the final result I have is that communities also sometimes make sacrifice, it is also harmful for communities to make sacrifices sometimes, and to hurt each other, just because the benefits of this house is indirect and impulsive at best. Basically, communities don't know what you want. For example, your parents might believe that the best way to support you is to give money to you to help you go to medical school, even at the cost of their own happiness. However, you don't want to go to medical school, so the fruits of that labour are extremely small. However, it also imposes upon your obligations, feelings of regret, and I think that because they have given to you, I must go to medical school. While you'll say yes, again, this has to some extent already across the house. However, it gets significantly worse on theirs, because obligations extend beyond just your immediate family, like your community, your sociality, your school, whatever, all of these different factors. For those reasons, we are propose for that OO, and we beat OG on impact and through direct responses. We're happy to close.
vencedor único bp_234 · The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, ex...
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Motion (tema debatido): The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, except for explicit anti corruption provisions, is preferable to the recent conditions to developing countries.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO,CO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=234, label gold.csv = "OO,CO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_A maintained a superior structural focus, consistently linking the IMF's role to systemic network effects and creditor trust, whereas DEBATEDOR_B relied heavily on assertions about local political competence without addressing the systemic risk of moral hazard or the necessity of conditions for institutional lending. DEBATEDOR_A successfully dismantled the opposition's reliance on 'local flexibility' by highlighting the structural incapacity of individual states to harmonize market policies.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentIt is blatantly insulting that the IMF thinks they can make decisions better than the people of nations themselves. The simple case I will bring to you from opening government is threefold. First of all, it is extremely important for you to control things like subsidies and exchange rates in order to develop your nation. In the context in which opening opposition and closing opposition prove that this is going to coincide with your interests economically, I believe you will be able to convince them better when you have an incentive to do so as the IMF creating a better buy-in. But second of all, alternatives. If you are being told the only way you can get loans is to give up your electoral incentives, in other words, not give fertiliser subsidies to farmers, not give things like interest rates to people who need it, you will be voted out and moved to worse alternatives like China and local vendors. And third of all, financial volatility and white operators are crisis. First of all, some framing. Some governments are quite corrupt in the sense that their central banks to a large extent are captured by their own governments in the first place. Other governments are often quite more competent, like the government in Indonesia, which often has had an independent central bank people in respect for quite a few years. Note that this debate operates on both of these metrics. First of all, let's talk about OP's best case. Incompetent governments that require the IMF to make good decisions for them. The first thing I'm going to tell you is that they will simply stop taking loans, and it's extremely important to understand why this is the case. The corruption point is obviously not as important, because explicit corruption is often something that governments are willing to give up when they're having instability. What they're not willing to give up is their capacity to change anything at all within the economy. For example, even if I'm an incompetent government that thinks that authoritarianism is good and you can control the central bank, I still believe I can save the economy, even if that means I have to give up corruption in the process. So I don't think this POI works. First of all, why is this a tipping point that I'm just rejecting IMF loans and taking worse alternatives in the first place? First of all, note that if your future loans can no longer give you things like agricultural subsidies, the vast majority of your electorate is frustrated and angry at you. This looks like farmer's unions and trade unions. This looks like the narrative of the working class farmer that is extremely powerful in the media in the first place. As a result, the short-term electoral incentive overrules the incentive on opposition to get that loan in the first place, no matter how desperate you are. But second of all, note that this also makes you look extremely weak in nations where your actual strength against the idea of westernism is very important, because a lot of these are post-colonial nations. You know, the Indians don't really love the British telling them what to do. As a result, often it looks a bit bad when you're literally listening to the IMF telling you what to do, and things are extremely unpopular, and you're blaming them as an excuse in the first place. But third of all, it's important because even if there are competent governments who think this is a good decision in the first place, the incompetent ones will end up switching on side opposition, which is enough to win us this debate on the first picture. What does this mean? First of all, they'll probably switch to China. Note that China is still expanding the BRF. First of all, because their local economy has floundered recently, it doesn't mean they stop investing externally. They need to invest externally, because there's not that much growth happening locally. Secondly, they often have to give, like, double human jobs for exports into local businesses, or get jobs by building infrastructure elsewhere. So, expanding the amount of loans they give to other people. But second of all, it's because they need to show returns to the population, because the policy has been a threat. So often, they need to make sure these loans are tighter, and make sure the loans go to these people in the first place. As a result, often, Chinese loans will be taken by these nations that are often as cordial. As a result, there's a huge bad impact to this. The first one is obviously that their infrastructure often gets stolen, and they can no longer control their basic needs and assets in the future. But second of all, it's just a much more untrustworthy actor, because China's legal system is not independent, which means often the rates and the trade deals within them often get screwed over. But third of all, China is less likely to be a multilateral actor, so the resources that China takes over are not going to be connected by other nations that work within them. The second possibility is getting local loans. For example, you probably still need money to get subsidies to get elected, right? So you might loan from local banks. The impact of this is, first of all, inflation. This is what happened in places like, you know, Turkey, where obviously they were very, very anti the idea of taking more loans, literally just reducing interest rates in order to solve inflation, because they were making bad policy decisions. And so often the local lending made huge problems for the economy. But the logic of this is that if you take a huge amount of money from banks, which you cannot pay back, because you as a government often earn money back in decades, the people whose savings are in that bank often start to disappear, because they don't have the safety of making sure that they can pull out that money. And as this increases, the banks become more and more over-leveraged, trying to pay you back by lending from other international institutions. So it can cause the entirety of the economy to lose legitimacy, because any money any business makes can be taken away by the government because it desperately needs it. But second of all, all of these banks, when they keep lending you money, often become more and more leveraged to the point where if you don't pay that back, it can cause a bank run, because people can be afraid to give their money back to them, at which point often you risk a financial crisis as well. Second of all, what happens to competent governments and their deficits in terms of development and in terms of financial stability? Before that, there was an opposition. > POI: So all these signs point to, like, this is something of a really dumb decision for them. Why is it that they keep doing it anyway? Because if the country defaults, then you get more money back, right? You have to keep taking loans, keep paying your interest rates. But second of all, this is about a capacity thing, right? The IMF cannot just control the decisions every country makes. On your side, you have to forcefully put these conditions in, and at that point, they can't just be like, don't go to China, otherwise we'll be made to do all this outside their control. Okay. Now, development and why it's really important to be able to control your exchange rates as well as your interest rates. First of all, this is often the only growth vehicle for these countries. Note the prerequisite to this is why the political context in these countries are good in the first place. I've already told you if it's often authoritarian and corrupt, then probably opposition has a bad impact in terms of authorities. The system is probably, to some extent, fair in the motion where this actually, like, this applies, there's no mistake. What does that mean? First, they know what's happening on a local ground. People understand which sectors need support and which sectors need subsidies. Often, that is fertilizers and agriculture. Sometimes it's not, in which case debate doesn't matter. But in many instances, it's important because these farmers need that money to keep selling in the first place. That means you can build up cash reserves to invest into the future. In the current context, this is even more important because guess what? The biggest shortage in the world right now is food because Ukraine has been invaded as well as COVID cutting off supply chains. So often, it's a really high rate to make money to sell these primary resources. But second of all, let's say you don't sell that many primary resources. You're not a farming nation and you're moving to middle-income countries. You want to move into manufacturing. As a result, often you need to also change your exchange rates. You might need to import more primary materials in order to sell that as a finished product for which you need your exchange rate to rise so you can afford those imports in the first place. You cannot do that outside opposition. You get all that optionality on our side. But third of all, it's important to provide capital controls because the risk on opposition is too much. The reason the East Asian financial crisis was such a big hit to the country was because when the currency starts falling to some extent and the economy is failing, people speculate on it. They buy huge amounts of it. This is what a market exchange rate means, by the way. As a result, if the currency falls 20% in Indonesia, despite the economy still being quite healthy, people speculated on the rupee until it came down 67% because that makes them more money. You cannot have capital controls outside opposition. You can control that on our side and stop this. This is immediately winning because exchange rates literally decide every single thing you do in your everyday life. At the point where your currency becomes devalued, you cannot buy goods or save money. Your savings are wiped out. You have nothing to turn in the first place. But second of all, investments within your country determine the interest rate. At the point where they say market exchange rate, you cannot take away that interest rate which means that often people can pull money out of your nation very easily. So often, companies are invested in because right now there is growth. The second is a harm. People pull out that money, which means the entire company can no longer function, causing the entire economy to often have huge shocks like perviatoric in the first place. The only way to control that is on our side. On that, I'm closing out.
OO · OppositionFour broad things worth opening up in this debate. First, a point of framing as to why the lack of IMF conditionality induces unfavorable market conditions that cause serious harm to these countries, regardless of the existence of anti-corruption provisions. Second, why each of these policies are good in and of themselves. Third, why in the absence of these additional conditions, the anti-corruption reforms they talk about on their side become toothless. And finally, I'll explain why this makes countries more resilient to recessions with this policy. Before that, three extraneous responses to remove Guizhi from the round. Guizhi's first claims that countries on the margins are more likely to turn to China at the point in which some countries, which are on the fence between trading with the BRI and participating in things like the IMF, are now seeing that the conditions are too stringent. There are three broad, intuitive reasons why not, even disregarding the fact that there's things like status quo bias, governments that have close political ties with the West outside the IMF that induce them not to turn to China, and the fact that these countries all have economies that are interlinked with the West such that they don't want to turn to China to avoid pissing them off, even if it's the case, so they want to stay half-dependent on the IMF for those reasons. Firstly, China has significantly more limited resources right now. They're reeling from COVID, and they're also reeling from an internal inward war whereby they're developing their domestic market. Every investment they project outward trades off against Xi Jinping's capacity to reinvest locally and domestically. Sharjah says the exports become more competitive, and therefore they can reinvest the money from the exports domestically. The problem is people are buying far fewer, and inflation is up, and they're relatively less competitive compared to other countries. So it's unlikely to be China as an alternative. Secondly, China's also pissed off a large number of countries. The very stock analysis about debt traffic diplomacy whereby China seized a port in Gwadar, Pakistan, and also in Sri Lanka, and things like that largely dissuaded a lot of countries from trading with China. So for countries on the fence, they're very unlikely to say, ah, some conditions that require us to rule have few competitive advantages for our market versus China trapping us as debt and then literally stealing our port and occupying our land are two very different things. So the weighing is quite clear, right? Finally, if their logic is true, they're still at a competitive deficit with China. So if there are some countries on the fence that are really leaning China, and the status quo, and things like this, they're still going to be put off by the IMF by anti-corruption reforms. Why are anti-corruption reforms the most salient? Quite obviously, because anti-corruption reforms could force the political party out of power, and the people in these countries want to stay in power longer. Therefore, they are very likely to just turn to China on their side if that's something that happens. Finally, path dependency. It's very hard to reorient your entire economy toward China. If you do this, you likely piss off the West and lose out on Western investors as a result of moving toward China. See if Pakistan, when they did this, and the port in Gwadar thing, and things like this. But more importantly, I just think it's generally quite bad. The final thing I think that O.G. then says is that you need to control your eastern trades. The problem with this is this just scares off massive amounts of investment intuitively. Capital controls are often very, very bad. They don't just protect domestic industry. They're used to keep domestic and corrupt monopolies in power that can then pressure the government to get preferential regulations on their side of the house. On our side of the house, we break those capital controls to allow more entrance into the market, which induces competitiveness, while simultaneously reducing the amount of money that these companies have to do things like lobby the government for preferential policy. The final thing I want to make is that banks become more unstable. It's very clearly and intuitively the opposite, right? Because Sharia says there is a lack of central bank credibility. If that is true, this means international investors are incredibly unlikely to want to invest because they are worried about the regime of the central bank changing fairly rapidly. The reason why the Mexican peso crisis happened was because international investors pulled out on massive Mexico at the point at which the government under Pinedieto set an interest rate peg to a specific point, and then the next government immediately reversed that. When you no longer can do that and you're set constant to market rates, this induces investor confidence. The point I want to establish in framing is that there are six problems with lack of anti-IMF conditionality, even if your anti-Mexican reforms remain constant. First, in the absence of policy to eliminate subsidies on fuel and fertilizer subsidies, you allow dominant firms to crowd out these vital markets. The reason why a single firm has been able to mobilize the Mexican market is because they are significantly able to take advantage of the differential in terms of subsidies to crowd out other potential firms to enter and create competition. Secondly, in the absence of setting your currency exchange rate to international market rates, there's less credibility in your central bank. The reason this is true structurally is because without the guarantee your exchange rate and your currency remain constant over a period of time, investors are more concerned about losing domestic capital if they suck away at them. But thirdly, market-based interest rates, rather than the comparative, crowd out the ability for businesses to get loans. Because when banks set interest rates preferentially and give better rates to some companies, this crowds out competition within the market to a vastly greater extent. But even if you have equal competition, when interest rates are not pegged to market, they cannot take into account when it's best to borrow, which makes it harder for companies with long-term time horizons to make plans when they want to take out loans, when it's the best time to take on debt. This predictability is the most vital. The second thing I want to do is explain why the conditions are unlikely to be so stringent that these countries can't meet them and they won't be reasonable. This is the most important mechanism. The IMF does not want to push countries away from receiving the packages because they face economic contagion as a result of this, a harm as a result of these countries not accepting the packages and then their economy getting fucked. Economic contagion spreads across borders and this causes harm to countries that receive the loan as well. Secondly, the IMF is made up of a large number of countries and is made up of a number of constituent governors from many countries. Therefore, there is likely to be a race to the median whereby over time the policy of the IMF congeals around a reasonable set of conditions and circumstances. The upshot of all of this is, and finally, they do have competition with China, so there's an incentive for the conditions to largely be reasonable. So they want countries to rely on them not to turn toward China not to impose really terrible conditions that governments just reject. The upshot of all of this are the structural reasons why it's likely to be good and not going to be absurdly stringent, like what they're defending. Second, why is it the case that these countries will still be receptive to these conditions? Firstly, people in power in these countries can gain credibility by appealing to this. They can point to a credibility induced by the West and North Korean power. But secondly, it dampens populism because we get more investment on our side of the house which can cause a feedback loop whereby they like the IMF more. But finally, I think that corruption is usually the most proximate harm because they don't want to defend or remove all conditions. So at that point, I don't think they get the benefit that they want on their side of the house. Why do we resolve investment inefficiencies in the markets of developing countries? This is the most important argument in this debate and it's logically prior to anything CEO can extend on insofar as this is the prerequisite for all of these countries to attain economic stability. The problem the state is put with investment is threefold. Investors lack market confidence about entering countries and setting up shop there and there's a lack of market-based interest rates because they fear subsidies, dominance, tenders, credit, competition, and so on. The second fear is a lack of central bank credibility as I've already explained. And the final fear is that many developing countries are transitioning away from manufacturing sector and toward sectors like information technology and things like this. The problem is that it's slowed down on their side when you have a massive amount of subsidies that a few dominant companies hoard which discourages competition and innovation. Why do we pick tolerant things? Before that, I'll take closing. > POI: Your argument is that currently people believe that these conditions are not met. These countries are extremely volatile. The IMF now says they will continue to develop these countries even if they don't meet those specific conditions. No, this is what happens on your side of the house in the absence of conditions. Those are the investment inefficiencies that exist in the absence of this policy. Why do we get significantly more international investment then? I think, firstly, investors feel now more they are able to compete with domestic firms more frequently. This means they come in more frequently, set up shops, the government gets things like a broader tax base from the ability for these investors to come in and their benefits proliferate downstream, right? Because now people have more goods to choose from, more people have the ability to meet their preferences, more people have benefits to access goods and services that they otherwise would never get. But secondly, when exchange rates aren't floating and are rather pegged to international markets, investors are less worried about holding assets in the currency the country issues. What this does is then crop up the valuation of that currency. But it also means when they hold reserves in the local currency, it means they're more likely to keep profits in the country rather than reallocating those elsewhere. So international plunder, if you believe investment happens on either side, is substantially reduced on our side at the point where now countries have an incentive to keep the money in circulation within the domestic economy as opposed to just raiding it, exporting it out, and taking it away to the US or something like that. But finally, when you get more competition between firms, it means you have vastly more innovation within the country. This aids and speeds the transition process at the point at which these things happen. Why are these policies beneficial in and of themselves? We get decreasing monopolization on our side of the house, we get exchange rate consistency on our side of the house, and we get less implicit corruption, most critically, which is the final point I want to make. I'm going to do more on that, but where there's way less regulatory oversight, quite intuitively, there's more leverage to engage in kind of pay-for-play and under-the-table corruption that gets far worse on their side, so they don't resolve the problems that they want to, whereas we do. Thank you. Incredibly powerful.
OG · GovernmentThe first thing I'm going to do is provide the economy is significantly worse on their side of the house, and that in and of itself is a way for us to win the debate. There's two things I want to flag up. Even in the best case in which development happens over time, the first thing you want to note is what Sharia said, which is to say you get rid of the ability for specific countries to hedge against things like exogenous shocks, which is significant because Matt is not an intellectual genius. I cannot predict whether or not the next COVID happens, whether or not there's natural disaster, at least with things, for example, like supply shocks, or just like any other thing that leads to the ebbs and flows of economic shocks, leading to specific countries being harmed. The distinction, therefore, is that on our side of the house, there's a high degree of flexibility because even if Matt is correct, that the IMF has structural incentives to make sure that things like interest rate or things like currency exchange is done at a fairly reasonable rate, or even more simple, even if the IMF is good, the local politicians are significantly better. A, because they have flexibility and they're able to move it around, IMF, definitionally by the impulse of it, has a one-size-fits-all solution. Unless I'm going to prove that India is the same as Bangladesh, I don't think we're going to win this clash. But second and more significantly, there's a plethora of reasons as to why politicians have good incentives, which leads back to just their claim. Honestly, I think it is a bit elitist and problematic to assume that a lot of these countries we're talking about don't have the ability to make good enforcement, but there are a lot of structural reasons as to why there are good incentives. Number one, oftentimes the way in which it works is that the politicians, or the individuals who work in the local bureaus, are the experts in these countries. So individuals, for example, working in the Indian Bureau of Economics, are the best people in India to deal with economic things. But second of all, there's ample electoral incentives, because it's unclear why economic growth is not a contentious economic issue, right? Like no one ever was like, hey, I'm going to sink the Indian economy now, please vote for me. Everyone wants the economy to be good, so there's automatically going to be a race to the top, and individuals on the ground have local nuances that help them determine whether or not specific policies are good. Which then was the problem, because on their side, big bad guy in the IMF gets to decide why fertilizer subsidies, for example, might be gone, or why specific exchanges were good or bad. On our side of the house, that decision was always with the individuals on the ground, and that was significant. But finally, and this is significant, even in the best case, the issue on their side is that the considerations are always economic. You know what else harms individuals? When social problems lead to individuals starving. When other types of issues that are not strictly to do with monetary policy, etc. make significant degrees of harm to your society. On our side of the house, politicians care about those, because if you have poverty, for example, that leads to you losing elections. So the consideration on our side of the house is significantly bigger, and therefore the individual politicians are going to be better. The way I found this argument is very simple. Massive amount of individuals suffer interim harms in which things like social policy cannot be immediately redirected, because the IMF arbitrarily imposes specific conditions on these countries. The flexibility odds for the interim harm to be better. This is logically harder than opening up, because even if you buy the long-term argument, people die now, people will be now, they matter, and as a result of that, we're probably winning on the principle there. But the second thing we told you, and this is significant, was just to say that the monetary stability and the perception that states have that stability was important for states to buy into the IMF. Which is quite significant, because if opening opposition is right, that China is on the wing, which by the way, I think Matt then self-contradicts in the LO, then where else do you get that money? The issue then was that on their side of the house, individual countries can always use the rhetoric that we want Indian sovereignty, we want sovereignty for these countries, and therefore not opt into the IMF. We get rid of all of those incentives for the very simple reason Sharia gives, which is that being corrupt is oftentimes a very scandalous sort of thing, and liberal countries don't want to be corrupt, so when the only condition the IMF imposes is whether you're corrupt or not, there is ample incentive on our side for massive degrees of opt-in, which is the logical prerequisite to getting the economic benefits as well. But even if you don't mind this, why is it that the type of economic development you've got on their side of the house significantly works? The first thing I just want to point out here is, they never prove that the money stays in, right? Like if a bunch of foreign companies come in and therefore start consolidating power, I think what ends up happening is that domestic firms die. Why does this likely be the case? Number one, often these big firms have first mover advantages. They have already established things, for example, like technology, they already have, for example, specifics, flychains, and all these sorts of things. But secondarily, they're oftentimes just able on the scale to appeal to a bigger market, and the asymmetry of power and economic economies of scale means that bigger companies that are coming in are oftentimes going to be significantly more able to compete. But second of all, the reason as to why this is bad is because then this ends up crowding out domestic businesses. Because what ends up happening when big companies are coming in, because definition, they stand for things like free market, is that big companies are able to make sure that individuals on the ground either, A, just have higher prices in the long term because if you monopolize the market, you then are able to charge whatever prices you want, no thank you. But second of all, you necessarily retard the development of these local industries. For the very simple reason that if a consumer can choose between buying a cheaper product that is made by an MNC that's able to make that price cheaper because of some cost and stuff, they're always going to buy that. And as a result of that, the domestic firms are always going to suffer. What is the way up on this argument? The first thing I want to point out is, I don't think opening opposition ever has a path to victory in the long run. I'd like to just say, well, money now goes around the world. I don't know why this is a good thing. A bunch of American firms go to India, make massive degrees of profit, and then send that money away. I think that is a bad thing because it creates higher degrees of volatility in places like India. But second of all, it makes it far harder for these states to develop because as MNCs can flexibly move capital around, it just makes it hard for these states to plan how much tax revenue and all of these things they're going to get. But three, flip the argument on corruption. Because you know how corruption happens? When big MNCs are able to consolidate power and tell the government to do whatever they want. Otherwise, you're going to pull out. We're able to get rid of that because we can preemptively set up things, for example, like protectionism. This will allow our state of the house, the economy, overtime is going to be better. Maybe we don't get massive degrees of growth, but when individual governments who understand the local nuances can control the degree and the way in which that growth happens, we're able to create sustainable development, which is probably better not only on an economic term, but also in terms of people's feelings. Because if you have massive degrees of inequality, even if growth is good now, but now we're living in poverty tomorrow, that is not very good. Closing. > POI: So it sounds to me like you have two contradictory premises about the incentives of governments. Either they are super duper pushed by one particular block and rebellion might be threatened, or they have all the competence that is needed to make all the best decisions. They can be competent, but still pushed. The reason why they're pushed is because of opening opposition's policy. Thank you for pointing out that opening opposition is losing. Great. What is the long term and why are we able to win as well? The opening option here was that you've got a race to the immediate, and therefore that is a good thing. I want to point out, even if over time the IMF policies become better, our argument was that the lack of flexibility in and of itself was a harm. We're the two ways in which this pays out. The first is just the net amount of sum that the IMF has to work with over time decreases. Think about what happens on our side. Because right now, a lot of countries are performing suboptimally because they have to cater to the four demands on the info side. On our side, there is only one demand, and it's not even an economic demand, which means you're able to immediately do things like have protectionist policies, or immediately do things like restructure the way in which your economy works. So the ability for you to make that money back is significantly quicker. This is important because now you can pay the IMF back, which does three things. Number one, this creates a signal that the IMF says all we care about is anti-corruption. So you get higher degrees of investor confidence because people think that, no, these countries aren't actually that bad. The IMF approves of them. But second and more importantly, it also just means there's more money the IMF has at its heart. Because the issue on their side is that if these companies or these countries are failing, then they don't have the ability to pay back the IMF and therefore the IMF is working on deficit. But finally, this is important over time because often people don't work with the IMF because of a perception that the IMF speaks them over. We're able to rectify that by making it seem that the IMF is on your side. So don't turn to the other alternatives I started talking about are bad. At the end of the day, economic development is far easier on our side. Very happy to propose.
OO · OppositionThey presume that they can get out of policies because the politicians have optimal interests on our side. What I want to explain to you right now is even with the best interest, there's a structural incapacity to acclimate and harmonize those interests to create optimal market policies for everyone, including them. A few things. Why are these conditions likely to not be too restrictive like in Beijing? That tells you a few things. They have a few background in Beijing, the fact that they don't want them to go to China, and it's largely participatory. But two things as well. One, note that there's an institutional learning capacity, that is to say they've literally released reports saying you learned from other states in the 90s. But secondarily, it's about having aggregate information about other countries and the ability to harmonize conditions across the board. Even if you as a politician want to, for example, maximize the profit potential for your country, you cannot know or predict how another developing country is going to shift those interest rates and currencies relative to yours. Why can countries not make proper optimal decisions? Firstly, internal issues. One, note politicians at a structural level are short-termists that have short-term cycles. Secondly, the discipline is harder on their side because institutions, even if the incentives are perfect, are not fully or entirely developed. Even with independent central banks, it takes years to develop that institutional know-how and that independence. What is the upshot of this? They say, ah, they know their countries better. One, I think it's likely the IMF still has robust policy analysis and people on the ground to provide that info and that context. The issue that they don't engage with, Matt, is this inability to align selfish interests. They might say, I do care about my people and want to empower them, but they want to get elected in the next election. That is to say, there might be interests that they have to prioritize and gamble, but the one that they prioritize is the short-term one that isn't optimal. But here's the second issue that's more critical. There are external issues outside of the control of politicians. That is to say, there's coordination problems they have with different countries. That is to say, there's a prisoner's dilemma in information asymmetry through how another country is going to exchange their currency relative to yours and the kind of subsidies that they will put in their market that will affect the capacity for you to export your own market. Oh, and secondly, there's uncertainty for investors, because situations can still change on the ground quickly. What is the upshot of this? Even with the perfect government incentives, and even if they're not short-term, they cannot aggregate the incentives with other countries that leads to suboptimal international market conditions that affect everyone. The upshot of this is that these are the conditions that create the shots in the crisis they talk about. When a country lowers its prices so low, and then, for example, a tsunami hits or a typhoon hits, and then the market, they cannot sell to another country and fuck up the supply chain. In other words, even if they are angels, they are angels that cannot talk to one another, we would prefer to have a less reputable or more impartial devil that is able to aggregate the interest between those things. But secondarily, I think they are comparatively more susceptible to financial crisis on their side. Why? One, the volatile currency means that as that currency goes down, which they have an incentive to insure their export base, they want to export, then the crisis hits. It's harder for them to, for example, buy more reserves without liquidity, as opposed to if it was a market-based rate that they can consistently plan for. Secondarily, it's easier for countries to devalue their currency when it's floating as opposed to a fixed market rate that the IMF is able to do with multiple countries at the same exact time. And thirdly, they are more resilient to shocks comparatively more on our side because when the currency is so low, they are unable to, for example, provide goods and services for your people, provide subsidies for that company, then sell it to the markets they need. It's comparatively harder because your currency isn't otherwise worth shit. The top shot of this is that economic shocks might be symmetric on either side. The differences there are the conditions and product of countries misaligning interests and having incentives that are zero-sum with other countries. The IMF maybe doesn't have each individual country's personal best interest, but they have an aggregate best interest that is comparatively more able to harmonize, even if it leads to suboptimal decisions between some countries and them, for example, not making as much money as possible in the short term. Then they say, ah, you'll go to China. I think this is largely out of this debate. As far as one, all the stuff Matt told you. But the other thing I say is, one, they have a large amount of bad loans that they have that they've been trying to defer for the last few decades as they've been taking America's bad debt. Secondly, they can't be everywhere. They just can't be everywhere alone. Thirdly, they have a domestic-focused priority over their own citizens than to lend to other countries. Fourthly, developing countries cannot entirely reshape their economy to then engage with China more as far as they have different supply chains. Now, let me weigh investment, and here's why it's critical. The investment that Matt tells you is a prerequisite to development. Things like roads, electric grids, etc. But secondarily, it's far more wide-scale and affects a wider sector of the countries as opposed to domestic companies where even if they reserve more wealth, they don't have as much money as a foreign country. Even if, for example, you don't get to keep as much of the money, they give you the start-up capital that allows you to do things that trickle down, like build hospitals for workers or an electric grid that even if somebody isn't having a job, at least they can access the internet. But fourthly, these are generalizable. All countries to some extent here need international investment. The upshot of all of this is that even if they get to compare with more protectionist policies on their side, I don't know why it is comparatively better or way past the foreign investment that they otherwise need to upscale comparatively more. Even if they have more of the money and they have more of the pie, it is a smaller pie that is far less able to be redistributed to more people. Now, I want to gauge very clearly. Even if you buy that investment is symmetric, and countries want access to these loans, why are the policies that compel them to, in itself, substantially more efficient? One, subsidies pop up monopolies even if they are not corrupt. Why are they able to access these subsidies far more than smaller companies domestically? One, in tuition pump, they have more lobbying power to access it. But secondarily, even if you subsidize everyone equally, the marginal value of a subsidy is far greater to a bigger company. Why? Because they can use each additional subsidy to crowd out and pickpocket the markets that the smaller company wants to enter. Upsides, this engages with OO on monopolization and says why it is comparatively easier for them with the policies that I'm trying to prevent that benefits the bigger companies they are trying to root out. Before getting into the second piece of analysis, back up Kevin. > POI: Yeah, it's not clear to me why these subsidies necessarily favor just bigger companies because these bigger companies often don't use these subsidies to lower prices heavily on the local population. I just explained to you why they are able to weaponize it comparatively more than smaller companies, but the difference is that when you are able to comparatively reduce subsidies across the board, you are able to aggregate prices comparatively better. See the previous analysis behind that. Secondarily, this creates more avenues for inefficient investment and funding. Why? Firstly, currency arbitrage. When you have floating exchange rates, investors and domestic companies make money on price differentials with other currencies as opposed to making a better or cheaper good. So when there is a floating currency exchange rate that isn't harmonized, it's far easier for me as a person to say I want to start a business and make money by selling one good in another country and by purchasing into a different one because I can take advantage of the price volatility as opposed to actually starting a business that employs people and makes things better. But secondarily, these are more volatile kinds of investments. These currency spikes might be very profitable, but these are short-term businesses. These aren't things like the incentives we tell you about, an electric grid that has long-term profit potential. But thirdly, it creates worse trade barriers and tariffs. Why? Because subsidies are zero-sum against competing countries internationally. The option of this is that even if they benefit each individual country in the short-term, you increase prices across the market, and countries are not idolaters, even if some of them may be. They buy and engage with other countries. Their prices are affected by international markets. Look, the IMF is no angel. But if rather than one devil coordinating the market, then 20 angels that cannot communicate will have the same incentives. I think it's a clearer world.
CG · GovernmentClosing governments go to win this debate by first giving you a realistic characterization of how the economies of these countries that might be needing IMF loans work, and second of all, giving you a characterization of what exactly the political system works in these kinds of countries, and why the decision-makers are actually better than the IMF. So firstly, a couple of pieces of framing. OG says that their biggest push with the biggest impact is literally countries like China, or Tundish, for example, China, for example, doing a local bond issuing. OCO does a pretty good job repeating this, but there are some reasons why the IMF is actually the first choice that these countries tend to. Firstly, that there is empirically evidence that countries will accept IMF loans. For example, Ghana has recently complied with these demands and accepted IMF loans. Second of all, in the short term, political leaders really care about defaults. When they default on their debts, it's extremely damaging to both them politically, but also damaging to the country's economy because you're literally going to have a debt crisis when you're trying to restructure loans with too many debtors. So not going to China and getting a fresh BRI loan is going to take way too long, whereas the IMF's offer is probably more realistic. But third of all, their mechanism for turning to China is farmers loving subsidies and voting out governments that do not love subsidies, but they never proved that farmers actually like to fertilize their subsidies, and we are going to give you a more realistic characterization of what farmers want and what is going to play out in this scenario. Firstly, our first piece of extension is going to be the harms of abolishing subsidies, and this is the most important, more important than OG's arguments, because both for countries that still rely on subsistence farming, which is a lot of countries, and for those who are moving from subsistence farming to manufacturing, the really important thing is to keep agricultural productivity up. What happens to agricultural productivity when subsidies are abolished? First thing I'm going to say is that subsidies are the thing that governments use to encourage the use of fertilizer over organic methods or fuel like LNG over wood fire. Why is this the case? Firstly, fertilizer is extremely expensive. Compared to cow manure that you can just get from the cow to help you till your land, fertilizer is not an option that people generally want to use if it is expensive. Second of all, fertilizer is generally a new thing that gets introduced to a place. Often it's only introduced in the past few decades after decolonization, after thousands of generations of people farming on their farms using organic methods. But third of all, fertilizer is often seen as something that is Western. Fertilizer is monopolized by Western companies that export into your countries. It is seen as some sort of alien invasion on your traditional methods of farming and therefore people do not prefer to use fertilizer. In reality, fertilizer is very demand elastic, which means that farmers do not want to use fertilizer, but they are choosing to when one, government officials are encouraging the use of fertilizer when selling their subsidies policies on fertilizer, but two, fertilizer is literally subsidized and now way cheaper. These are the only circumstances in which farmers choose to use fertilizer. But what happens to countries when farmers stop using fertilizer and fertilizer bank drops? The first thing that happens is land consolidation. When fertilizer is extremely expensive and can only be afforded by large collectivized farms, farmers that have more capital buy up other farmlands of other farmers and those farmers become renters on the farmland rather than owners of this farmland. Why is this bad for two reasons? First of all, there is increased inequality obviously when one farmer who is very rich in the first place buys up all the farmland in the area and now that farmer is also getting rent from the farmers who have to rent the land in order to till it. Second of all, there is reduced productivity because there is no longer competition between different family farms that all want to produce a lot to sell to the same kinds of importers, but now there is one person who is producing and people are getting complacent because they are not the ones who own the farmland, but they are simply tilling the farmland of someone they are renting the farmland from. There might be a claim from opposing opposition of economies of scale and how improvements happen when there are consolidation, but that is negligible because farmers often already band together to get materials to farm, so that can happen on the outside as well. But also in a lot of developing countries, economies of scale in farming is generally not achievable because the really big equipments that the US uses to develop economies of scale in farming is way too expensive and not accessible to these farmers. The second thing that happens is there is generally less productive farming which hinders the transition to manufacturing. So the thing that happens when you don't use fertiliser and you use cow manure is that yield drops massively. Sri Lanka literally had a national crisis when people were partying in the president's mansion because people stopped using fertiliser and the whole economy got destroyed. So when the farmers stop using fertiliser and the yield drops, that is when labour demand goes way up because decreased labour productivity has to be compensated by higher labour inputs, so a ton of people are now trapped in system farming in their hometown villages rather than moving to cities or manufacturing hubs because the young labour stock now feels like their family farm needs them. Before I go on, closing. > POI: Even assuming this round was just a farm field, does that mean the use of fertiliser can also be inherently damaging when they use low quality fertiliser like over nitrate as a soil that makes it unproductive and lumpy? Well no, even if you use low quality fertiliser that is better than cow manure which literally makes your land fuck up. Okay, so this has long term impacts because even if one generation of young men for one year thinks their family farm needs them and takes over and starts being the family head that manages this family farm, it is unlikely that five years later suddenly they choose to go to a manufacturing hub because now they're locked into system farming. Extremely bad for the development of these countries. There is also a massive drop in food supplies and also a massive disruption to the development trends that are good for this country. Why governments have good incentives versus the IMF. OG has two reasons for why governments are better at making decisions and zero for why the IMF is bad at making decisions and therefore is vulnerable to outfits attacked about the IMF being a good actor because they care about everyone. So the two reasons for why governments are good at making decisions are they have Indian experts because they're Indian. But also the IMF can employ Indian experts and I don't really understand this reason. But second of all, they say electoral incentives mean that people care about the economy development in the long term but they don't give any analysis for why actually people aren't short termists and governments aren't short termists or they only care about privileged people who are rent seekers. Structural reasons for why governments are good at making economic decisions. First of all, often short term costs of non-long termist decisions worsen expectations. So when investors look at your short termist decisions, they flee your market and therefore you will not make short termist decisions. Second of all, often governments are just long termists because they care about the future and the legacy of their political party. They don't just want to be in power for five years and then never be in power again. The fourth law, elections in developing countries are often incredibly representative because they often intentionally boost turnout because people who turn out initially are usually uninformed and therefore vocal incumbents. So incumbents are structurally incentivised to vote voting booths every two quarters like it does happens in India. Fourthly, lobbying from domestic corporations evens out across parties. So some domestic corporations donate to one party and the other donates to another party and it balances out so that companies usually have the best interest of $500,000. On the IMF, contrarily, it's usually captured by neoliberal interests such as the US. Usually there is no personal stake of the IMF people wanting economic development for these countries. And lastly, IMF resources are spread too thin. Usually if they want to go to Ghana they can't go to Nigeria. This is the reason we are proud of the IMF.
CO · OppositionIn what was exceptionally one of the rounds ever, closing opposition will make two very basic arguments. The first is that you simply massively widen the pool of votes. This is the core mechanism by which any team gets its benefit and we're just going to show you in closing opposition why these are necessary prerequisites to have any creditors available in the first place. And secondly, we're going to do the incentives debate. We're going to say why in most cases this is a very, very good policy but it's impossible to implement on government because this is an incentives black hole that makes it impossible to fund anything but agricultural and fuel subsidies despite the fact that development is urgently more pressing in these countries. Before that, some direct response to closing government and their farm bill extension. So the first thing to point out is that this agricultural and fuel subsidy has a contrary effect on the price of food due to long-term inflation, which means just trivially speaking, this has the countervailing effect of just making food more and more expensive over time and more on these subsidies. Second thing is that these subsidy incentives might incentivize fertilizer but they reduce incentives for important landmark innovations like mechanized tractors or you know, more disease-resilient strains of seeds, whatever. Which just shows that perhaps they might have some efficiencies in the short-term but they lose out on more important long-term efficiencies. Third thing is that you also create over-competition. The problem is that nutrients in topsoil are often very limited and you force farmers to capitalize now on the subsidies which means that they're forced to deplete some fees for the long-term. This way is, so how should we weigh these responses? The first is that we flip their impact directly, right? Like the other point is just that you have cheaper food or the point is that you make food substantially more scarce due to the direct mechanism they use. And secondly is that we guarantee, you know, a stronger impact in terms of food scarcity because if you assure that fertilizer is to some degree good, the problem is that at some point this fertilizer will stop working and at some point you'll deplete all the nutrients in the topsoil and the only way to feasibly actually provide these people food, water, electricity and so on is to provide the long-term incentives created through market mechanisms. Having said that, we move into the first extension. This extension should be very basic. The pool of capital increases because we're going to discuss the incentives of the predator states that would otherwise never give money on government bench. These incentives are a prerequisite to have any state be willing to give you loans at all. First of all, return of investment. You necessarily need market-based interest rates on your currency as well as on the loan that you're willing to give because of the fact that there's a very good chance you simply set favorable interest rates to ensure that you get very, very easy and convenient repayments on your side as well as inflate currency rates to pump up a valid foreign currency to essentially make these loan repayments worthless but still meet the demands of the contract, which means on government bench you essentially set that rate of return of investment to essentially zero which means creditors have very, very little incentive to offer loans on government bench because there are no prerequisite incentives for it. Secondly is that there's also a massive amount of risk. That is, you're exposed to electoral risk where things are primarily state-controlled. If it's not market-based, developing countries might out of, you know, random populism where maybe, you know, for whatever reason, like, nobody's been able to structurally prove one way or the other which way countries go but the matter of fact is that there's effectively certain uncertainty around about what these politicians will do will show that you might have politicians like Erdogan or Bolsonaro destroy the interest rates of a country sporadically which means this potentially destroys the capacity to pay back their loan or even just make basic commitments on the other things that they promised. Thirdly, finally, is that these things also tend to have natural destructive long-term consequences whether it be the long-term inflation that this creates or, you know, the depletion of the topsoil and so on and so forth which would in the long-term reduce the natural capacity to pay these things back. Having said that then, the pool of capital in government massively decreases because the willingness of lender states massively decreases. When, you know, in the form of like, one, they actually need to make commitments back to the people on the ground they have to explain why they're spending so much money on a state that will not pay this money back or will give it back to them in worthless Mickey Mouse money which essentially means that there are three impacts on government bench. The first is that in many cases they simply have no loans at all available for these countries and in times where the need is most dire, such as in times of recession, the country simply collapses. Secondly is that the loans become in much smaller size or they demand much higher repayment sizes which means these countries are dragged into debt, it's much harder for them to make these payments back they default and the economy collapses or the loans are too small such that they're not able to meet the threshold necessary to pull the country out of recession. They might have some money but it's not enough to build the highways, to build the electricity to build all the important infrastructure needs that they need to survive they might have some money but that money goes to waste. But thirdly finally is that this creates incentives for predatory behavior on behalf of the IMF if they cannot guarantee security in this way, then that's where they're forced to take open government alternatives of trying to force these countries to default and get predatory collateral in order to get these returns back which means it's on the government bench where the overall loading incentives get substantially worse. How do you situate these impacts within the realm? The first way and most clearly is that this is a prerequisite point for the material to basically every other team's impact because if the loans are simply not available, they cannot get any of their benefits. Secondly and more importantly is that this deals with a much larger impact which is that dealing with availability directly in times of crisis is the most important thing because what it means is that if it's not available, when a country looks like it's about to go into crisis people pull out and the country explodes guaranteed rather than having a chance of being pulled out and beyond that when the time of crisis actually comes, millions of people starve because the money is just not available. This is by far the largest impact in the realm. This concludes the first argument and it shows us not only do we provide the main mechanism by which anything in this debate could possibly happen we also meet the main threshold which is that how do you get people out of poverty? What are the needs of these developing countries? It is to be able to have that money and the loans available in the first place so that even if Gov might use the loans for something good, they can't. Opening Government. > POI: Okay, the IMF doesn't care about how it's being paid but on our side it's forced to negotiate with local economists and actually convince them of a policy instead of forcing a one-size-fits-all one on them. You might be right in some instances, we work in every instance gaining the capacity that opening all these things is winning. Creditor states care about whether or not they're getting repaid which means that, you know, they will care about whether or not they join the IMF. And number two is that the IMF cares how are they actually going to get paid in their salaries. And thirdly is just, most frequently right, if the countries don't repay they make bad economic policies, the point of a loan will have been for not. Okay, let's now move to the second piece of material which is the incentives debate. But I want to observe that the first argument is immediately debate winning for the reasons I've given earlier but also because it requires a lot less analytical belief and it, you know, just like takes the best piece of both teams. Maybe both teams are right, you know, about some stuff about whether the loans are good or not. Okay, now we move on to the second argument which is the point on incentives. So I think opening government and opening opposition and closing government are all plausibly right that in some cases these loans are bad or some cases these conditions are bad and in some cases these market conditions are good. The problem is that when they are good and that's when they are most vital to use it is impossible for states to implement them due to the many black holes of incentives that government provides. That is the direct and intense pressure coming from farmers to never do this policy or the fact that once you start spending on this, inflation increases the price of having to do this in the first place which means you need to keep spending on incentives subsidies further and further you need to keep controlling the market rate and also the collective action problem that means you're afraid of other countries screwing you over. The important thing here is one, the IMF acts as a collectivising body to ensure that there's no collective action problem in the first place but beyond that it's an opportunity to displace blame and also have a replacement for the short term incentive. If you're harming farmers in one way, you have the capacity to alleviate them or pacify them by giving them roads, by giving them hospitals. And the important thing here is that these incentives are very, very deeply important because in the cases where they're most needed that is in the case where the country is most corrupt, where the country is most likely to do bad things and where a few of these are most likely to wreak havoc on the environment, on inflation which is where the big is most deeply situated because that's where the wars are going to realistically happen in the first place it is only when you provide an external incentive to allow these countries to actually do it in the first place which means pursuing every other team is correct we show that it's important to force them to do this because there was no other way that they would be able to do this despite the fact that they deeply, deeply need it. Opposed.
CG · GovernmentFirst things first, reputation and closing off. Their first argument is you widen the pool of loans. Their first mechanism is that countries can just set favorable rates to pay off loans in ways that add no value to lenders and this deters lenders. Two responses. One, countries can't just sharply appreciate their currency with no control whatsoever. Apart from the fact that they often don't have foreign currency reserves that allow them to engage in this appreciation there are also strong disincentives for them to engage in this appreciation which is that local businesses, in order to gain meaningful profits have to sell to other richer countries that can pay them more money and if their currency appreciates really substantially the price of their exports go up and other countries don't buy their goods anymore. Therefore, you do not have the political incentive to appreciate your currency in a way that allows you to pay off the loan in a valueless way. Therefore, investors aren't triggered for this reason. Their second mechanism is that random populism often means that countries can set arbitrary interest rates in really bad ways and investors are scared of this random populism. Flip this argument. Populism is more likely on their side when the IMF sets these conditions. The reason why is that these countries are forced to comply with politically unpopular conditions domestically as a condition for receiving a loan to let themselves out of crisis. These countries are politically beholden to anti-colonial forces, no factually, that are against the IMF that tell them, look, you already were beholden to the IMF in this way, you cannot get further concessions out of that. That creates a much stronger political incentive for these countries to engage in random populism in the future. An example of this is they are more likely to do things like control their central banks or capture central banking institutions because the future politician is like, look, these interest rate controls were really bad for our economy, they use short term political incentives to do things like capture central banks. No, thirdly, they talk about long term consequences of their positions. I think Vivian's extension explains why politicians in developing countries often internalise long term consequences in the short term. An important reason for this is the expectation spiral, which is if investors think that your economy's long term future is really bad and they can't make money off you, that's a negative expectation for the future that shuts out investment right now and therefore even short termist governments have strong political incentives to act in their long term. But I have two high level response to the claim on widening the pool on loans. Number one, the reason lender states fund the IMF is because they are directly impacted by IMF loans. The IMF's job is to maintain currency stability. A recession in a developing country creates substantial amounts of currency risk and developing countries have higher real interest rates. So the US, for example, has a lot of investors investing in developing countries who would lose their money if their currency crashed. That's why the US, no fact, contributes so much funding to both the IMF and the status quo, it's why Ghana got a bailout. Second of all, existing loans exist. However, substantially more loans being available in the future is often a bad thing. The reason why is it creates moral hazard, which is if countries think they can always be bailed out by the IMF in the future because IMF funding increases substantially on their side, that increases the risk that these countries take on enormous amounts of debt in a way that could potentially fuel them into a debt crisis in the future. So it's not even clear the closing off of the extension is a good thing. Second, on the incentives black hole, they basically say you face direct intense pressure from farmers in the future, which never changes. Their main mechanism is you solve a collective action problem because the IMF is able to aggregate many countries together. The problem is many countries aren't experiencing debt crisis, in which case those countries maintain their fertilizer subsidies while other countries don't. So there's no actual collective action problem that you're solving. In fact, intense pressure from farmers and capture of the political system by them is more likely in the long term, if in the short term you give up this incentive for the IMF. Second thing, no, refutation of opening opposition. Firstly, they talk about dominant firms crowding out smaller firms using subsidies. One, I think lacking capital or scale, it is much harder to purchase fuel or subsidies for a smaller firm. Therefore, it's their side of the house if their countries do comply where barriers to entry are substantially higher. When the manufacturing of things like fertilizers is only done by a few companies, prices are jacked up. That means only big companies in these industries can purchase them, and that reduces competition substantially, flipping the opening opposition case. Second of all, governments don't give existing dominant companies massive subsidies in the manner that opening opposition claims them. The reason why is a strong incentive for government subsidies in the first place is to lower prices for average consumers who vote in elections. However, a dominant corporation with monopoly power doesn't use the subsidy to lower prices in a meaningful way, and that's a strong political disincentive to just give subsidies in a way that favors large corporations but does not, in fact, favor voters in elections in these countries. Second, reducing central bank credibility. One, central banks have incentives to anchor expectations in stable ways because they care about their credibility because that affects every policy that they do. It's unclear why central banks will behave in an uncredible way. Second, in the long term, as I explained, central banks are more likely to be captured by the backlash that results from this on their side of the house than ours, and central bank independence gets eroded. There are good things about lacking predictability. I have three responses. One, I think countries can send signals if they really care about predictability for what their future policy actions will be. We will thank human investors who often believe them. Second, predictability is not inherently good. If you expect a future currency crash that creates a self-perpetuating cycle where you pull back your funding even more, that makes the currency crash a lot worse. In many cases, predictability is bound to insure yourself against really damaging economic recessions and prevent them from turning into spirals. Third, this knifes their own argument on people who just invest by betting on a floating currency spark. If you can predict the currency spark more, you're more likely to invest by betting on the currency spark than if you can predict on a currency spark less. Thus, their argument knifes the rest of their case. Then they talk about why, basically, investment in the status quo goes away. Come on, they talk about regulatory oversight and corruption. Flip this argument. If you do not have a formal subsidy system, it is more likely that the manner in which big companies get access to subsidies is doing things like informal systems where governments give them things like kickbacks in a genuinely corrupt and damaging way. Flipping their claim on corruption. Finding their claim on a floating exchange rate is easier to make bets on trying the currency spark. I actually think trying the currency with international markets is really terrible because it hurts your ability to respond to shocks that are unique to your economy and not to others. Opening. > POI: As I told you, and CEO repeated in much better English, that the IMF and international investors writ large are vastly more willing to lend money than they have been said of predictable market positions. That also breaks up agribusiness, your only extension over OGM. Yeah, I just explained why, first, there are existing incentives on part of the IMF. Second, the IMF's incentives to lend out get so much worse that it creates large amounts of moral baster. Let's talk about our extension. Our extension was not just about agribusiness. Let me actually collapse on the extension that again had the closing government entirely dropped. Look, opening government's entire reasoning for why governments are good at decisions and the IMF is bad at decisions is governments care about the economy. They do not tell you why elections are meaningfully representative of the people or why governments care about the economy in a manner that affects the long-term rather than just the short-term. Vivian gives you the mechanisms for why the government does care about the economy and has meaningfully good incentives. So there are short-term costs of long-term decisions because expectations of future harm work do not. The governments have strong incentives to make elections representative and a game theoretic incentive to get past things like lobbying. The reason this beats the opening half is all of opening government's arguments are contingent on the IMF being structurally better at making decisions. What Vivian's extension shows is the culture of neoliberalism. The resources being spread too thin and the lack of any meaningful good incentives means developing countries having long-term incentives and representative elections is logically prior to the entire top half. Thank you very much.
CO · OppositionThe intention in motions like this is always to do the same thing. Throw out a million impacts, why it might be good for some states, bad for some states, assert a context, never link it to the crisis, and call every other team uncompired with. What we demonstrate in extension is that the debate isn't just about what's good for individual states because the IMF doesn't make decisions for individual states. It makes them for a network, both of creditors and lenders. What we explain uniquely, not just in better English, but better analysis, is that this is the only way to prevent states from undercutting each other and actually getting good developmental outcomes, but secondly, that this is the only way to ensure that donor states retain the trust in the IMF necessary to lend at competitive rates. Because GovBench has pretended as if they will continue to give this money freely. If you don't have conditions, you have higher interest rates, you have more severe austerity measures in the long run. It's not a free lunch on your side of the house, it's a harder lunch to repay. Let's first deal with CG and Farmville. I want to note that they make no attempt to defend their constructive case in that poll, like GovBench's speech, which I think tells you everything. At most they defend one-third of the conditions, congrats, you get one-third of the debate, you lose two-thirds. But further, I point out that the mechanisms they give don't individually stand at the scrutiny. It's not clear why more use of fertilizer in and of itself is a good thing, especially when David explains that the kind of rapid acceleration of agriculture you get as a result of policies is the type of thing that erodes topsoil, steers farmers away from more innovative means of agricultural development. But secondly, in addition to that, I point out that it's not just about one state. Individual states might make farming cheaper. The problem with that is they're also buying more fertilizer and making it more expensive for the states that are actually good at agriculture and actually have the competitive advantage to continue buying agriculture. So the macro effect of this is that you raise food prices and make it more difficult for people to engage. Let's engage with the responses they gave our extension. They gave us three mechanistic things. The first thing they say is, well you can't peg your currency that high because you don't have the foreign reserves to do it. This responds to their own case because in many instances, if you guys are saying that you want governments to independently set currency, but you have no capacity to peg your currency on that side of the house because you don't have the foreign reserves, then it's unclear why you get any of the apologies OG talks about. The second thing they say is it's populist because it looks like the IMF is doing it. These guys say you will consult the IMF, what are you going to do? Hide the white guy behind the grid and then say he didn't tell you to do it. This is ridiculous, they will know who the policy came from. The third thing they say is, well states have some long-term incentive. And this one is fair, but it's about a way up of the long-term incentive states too. And this is where Davidson's second extension is particularly crucial. He explains that the reason this policy is bad is because it skews the long-term incentives of politicians. It's always easier to keep trying to keep your currency to a peg so that you can keep winning in international markets, to keep trying to subsidize agriculture when it's become clear that you're not competitive, you're not the best actor to do it, and irresponsibly funneling money into it, which is why states and politicians continue to engage in it. Once they've attached their name to the policy, it becomes so much harder for them to renege and adopt the good development policy we talk about. Their second extension is to say, well the states have an incentive to lend anyways. Yes, but it's about how that incentive manifests. On our side, we say the things that predatory states will turn to, like higher interest rates on loans, like lending to less states because they don't trust anyone as much, is far, far worse. And I just want you to take note of the comparative. These guys say it's bad when people starve. You make people starve for five, ten years after the crisis because they either had no money in the moment or because they had no capacity to repay. Second thing, what are the incentives of these states, why are they on their own problematic, and why is it only IMF intervention that corrects them? This is where our top half is logically incoherent. OG is self-defeating. They say states want to do good, but our claim is that these policies are good. So if states want to do good, there's no reason that they would reject these conditions to begin with, which is why they accept and why you have no reason for removing them. Oh, oh, so that gives you a bunch of stock reasons why these conditions are good, which is incredibly vulnerable to the government response that you wouldn't need to impose on them if states would come to them anyway. So why face the threat of rejection on OO? Why face the additional burden of removing these conditions on OG? This is where David's extension is crucial in three ways. First, it responds to OG's entirely absent counterfactual. They assert that states wanting good economic outcomes magically leads to good decisions. We explain that their incentives are actually misaligned from good outcomes because states, when they individually do this, always have incentives to peg their currency lower, always have incentives to make our exports artificially more attractive, which is why none of them individually want to take the IMF loan because I'm the Philippines, I can trust that Malaysia might just lower its currency the next day. This is why the loan condition has to come from the IMF because it's the only one with collective control about what the network of states does in response to the crisis. That's when you create the network of trust necessary to gain a loan. And I don't know, this is where you flip the China extension from them. It's not enough for OO to say, well, China is weak right now, that obviously doesn't answer the long term and they also still have a lot of money. The problem is in the R world, states are more likely to turn to China because they aren't sure that their rival states and rival export states won't result to the types of bad policies we ourselves are discussing. It's in R world where we can give them the assurance that we're imposing the same conditions on everyone and thus the gain is fair. The second reason the extension wins is because it supersedes top half on whether these conditions are marginally better or worse for states. There's a multitude of cases, some in which subsidising agriculture is good, some in which it's bad. The only thing you're guaranteed to do is that access to capital is good and that low interest rates and having an easier time to repay them is good. We're the only team that explains where the loan money goes. But thirdly, we largely win the incentive debate because our extension explains why there's a margin. It states not just more willing to borrow from the AIIMF as a result of these conditions but states more willing to lend over time and engage in favourable conditions, which wins. I'll take OG. > POI: To avoid opening oppositions regional crisis and closing oppositions never being repaid, states have an incentive to pay back the loan from which they need monetary flexibility which you take away with a fucking shit policy. But there are competing incentives. They have a political incentive to appease their people and they have an economic incentive to pay back the loan. The problem is when you allow them to engage in irresponsible policy, the incentive to appease the people through irresponsible policy is what takes over and leads to the black hole circulation that David talks about. In our world, the incentive to do economically good projects like building roads and long-term development infrastructure is what supersedes because it's the only incentives these states have. Secondly, where are states more likely to cooperate with the IMF? And I want to note, this is where the impact distinction matters, right? Our claim isn't just that these states accept loans from the IMF. It's that more states become willing to cooperate with the IMF in the long run as a result of these conditions being imposed now and you maintaining that trust in a period of crisis. So it's not just that these states will accept these loans as they are currently. It's that states will be more willing to repay those loans, more willing to engage in the types of long-term developments that we care about this debate, rather than simply prioritizing the shorter incentives they might have. What we prove above all else is that this is a network of states that you need to care about. It's not enough to say that what's good enough for one is good enough for all. For all of those reasons, oppose.
vencedor único bp_235 · The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, ex...
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Motion (tema debatido): The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, except for explicit anti corruption provisions, is preferable to the recent conditions to developing countries.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO,CO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=235, label gold.csv = "OO,CO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_A maintained a more consistent structural argument regarding the necessity of IMF conditions for fiscal stability and global supply chain integration. DEBATEDOR_B relied on inconsistent examples and failed to effectively rebut the structural argument that alternative lenders (like China) lack the capacity or stability to replace the IMF, leading to a stronger clash performance by DEBATEDOR_A.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentWe have never been prouder to stand against the extractive neo-colonialism that is perpetuated by the IMF, when they put arbitrary and destructive terms on countries that are in the midst of development that immensely need our help, that is a significant principle of being so proud to take it. So, instead of, why do we think that there are incentives to do policies that are done, sorry, why do we think there are good political incentives for countries to put policies in place when they are not imposed by the IMF? Firstly, we think that a lot of developing countries are to some extent democratic, and often their democracy, you know, democratic success is strongly predicated on economic success. So, even if you don't think they're democratically successful, a lot of authoritarian leaders stay in power because of economic success they can bring to their country. And thirdly, because we don't think that the most rogue states are likely to be getting loans from the IMF, we think they're often embargoed and sanctioned. What this means is that we think that even if the IMF doesn't impose loan conditions that may sometimes be favourable for these countries, the countries are likely to do it themselves, but the harm that we avoid is having incredibly bad loan conditions imposed on these countries. The point of all of this is that even if you believe that these countries are likely to suffer from elite capture, they will continue to benefit from the country doing well, and we're still very happy to stand for our anti-corruption. That's an incredibly important impact in this debate. Happy to take closing if they have a POI. > POI: If countries can implement good economic policy anyway, why do they oftentimes need an injection of capital? I think that there's a very large number of reasons that that's true. I think, like, extractive colonialism has often destabilised these countries, intervention by Western powers has often destabilised these countries, but also, like, everyone needs injections of capital. I think the fact that you've put economic terms on those things doesn't, like, reveal anything about the nature of these countries. Like, I've just spent a minute saying they're probably going to do policies that are good for their own economic incentives. The thing that happens on our side is that Western countries aren't able to bully them and pressure them and threaten them with starvation if they don't put in pro-Western policies. So, principally, why do we think these conditions are so wrong? We think it's, firstly, incredibly coercive. > POI: So, just to be clear, if we don't support our conditions, what types of conditions, if you have any conditions whatsoever, will you support on your side? Sure. We're happy to support things like not saying you can't run a budget deficit or democracy, so people being able to choose the conditions they support. We think the thing is that countries are different, that they won't always benefit from the same sets of conditions. We think the best people to decide those are, like, the economists employed by governments in those countries and things like that. Firstly, we think it is highly coercive to opt into these loans. That is, these countries need the money desperately. They often have millions of people languishing without economic development. And so they're willing to make sacrifices that are principled and political in order to get them. Secondly, we think that the end point of this is that they lose a significant amount of autonomy by taking these loans. But secondly, we think that it is a principled wrong, in fact, for the IMF to offer or to coerce countries into these conditions. That is, firstly, because it is not done with the best interests of these countries at heart. I think there is a significant difference between economic white papers and things like that and saying you cannot have a loan unless you put a structural adjustment program in place. We're saying you cannot have a loan if you're willing to run budget deficits or have high minimum wages and things like that. But secondly, because there is a significant amount of historical evidence that these policies are bad and people continue to persist with them. That is, pro-market policies that have been forced upon countries like India by the IMF have been incredibly harmful in the past. We think that they perpetuate some of the worst bills in colonial justices of colonialism. But thirdly, we think that to the extent that you could perhaps buy it, that, you know, it is a good thing to offer a loan and, you know, there should be some kind of reciprocal give and take. We think that this is not justified. Firstly, we think that there is a huge amount of suffering within these countries and so there is probably, well, there is a moral obligation to offer, you know, to give them ways to get out of this, to help them, without imposing extractive conditions. No, thank you. Secondly, we think that this harm is often caused by people who back the IMF or was historically caused by them. And so we think that there probably isn't an obligation to accept, you know, damaging terms when you probably were put in the very position by countries like England or by countries like the US. But the third thing is that we think that the harm that it causes these countries is disproportionate and incredibly wrong compared to the, you know, benefit that it might be reasonable for people like the IMF or IMF backers to receive. We think, again, there could be other mutually beneficial policies and those are things we're happy to support. But we think that the best people to make decisions about a country's economic future are the people who vote for it and that's something we're incredibly proud to stand upon. But the second thing is, in the speech, that the terms are likely to be incredibly harmful, no thank you, and damaging to the fate of the development of these countries and to the citizens within them. Firstly, why do we think these terms are going to be very bad? By way of example, I point to the impact of structural adjustment programs in India. The fact that pushing free market rules on a country that was in a nascent stage of development has caused huge harms, arguably India has like missed the bus of regional development to a significant extent. I think that is a very clear problem. But, some structural reasons for this. Firstly, because these policies often push a very pro-Western model of development, which I would note a lot of Western countries didn't even follow, when, no thank you, follow while they were developing. That is, they, like you know, they oppose things like protectionism, financing industries or fuel subsidies, which the West was very willing to do while they were developing. But secondly, because trade is a zero-sum game and often these countries have an active, the countries that back the IMF have an active incentive to do things that are incredibly harmful. What does this look like? Making things that are highly advantageous for incredibly wealthy countries, who are able to buy cheap exports from these countries while they are in the midst of their development. Yeah. > POI: What are your structural reasons as to why a nation in Eastern Europe, Southern America, Southeast Asia knows what is best for its economic development? Firstly, I think that there are universities in these countries. Secondly, I think that they have the capacity to employ a large number of economists. Thirdly, I think that there's incentives for people within bodies like the UN or even the IMF to provide economic advice and countries are able to take it. But I think that this economic advice should be economic coercion and I think that it's incredibly important, thanks guys, I think it's incredibly important that we allow people to make decisions. Because I think that even if it is, you know, by some free market version of economics, better to have really low minimum wages. When people are voting on the fact that they no longer can afford to eat because they have such low wages that are so incredibly good for, you know, people making investments in their country, that is really harmful. Because trade is such a zero-sum game and there are so many benefits to being extractive, I think these policies are often, you know, able to take, to capitalise on the coercion that is inherent in the fact that some countries are incredibly wealthy and other countries have been consistently marginalised and extensively harmed by the system of capitalism that currently exists. So I think this is an incredibly important impact in this debate. Because I think, panel, that as Eleanor's going to explain to you, we're very likely to still get loans, I think they are politically popular within countries to do foreign aid, I think there's a lot of value to it. We can still get mutually beneficial things if people, for example, vote for a free trade deal, but on side opening government, we don't stand for any incredibly harmful, malicious imposition of these terms. So incredibly proud to oppose.
OO · OppositionPanel, I know the stereotype about us that we will run a crazy pro-capitalist case in front of you that leads to money growth and big business. But we're going to be reasonable in front of you. And what we're going to tell you is that these conditions are the necessary balance to stop excessive overspending in this particular case, so that we, even though we may have some kind of sacrifices in the short term, for other future crises that hit, we're able to pay off these particular things and not plunge these economies into particular crises. First point of reading. Why are these likely to be good conditions that may grow? Firstly, I assume that this is a step-by-step process that will most likely happen. So you won't impose 100% of these conditions from today in this particular case, but most likely certain percentages up to certain days in this particular case. Secondly, I also think IMF wants to do this in a constructive and adequate way by giving consultancy, information, and sharing adequate pieces of this sort of case. Why is this a likely characterization? Number one, you don't want to be seen as bullies, because this is directly influenced in media by the countries who fund this particular fund in the West, who will portray a narrative that they are bankrupt in these countries, they are strong-arming them, and all because of all the rhetoric that you hear from this Australian team right here. These people are, how do you say, very liberal, they're middle class, they care about these particular issues, they don't necessarily pressure their government. Now because their government just got, how do you say, scandal on their hands, they're less likely to do this. But second, there are just strategic reasons for you to do this. Like number one, you most likely don't want to create huge shock into this particular economy by just imposing these conditions from tomorrow. But second, you also want these countries to cooperate with you, because you have some kind of legitimacy in front of this organization, like each year you have to show your KPI, this is how we've been working with these countries, this is why this is good in order to continue doing this particular case. Now, why absent these policies, do countries in these regions have structural incentives to overspend? Two reasons. Firstly, they want to win elections. What are the things that they're likely to do? Number one, they're likely to fund state-owned workers that exist in administrations, government companies in this particular case. Because these are people whose employment is directly connected with the ruling party right now, it's the surest way for you to guarantee democratic elections, and today they vote to you when you know that the money in your hat is coming from the ruling party in this particular case. But secondly, they're likely to fund pointless processes, building a road to nowhere, building a port that there isn't a ship there, or let's be nuanced here, not that extent of these things are that important, not that percent of ships are in this port in this particular case, or just funding companies that aren't necessarily important, like carpentry industry in this particular case, mining industry, you know, it's not such a shit, because this is the way that you buy out people who are ready to say, ah yes, the government, this particular thing, I will vote for this person. But thirdly, straight corruption in this particular case. And I know their side says that they keep corruption, but here is the comparative. IMF is impossible to control corruption 100%, and so far as they're expanding government spending, so they're expanding different streams of money going into the economy, it's far easier for you as corrupt oil to give money to people that are, let's say, close to you, people that will be loyal to you in this particular case. But secondly, voters in these regions aren't the most educated ones and aren't the most For the structural reasons this opening government gives you, all the processes that you have, colonialism, communists running your country for 50 years in this particular case, lack of money, all these things mean that you don't necessarily think critically in this particular case, but secondly, democracy in many of these countries has existed very, very rarely, so there aren't accountability checks, there aren't institutions. Why is this argument important? Because you are likely to vote for pro-left communist party that comes into this power, or the majority of political parties to be left-wing in this particular case, and to have a coalition between center-left and far-left, that necessarily, because they want to, how do you say, give promises back to their people, they do this, this is comparatively better on our side, because they can always say, oh no, I am in either hand, you can't do it, guys. This is the problem in this particular case. I will necessarily explain to you why this leads to more growth, that will mean that these countries are better able to pay off their loans in the future, and stop creating these problems. But before that, CG, you have this. > POI: Yes, the economy is a bait in the most important voting issue. If it gets worse on your side, why wouldn't people vote the people in power out? But look, you vote the people in power out, but then the damage is already done, firstly. But secondly, because I proved to you, structurally, these people aren't the most educated, they are likely to be bloated by future policies, and secondly, you forget that the future, that the crisis happened, right? In 10 years' time, when there is a future crisis, you forget this particular case, because new political actors come into power, you vote for communists again in this particular case. Why is this necessary for more growth? Now, let's engage with all the things that are on your side, because Pavel did a very bad job. Firstly, interest rates. If interest rates are low, you're better able to get cheap loans that are directly used in the economy. This means that, for example, businesses can take out loans in order to start this particular business. Or consumers can take out loans, and they can buy more stuff, because the price on the loan is lower. This means that you're better able to increase, how do you say, the total money circulation in the economy. But secondly, if you're an export-based economy, and structurally, most of these countries are export-based, because they have cheap labor, because they don't have tertiary sectors, because the people aren't that educated in this particular case, and there are strong labor regulations. The currency is lower, because of the interest rates, because the loans are cheap, and there is multiple circulating currency in the economy. They're better able to export more, because the ratio of Western currency to this currency is decreased. But secondly, straight-up currency change. Many of these countries may do things like, for example, how do you say, deposit policies, where they mandate currency to exist in their economy. Or secondly, to, how do you say, increase the ratio of their currency to the other side's currency, which necessarily means that you have less capacity as a business to come in and set up. Less capacity as a business to operate in this particular case, because you're doing this sort of thing. And thirdly, on the fertilizers thing. Look, I'm not sure if this is fertilizers or fuels. I view this as general monopoly argument, right? So, country X has incentive to invest in certain sectors where they have, like, close people with political ties to them. Or, how do you say, they create their own voters, because these are corporate votes later. I think it depends on less than just fertilizers in this particular case. But when you create artificial monopolies by spending money in these sort of things, when these companies are already mandated, they're receiving money from the government, either direct cash on hand or these particular subsidies, they're able to create artificial market situation. There isn't any competition. When Gazprom is the only competition in this particular case, US other energy companies have no way to deal with them, because they can price you out in these types of cases. Because they've gotten the most educated workers within these particular cases. All these reasons, and all these processes mean that growth increases, jobs are increased, people grow money over time in this particular case. And note, we don't have to be scandalous. When inflation crisis hits, we'll increase interest rates to combat. Because everyone else around the world is also doing this. West, Eastern Europe, it doesn't matter. Everyone is doing this in person, so this is likely to be done sensible, right, in this particular case. This means that you have less spending done by the government and more capacity for the government to pay out. So you get added benefit, a job being created, but government is also better able to, uh, to try to signal spend this money. This is important, because governments are likely to work with the IMF on both sides of the house, because they like their laws. But when they're not able to pay, that's when they cut healthcare, that's when they cut other things that are important in this particular case, uh, like I already said, uh, expanding the, like, expanding healthcare, expanding education, expanding all these types of things, that's when government goes into crisis. For all these reasons, please oppose this motion.
OG · GovernmentThat entire speech was essentially just trying to tell you that it's a harm to spend government money. I'm just going to point quickly to an example, which is the Asian Tigers, which developed incredibly effectively, without large-scale, uh, IMF loans, with heavy conditions on them, and with very large government spending. Not because there are actually big benefits of government spending, when they tell you, oh, but there's going to be infrastructure projects, oh my gosh, how terrible, they might build a road that could allow people to access a hospital or a school, they might build a road that would employ people and that would give them the money that they need during a time of serious economic strain to actually buy the things they needed to live. I'm sorry, but I'm failing to see why this is such a harm in this debate, and it simply buys in to all sorts of Western narratives that have been pushed onto developing countries that say that this is the only way you can develop, you can only develop if you follow this model. Note, that was not something that had worked. We would point to the comparison between China and India, and which one had been more effective at reducing poverty rates within their country and developing economically. There's two reasons why we're in this debate. Firstly, on the principle which gets entirely neglected in that speech and develops you a bit. Secondly, because you're the only side that gets you better development. Firstly on the principle, I think that I'm just going to point out that we give you really good analysis on this. Note the historical nature of the harm that had been done by the IMF specifically to a lot of developing countries. That was they had been significantly harmed by the structural adjustment programs that had been put onto them into the past. At the point at which you are reapplying those same sorts of conditions, you are continuing to compound a historical wrong that began at the point at which we had extractivism through colonialism. It's the point at which you deny them the autonomy because they simply cannot opt in to this process through proper consent at the point at which they rely on that money. They did not have the capacity to say no to this. You take away any sort of autonomy. Note that even if they tell you that this is going to be a terrible decision that's going to be made, we think that there is a principled reason why, that we get proven to you, why it is actually a good thing that they get to make this decision in the first place. And it is not pushed on them by a Western power that does not have, one, their best interests at heart, but even if they do, compound the historical wrong that we tell you was so important in this debate and that we had to allow them that autonomy back in what way that we possibly could when it was so difficult and so often taken away from them. Weigh this principle quite highly. It's something that's important in this debate given that historical nature. It is something that we take a win on uncontingent now. All right. Secondly then, we win this debate because we are the best in the development. I know there's a pre-emptive response in case CO comes out with something about why there's not going to be as much loaning of money. It would take away conditions. A couple of reasons for this. Firstly, because the IMF literally exists in order to provide loans. But secondly, even if you didn't believe that, that there were actual benefits to having these countries having enough money to function. That was because lots of Western countries wanted to trade with them, wanted to benefit from the sorts of materials that were coming out of these countries, the manufacturing they did. That was much harder to benefit from at the point at which people do not have the money governments do not have the money to function. But then thirdly, we thought that there was international reasons why different countries wanted to be perceived as good actors. Things like China and the US both wanting to be seen as helping in order to have the most international influence. But there were also just states that were generally considered to be good actors that gave away much more money than others. Some of the Scandinavian states come to mind. All right. At that point, it's pretty clear that there's still going to be money given on our side. The issue here now is whether or not it's used in better ways with or without structural reasons. So let's note here that the first thing they tell you is that, oh, obviously they're not going to make good decisions if we don't impose on them a way to make decisions. Firstly, that's contingent on them proving these restrictions are going to be good. I'm going to deal with that later. But secondly, I think that the reason why they're still likely to have good decisions being made, aside from their stuff about, oh, there's not enough people to make them, obviously there is a symmetric incentive from the IMF on both sides to do things like provide advice, to provide people that they can consult with. Perhaps in fact there's more incentive to do things like provide economists on our side of the house, because you cannot simply say, do it like this. You actually have to say, here are the reasons why this might be good. Here are the reasons why you could, here is how you can put this into place. That applied because they wanted to obviously still get certain returns, they still had certain views. But now you have the choice whether or not you want to change this. Obviously, until you don't live, there are reasons why you want your country to do well economically. Even if you believe that you're an authoritarian regime, often you're premised on how well economically you did in order to have the consent that meant that people did not protest all the time to knock down your regime. But I'm going to grind a knee back here as well. But note that you are now more likely to have the IMF do things like check up on your progress. Because rather than just saying, here is the condition, meet it, and then dump you with it, there was more of an incentive to make sure there was some level of transparency. What's happening with this money? Where is it going? And you continue to have things that are going to help that country to use it to the best of their abilities. Next thing they tell you is that when we put these in place, you stop excessive overspending. And then you might want to put this money into like, who knows what bad things that people don't like. Firstly, all the things they tell you are harms, I'm pretty much willing to copper, would be because they're spending generally on the people. Let's consider where the money is likely to be pulled out of at the point at which you cut spending. Because it wasn't going to be pulled out of mining. It wasn't going to be pulled out of things that were politically palatable that had masses of lobbying power behind them. It was going to be pulled out of things like welfare, like education, like rural stimulus programs, that there was no political incentive to fund at the point at which you do not have the excess money to do so. Note then, that all sorts of harms they're going to tell you about, excess overspending, probably apply the most on their side. Because they're now under pressure to keep those companies, to keep those corporate interests on side, when they do not have the same level of control, when they do not have the same level of money to spend on things. That would be the point at which you are more likely to exacerbate that harm, because you funnel the money into people who need it the most, need it the least, and you take it away from people who need it most. Closing. > POI: If you believe in the principled right to borrow however much money you want, why do you have some constraints, like anti-corruption? We don't think the principled right to borrow as much money as you want. We believe that these countries have been fucked over by colonialism. No, anti-corruption is separatist. That was because it meant that the money went to the people in the country. We cared principally about the people within the country, more so than we cared about the government. That was to ensure that that money got there, which is why it's to an outside of the principled. But then lastly, they tell you that this is going to be really good conditions, because they're going to be put in place, firstly, step by step. None of that exacerbates the principled harm. At the point at which you opt into a loan, not knowing what the conditions are going to be in the long run, because you had no choice, that is when you lose the last remnants of your autonomy. Secondly, that also just doesn't show it's going to be good. We tell you that there are economic incentives for places like the IMF to impose loans that are favourable to the West. But secondly, also, knowing that they often need institutions simply did not understand what was going to be best for these countries, because they did not have the same experience of knowing what the conditions were like. It often came from a lack of information, that came from arrogance looking out from the West in, and imposing things that were not applicable inside. They lastly tell you then, that there's going to be less investment, because you still have to come up with a bad policy. I'm sorry, but firstly, obviously there is still investment in all of the countries, especially at the point when China and the US are decoupling, they have to go into these other countries, that increases it. But empirically, it's simply not true. We've seen heaps of investment in South Korea and Taiwan, which have not had the same regulations imposed by the IMF, because we've got to meet the best outcomes, and in principle and practice we're so proud to propose.
OO · OppositionFirstly, on the nature of the laws I think we've provided structural reasons as to why it's very likely that these economies currently are export economies, and why this specifically factors into the nature of why the particular conditions are actually very beneficial for these particular economies, especially in the long term, when you gain the ability to diversify these economies, but also make sure that you have stable growth within the short term and middle term, while building out this particular new diversification. So why is this nature going to be fairly okay? I think there are two main responses here. Firstly, in specific cases that there's obviously like, because we have to talk about multiple economies, right? In specific cases where a particular condition is extremely bad, especially in the short term, you still have the ability and the incentives, which I'm going to prove, to make sure that this doesn't hit you that much. E.g., for example, when the European Union implemented embargo on Russian oil, it did not implement it right away for a particular country. It was over-dependent on it. For example, the Russian embargo for Bulgaria, Romania, and many of these countries was made as a condition after 2024, giving them enough time to basically recoup and make sure that they make different sources, so that the prices of this particular oil did not hit directly the consumers in these particular countries. So the question is, you obviously can do these things. Why do we have the incentive as the IMF to do these particular things? Obviously, in the long term, these countries are seen as long-term investments, as opening their markets and things like that. And obviously, the IMF is mostly like the money of Western countries who already have opened up and have market economies and would like their businesses to have access to the consumers in these places, but also make sure that these places produce good and effective stuff for them. Meaning that you have an incentive as an IMF in these countries to do it in the right way, to have a good idea, and to basically have a good image in front of these particular developing countries, and also make sure that you're out-competing China in the presence of this particular country. Meaning that you're likely to make this consensus when it matters the most. Not only in terms of timing, but when, for example, when 2020 hit, IMF restructured the loans for many of these particular countries. They can restructure the timing. Even in the worst-case scenario, they can remove the condition. But let's say they never remove the condition, I think they can definitely make it so the country can actually do it well. Why is this important to draw? It means that all of the short-term harms to these particular economies and countries that they can particularly claim are unlikely to happen. Meaning that all the long-term things that we talk in terms of stable growth and how this economy shifts into a better place are much more important. But second of all, in the short-term, when you know that these are long-term conditions, you as an investor that directly puts money into business and things like that, when you know that they're likely to have stronger currency in the future, when you learn that they're likely to have more good interest rates and things like that, you're far more likely to go into these countries in the first place and invest right now, right away. But also, because of all the structural reasons of overspending and human gaming, it means that you're basically prepared to handle future crises that come together, which is extremely important. Because look, you can kill people with welfare right now. But I'm not sure if you have the political capital for welfare in these countries, why you wouldn't do it on both sides of the house. It's good to spend. Governments have incentive to spend on both sides of the house. We agree with them. The problem is when they overspend and they're not prepared for the next four years. And even if a new government comes, they still have the same incentives that we have outlined. They're still going to overspend in order to capture the vote, make sure that they're the new big party, and things like that. This is an external factor, an overwatch eye that sends signals to investors that no matter what the government, these conditions will be met, and this overspending will not happen. Life is important. Because in the context of crisis, interest rates are going to... Basically, when you don't have the money, you're going to be late on payments in your current loans. Because every country takes loans. It means that basically your interest rate is going to increase even more. In certain cases, you can even damage your currency directly, like what happens with the bank freezes in Greece when they defaulted on their loans. Or even worse policies that you have to do, especially restrict spending even more in these conditions, because you know that you need to pay off those loans, or you're essentially defaulting on the current currency. This is when the vulnerable groups are going to be hit the most. This is when their lack of political capital is the most important in this particular round. Before I continue, closing. > POI: Your reasons about why this policy would be done good mitigate your benefit, because if you care so much to not anger those countries, you will not be as harsh, thus you cannot receive your benefits that much on your side of the house. Don't squirrel. No, no, no, no, no. We can say that the IMF is not stupid, this is not squirrelling the debate. I give you ability and incentive in these particular cases. So, on that sense. I think also, in the very long term, by the growth in these economies, it empowers individuals on the whole. A lot of the policies and the conditions that we talked about are meaning that you have more FDI. It means more competition between international investors in your country, which means better working conditions, better options to work in general, better payment, better less ability for monopolization of markets, which on its own is extremely problematic. It means that a lot of these people, regardless of what is their class and social status, are likely to gain access to these things, and incentives in this case align greatly for our side of the house. I think, another form of way that I would like to say, in the future you have more bargaining power. If you have already opened up your economies and they are stronger, and they are seen as long-term growth economies, and you have different investors and partners in your country, you can choose, should I go to China, should I go to the IMF, but you can only have the bargaining power against China not fucking you over with bad laws and bad conditions if you are seen as a good developing economy in the first place. Finally, on the principle, I think you already know it's complete bullshit, but I think that you cannot uphold your principle right to help these people or let them choose if they are forced to live in conditions and actually protect them against their own government's incentive, which we do much better on our side of the house. And honestly, I don't care if we give them jobs, opportunities, and we make sure that these countries protect them for future things. Because when the economy hits, this is when they are going to lose their jobs, factories are going to be closed. I've never been fucking proud of to oppose.
CG · GovernmentNot many countries take loans from the IMF. This is so because there are internal alternatives that currently exist. Firstly, many countries have reserves for tons of classes and they actively use them. Secondly, they rely on economic factors, for example, lowering interest rates and encouraging domestic spending. Or thirdly, they rely on domestic bond markets to actively approve them and to be able to actively survive throughout the economic crisis. What this means is that in the vast majority of cases, as is historically true in the IMF constitution, but also pragmatically as it has already proven, countries take loans when it's an absolute economic necessity. This is why, for example, ironically enough, Sri Lanka wanted to take a loan from the IMF, but their specific type of economy, to which agriculture is based, was actively reliant on fertilizer. They didn't want to change their conditions. They didn't take a loan from the IMF. They couldn't renegotiate it fast enough. And look what happened. The other day, completely economically collapsed. I'm going to firstly explain why those countries have some basic understanding of economics and why they are not going to be just printing money. And secondly, I'm going to talk about why, based on political incentives, they don't like to take those loans and just get the highest burden, but secondly, even if they take loans from somebody else, why it's competitively going to be worse. Let's first give three structural reasons as to why those countries are able to understand their economic crisis. I would say that, firstly, no. There is some capacity. I would say that those specific, considering that many economies are actively different in the way in which demographics, specific industries develop, the historical context and all of the things, this likely means that those countries are the only ones able to understand the specific context that financial experts and politicians are actively relying on. Like, a bomb. I would say that the IMF is completely Western-dominated, under-competitive. I would say that, secondly, they have a maximum incentive. Sure, they want to be re-elected, but parties want to be re-elected ten times over the next 50 years, which means they have a pragmatic, long-term incentive to actively ensure that they don't have the most scandalous and corrupting, like, short-termistic economic policy. But I would say that, thirdly, let's consider opening up a ship. Many of those places are corrupt, don't have democratic institutions, they are purely technocratic, right? This is the case that people are content with the status quo, that is to say, actively being compressed, and not having individual rights because they make the trade-off that will at least provide to them economical stability over the long-term, which presumably will be taken at their very best. Most countries have adequate economical policies, or they're going to end up with all of these kinds of things. No. Now, why are those countries not going to take the loans if those conditions exist? And I want to be very specific about the notion, and tie it to the specific conditions that were given by the IMF. First, in the vast majority of cases, it is literally unfeasible for them to do so. Not all countries are doing those specific conditions. There are specific sub-cases in which they are doing it. This is true for two reasons. Firstly, countries in general are very risk-averse towards doing anti-market policies, because this is a dominant ideology in the vast majority of the world. The financial experts are actually propagandizing that you shouldn't be doing subsidies, rent caps, and all that stuff like that. But secondly, I would say that, in many cases, there is a massive amount of private lobbying, which actively pushes countries to be pro-market, which necessarily means, even if, in spite of all those pressures, they are still reliant on such programs, this necessarily means that it's a necessity. This is a necessity because, firstly, in terms of a purely context about what's happening in the global economy, firstly, they have to have different interest rates, because there are different levels of inflation that are currently happening. That is to say, some countries are more reliant on supply chains, some countries are disproportionately more reliant on other exporters, importers that currently don't exist. But secondly, some countries, as they themselves concede, are specifically reliant on fossil fuels, because they have massive reserves that they are already exporting. So, after the increase in the production costs, they have to subsidize them to be internationally competitive. Or secondly, they are agricultural economies, so they need fertilizers, but Ukraine is currently in a geopolitical crisis, and they are one of the biggest importers of fertilizers, which means they have to subsidize their own industry, else they will collapse, the example of Sri Lanka. Now, why is this important? I would say that this necessarily means that if it's an absolute necessity for them, they are not likely to take the roads. But I'm going to be very nuanced here, again, considering the opening opposition, maybe we have some merit. In 30% of the cases, they are prone to populism. Why does this mean, specifically, that they are not going to be taking the roads? I think there are multiple reasons as to why this is going to be politically appropriate. Firstly, considering that the IMF is predominantly seen as a Western-dominated institution, but has historically used austerity, exploitation, and other mechanisms of actively fucking over those nations, this necessarily means that it is politically unpopular domestically, which means the opposition is actively strolling over the short-term to actively shame it for taking those specific conditions that intrude deeply into the economy. I would say that, secondly, if they consider themselves export-dominated economies, and many sectors are actively reliant on this, this necessarily means that there is likely going to be a massive backlash. But I would say that, thirdly, in the vast majority of cases, you are seen as inconsistent, that is to say you are changing reverse. You said that those were adequate policies, but you are necessarily taking them, you are justifying yourself for a few months, and now you are reversing course, which necessarily means if they are short-termistic, if they are irrational in a way, and they care about getting reelected, this is massively domestically important. Let's now example multiple scenarios as to what happens on their side. I would say that, firstly, and I know this is not the most likely case, but they don't take any loans from the IMF whatsoever. Even if the likelihood of that is low, I would say that consequences of that, considering it is an absolute necessity, is something that goes above anything else in the realm, because the pre-condition for you to have foreign direct investment, for you to be economically well, is for you to be able to survive. That is to say not to get in a trap of absolute poverty, that is to say for you to have adequate credit scores so you can get loans over the long term. I would say that, secondly, and here I am going to play the opposite role. If they have a tendency to use quantitative easing and other problematic domestic policies, if they don't have the international alternative, they are more likely to try to boost their specific economy using those specific methods. They are more likely to be populistic, irrational, and use those specific kind of things. Before I continue, I will take a point here. > POI: The problem is this is not a loan of 1 billion. It is usually a loan of tens of billions because it is the only way to get cumulative research currency amounts. So your whole point about them not taking loans is wrong. Here is where we are going to be like in Russia. Yes, they are not going to be taking it from the IMF, they are going to be taking it from others. What I can say is that private markets that have a profit incentive, China that has geopolitical incentives to act in this case. Why is it comparatively better on our side? Because the option exists. Because on their side they can actively condemn, decline, and actively signal to people that they are not going to be taking loans from the IMF. I think there are two reasons as to why this is the case. Firstly, on aggregate, having more partners that you are taking loans from or you are actively signaling that you are going to be taking loans from actively means that you are more likely to get better conditions for the loans because they are competing to give you a loan which means now they have to offer better conditions for you to actively take this. But secondly, if you concede to the conditions of the IMF and we presume that you are likely to need other loans as well or future loans from the IMF, you are actively giving a precedent for them to acquire future loans from you. Considering that those actors are a maximally selfish actor that just wants profit out of you and are likely to be predatory, would much rather trust the people who understand the local context in those domestic policies to be able to realize what is best for themselves. Which means, on their side, over the long term, because you need to take multiple loans and gigantically close, you are less likely to be able to renegotiate what you have struggled to pay, you are less likely to get lower interest rates, and thirdly, you are less likely to take future loans. So, if everything else is magical, as they concede, at least you have more partners and a better income, you have more bargaining powers. Propose.
CO · OppositionI will do two things in this movement of opposition speech. First, I will rebut their argument coming from closing government that there are alternative loan measures that exist. Secondly, I will argue why removing these conditions not only results in a massive loss of internal IMF funding, but the suboptimal distribution of wealth of the IMF to specific nations that do not need these loans already. And thirdly, why developing countries are already deeply integrated with Western economies and IMF conditions ensure that their monetary policy is consistent and effective with the global supply chain problem. The first response is to alternative loans. One, this is implicitly false. A lot of alternative loaning institutions do not exist, primarily because of the COVID pandemic. China is suffering a housing crisis and massive losses of money, so they do not have money to loan through the ADB and through the AIIB and through themselves. But secondly, I think it's just completely silly. Why would a lot of alternative loaning institutions, which by the way, they never mention, buy bonds from countries that are already failing or that already do not have any guarantee that they will pay back their loans? I think that the only institution that can do this is the IMF, because with a massive amount of reserve that it has generated across the years, no thank you. And secondly, the fact that a lot of Western liberal democracies are the ones that were able to survive and recover from the pandemic quickly. So the argument on alternatives simply is not true and is simply ridiculous. Secondly, on why you lose a lot of internal funding from the IMF and the distribution of loans is going suboptimal and unequal. We think that even if government is right, that a lot of these conditions are only based on ideology, only based on the voter for free market capitalism and the like. We think that this means a lot of Western countries will no longer give funds to the IMF, meaning that there's less funding or capital injections for countries that need to escape poverty. There's less capital injections for people that need to recover from the pandemic and the like in the very first place. But I want to be with the government argument. They said that they already preempted this because the IMF will still have funding because countries want to look good and they want to look like your white savior and the like. Well, this is empirically false. Countries only give loans if they expect them to be returned in the very first place. But secondly, a lot of Western institutions are incredibly risk averse in the very first place. That's why they limit loans and actually already have historically applied a lot of conditions because they want to ensure that they're going to get paid back. But thirdly, if they really want to look that good, they would be giving developmental aid or any other forms of aid in the very first place. So it doesn't preempt the argument and more importantly, it beats their case in the very first place. Let's go to the first level of this. Why is it that IMF loans or funding will be very dependent on these conditions? Three reasons for this. A, the IMF is an extension or is part of the Bretton Woods Institution and it's oftentimes a symbol of a lot of the capitalistic or economic incentives that a lot of Western nations agree upon to be not only effective but something that is true to their ideology as a state and as a democracy. That is why they believe a lot in low end market interest rates. That's why they believe a lot in a free exchange rate and not a bet exchange rate because they understand that this is how the system should work. But secondly, a majority of Western economists are educated to believe that A, this is the most effective, B, this is the only way to generate fair pricing and to avoid things such as cronyism, avoid things such as patronage network, avoid things such as corruption in the very first place. But thirdly, they believe that this means that a lot of these countries will be less risky when you're giving these loans in the very first place. But thirdly and most importantly, I think there's just a massive strong bias towards these policies because of A, prior policies, and B, because of the fact that empirically this has worked in some cases, making sure that it's the most salient aspect of it. Why is it then harmful in opposition's world, in government's world? This means that there's significantly less money going into these countries. It means that it's more difficult to recover, it means that it is more difficult to pay people and make sure that they have food on their table and everything else. But secondly, we think that what's significantly worse on their side is that less money goes to countries that actually need it. And what happens then is that it only goes to countries that already agree to these policies. Why is this bad? A, you create a bias for countries that are already cozying up to the West, but secondly, you increase global inequality economically and politically. Economically because the IMF has less money to loan to other countries, and politically because you fracture the market or you fracture the world economy into those that are okay with free market policies and those that are not. Why is this important? I think this spins a lot of the closing government and opening government's arguments. If these loans are so important, and if there are deep necessities that they need these so that their economies still survive amidst the pandemic, they do not get these loans. Countries in Africa do not get these loans. Countries in Southeast Asia that do not have the capital to ensure that they can revive their manufacturing economy do not get these loans in the very first place. But secondly, I want to point out the contradiction that comes out of closing government. They say that these loans are often absolute necessities, that's why they ask for them, but somehow they won't take these loans anymore because of these conditions. We think that since they're absolute necessities, we think that they will take them either way, but it is only on our side that we have enough loans or enough money to give loans to all the countries that actually need them. And secondly, I think this leads to opening opposition, because it's a prerequisite to a lot of their benefits such as stabilisation, such as long-term economic growth, to be able to get the funding for these loans. We only guarantee that there is funding for these loans when people like the US, when institutions like the European Union are willing to fund this thing in the very first place. But before I move on, sure, opening. > POI: If we were to argue that the only level of regulation that could get a return on loans is the current one the IMF has, don't Western countries still have independent incentives to compete with China and to get resources from these countries they can get nowhere else? First, they don't want to just extract these economies harmfully because they're already deeply integrated, something that I don't approve. But secondly, and more importantly, I want to make the argument that a lot of these Western liberal democracies or a lot of these Western countries have good incentives primarily because one, the economy is interdependent, but secondly and more importantly, the reputation and the legitimacy of the IMS relies on the fact that these loans and conditions work. Second argument, why do developing countries are already deeply integrated with Western economies and the IMF conditions ensure that the policy is consistent and effective? What exactly are the conditions of these developing countries? Something all teams in the debate significantly ignored. Three things. A, they suffered persistent inflation, not just only the supply net bottlenecks, but secondly and more importantly, because they overreacted to the COVID-19 pandemic. Even if it is true that governments said that a lot of their economists and government regulators had good incentives on their people, that was particularly the problem. They overspent. They overspent on things such as subsidies on food, subsidies on fuel, subsidies on fertilizers, even if there were no goods present in the market. Even if there were no supply chains making sure that people could buy these goods in the very first place. That's why the pressure to overspend now, not just structurally, but the massive miscalculation of subsidies and funding resulted in inflation getting worse in a lot of these developing countries. That's why even if you have a lot of funding for your fertilizer, you do not have enough fertilizer to go around in the market. But secondly and more importantly, this resulted in a de-escalation or a race to the bottom of the overheating of the economy, making it significantly worse. Why then do we fix this coming from what goes in opposition? We did what? You reduce uncertainty in the artificial transaction costs of trading with a lot of these developing countries. And this primarily exists because you work on a free market exchange rate. You work on things such as a free market interest rate. That ensures not only that you reduce uncertainty, as mentioned by Deputy Leader of Opposition, but you have the same monetary structures, the same monetary policy as Western countries that are more willing to trade you and more willing to invest with you in the very first place. All for all these reasons and more, the motion falls.
CG · GovernmentA very important lesson we learned from the Serbs is the following. They meddle between Russia and the EU for a very simple reason. They have both options and they make it to the best of their abilities. This is what we stand for. First, we are clarifying a bit about what we run for as CO, OO, and then our openings. One, I think what we essentially run to you is the following. We give you a lot of reasons as to firstly why it's likely that the countries themselves know what's best for them in terms of practical reasons and more, so that economic monetary policy is done by technocrats most of the time, thus disproving a lot of the political incentives that are accompanying an opposition side. But secondly, we prove to you why, even when you need those loans, the most lucrative deals from China and other malicious actors are likely to happen and why this is very valid. Firstly, on CO, they say, ah, you don't have other options because China has a housing crisis. Not that China was one of the least impacted countries from the crisis for very reasons such as they could limit the, for example, the amount of COVID that they have with zero COVID policy or generally to limit the output and people going out, blah, blah, blah. This means that, one, even if they are a bit weaker, they still go and give out a lot of loans. You can see this, for example, with Vietnam and other Central Asian countries right now. Why is this the case? Because China always has incentives to make countries on their side of the house. Three reasons. One, they are competing with the US for deals specifically right now when countries are weaker and when they can still amend them into good deals that are good for them, such as to later be able to take their ports, to corrupt their politicians and to actually make it so that they become allies for them for life. Secondly, though, China actively benefits with this, right, because you get easier trade. They can, well, put on their BRI, create more infrastructure that they later can take up and then this is something that they always have to do and always want to do. But lastly, I would say that the competition right now is the following. When IMF has strict rules that you want to follow, countries go to China because they are more lenient and get into the trap of getting fucked over in the future. This is what we want to prevent. Secondly, though, they say that countries generally give reasons as to why the IMF is like, I don't know, people don't want to give them money and blah, blah, blah. First of all, this is a slap to the openings. I think it's inherently wrong. No characterization to exist. But secondly, I would say, not that most countries that invest in the IMF do not get into the sense that they will always get their loans back. This can be looked, for example, when countries bailed out Greece and did not want their loans back, specifically because they know that this is something that sometimes happens. But secondly, most countries go into this knowing that there is a risk, right, that they might not be able to pay this off, because they are poor countries, that anything may happen. I'm unsure why, if you don't implement those specific policies that they claim about, you will not want to invest. Because, note, if we prove to you that you will be able to substantially deal well with this, I think this is something that you can fight. But thirdly, their whole argument relies on this generally making you better able to repay your loan. However, they never really prove the reasons as to why this makes you economically better or do worse. What we need to prove on their side of the house is the following. We say that if this is that good in terms of the economy, I think those policies will be done symmetrically. Because you don't want to lower inflation, you don't want to make sure that you are market competitive. The reason right now where it is conflicting policies is the following. We are in a very weird situation where there is hyperinflation and recession at the same fucking time. And it depends on a country to country basis to regulate those economies in a way that is best for them. Forcing those who support them would make it worse on their side for you to be able to pay your loan back. Because if your economy gets bad, you will not be able to pay it back in that sort of case. Thirdly, though, on the weighing up, I think what we weigh out is the following. Even if some countries pull out, even though they will be heavily scrutinized by the populations that actively support you helping developing countries, even though this actively harms the ability for Western nations to take lucrative deals for developing countries and make sure they get oil or other allies in terms of organizations such as the UN, I think this is marginal compared to the fact that some developing countries will be forced to take out the loan from bad actors and get into a worse political situation where, firstly, in the long term their people and populations are harmed because they cannot receive the benefits of those investments, or secondly, because generally it makes you allies with countries that want to fuck you up later. Secondly, on OO, take credit. I think there are two things on this. Firstly, they are correct. OG never proved why you necessarily have the ability to do those economic decisions well. In your country, we do this as well. But I think it's very interesting as to what they were, because they actively tried to prove to you that you have incentives to do bad economic policy, even though they prove, for example, things that you want to win elections. I'll just put it at this point. Firstly, know that generally the impacts of you having a bad economy can be felt in the short term as well. This looks like if your country doesn't fix inflation, you can feel literally that your money buys less. You see how the price of the milk where you everyday go to the store is going up, and it's something that you can rationalize. If they say, and one of the reasons is you want to win elections, I think it's more important for people to see the economic benefits of the investment as opposed to what they say about some jobs being happening, right? Because if you see that your money buys less, or you generally are weaker economically, this is something that's very important. Secondly, know that the economy of the state is just a very big voting issue, and this is because it's very easy to understand it. You don't need a PhD to understand that your country right now is experiencing a recession where you see that country and your shops are empty because you don't have a job right now. I think it's easy for you to scrutinize the state to the point of which your economy is not good. But thirdly, and I think this is the best reason, I think most of the economic policies that they're talking about, about overspending, cannot always be changed by this motion itself, right? This motion targets more so monetary policy at best, even if they limit spending. I think what we've heard to you about how this is done by technocrats, who always have decided for this to be done, well, I think it's more intuitive as to why you're able to do this. > POI: In your best case, maybe you have some countries being able to have a bit more growth because the IMF is apparently stupid, versus all the other countries like Greece, who literally have no money when they're not able to pay because the deficit ratio is low. Again, I think the problem in their case is that they really give the benefits to what is good for you to do those policies. Economic investment, growth of the nation, people having jobs, and I think this is something that you would want on your side of the house, where for example your populist can say, look, we gave you new jobs, we gave you, we made businesses come to our country, so on and so forth. But lastly, on business investment, know that they are actually firstly lying about why you get business investment, because right now developing countries have low interest rates and that's how they're able to attract businesses. On their side, you increase them to deal with inflation, right? This in the long term means you have the worst economics in terms of businesses do not come to your country to provide jobs. Secondly, if you remove the subsidy, it means that your fuel becomes more expensive and less market competitive in the future, fucking up your economy and disallowing you to be more independent. Now, lastly, on our openings. I'm very happy for OG being, for CO being here because I told him it doesn't mean I have to stop, but they are correct. Their principle can be not fulfilled by any conditions if the IMF, right? Any condition that the IMF would have is something that infringes on your autonomy to have this law. I think this is something that you totally don't care as much. But secondly, I think what about their practicality is that the missing link is they never explain why you as a domestic country have the ability to make the policy in a good way, thus removing you out of the crisis, which is a critical thing that we bring on their side of the house. But secondly, economic development and the reaction that you have to the crisis is something that is contested by opposition teams. What we prove to you is that once the IMF is less strict with those conditions, you're better able to take those nations in the Western mindset and you can't improve, not lower them to China. Thank you.
CO · OppositionI want you to notice the huge contradiction in the closing government case. The logical end point of their extension is that countries will take out loans from China and therefore there will not be any conditions on those loans. They are the side that is defending their own world in which countries do not have any conditions on their loans. So if you believe all of their arguments on why not having conditions is good, presumably they must think that taking loans from China is also good. Aside from that, they have not given you any impact as to why taking money out of China is bad. They have no impact in the round. Secondly, their claim rests on the idea that there is an alternative for getting loans. I think they totally dropped the bond market idea because of the value of bonds moving towards China. I want to explain why China is not an adequate alternative. One, numerically speaking, Chinese capital is just far smaller than American capital. The AIIB only has maybe 10% of the capital that the IMF has, and therefore maybe some countries can lend from China, but all of those countries have already taken out loans, and therefore it is unclear what the additional cost of taking out money from China is. Secondly, China is pivoting internally. Mattie told you China is failing economically, and maybe the zero COVID thing was true like 10 weeks ago. It is clearly not true anymore. China does not have much more money to lend out to other nations. They are pivoting to supporting and propping up their economy internally. This argument makes no sense. Three, we would argue that the vast majority of countries that want to take out loans from China have already done so. That is, these are countries that would have prioritized their ties to China over their ties to Western institutions. Therefore, there are no additional countries that would make this prioritization. The meaningful difference in the round then is in terms of what comes to the other countries that are remaining. We would prefer that they take out IMF loans and the IMF is able to give out loans to them. The final thing I want to deal with, though, is I think the closing government's own framing, for instance. Because if their framing is that these countries are in an absolutely desperate situation and must take out loans, I don't think it is very true that they are going to engage in other policies, like quantitative easing, for example, which is the bulk of the extension coming from the member's speech. Obviously, lots of politicians understand that if you do not stop the problem right now, this is their own analysis, then you are going to be harmed in the long run in 10 years and 20 years. And they do not want to be the one that was responsible for that because of the fact that they did not take out a loan. That necessarily means that they are likely to take out a loan. The question then in the round is, are countries actually capable of taking out loans? And this is not a question of, like, do countries want to? But is there enough money in the pool for countries to take out loans? Because that is the determining factor. Both sides agree that countries understand what circumstances they are in. Both sides agree that countries need capital. The question is how much capital you have. This takes out the closing government extension. I will take a POI from opening. > POI: If Western economies are so integrated, as your old member tells us, with these developing countries, is it in their interest if developing countries flock without loans or flock because they do not do the right things with the money? One, the integration is more biased towards the Western countries, i.e. the Western countries do not necessarily rely on the other nations, but the developing nations do rely on these nations. I want to then talk about weighing against opening opposition and why loans are having the capital in the first place is most important thing in the round. I want to talk about our extension. Closing off government's response to our extension is to say that obviously Western countries don't understand that they won't always get their money back. And we agree. This is not about profit incentives. In fact, Manny's mechanisms were not reliant on what the profit incentives of Western countries were. It was reliant on why they are loaning out money in the first place. They do not care about profit. What they are trying to push is the ideology between the Bretton Woods Institution. They don't respond to this claim. What that then means is that it doesn't matter their response that says, oh, they would lend money anyway because they understand this happens in some instances. Obviously, they understand that sometimes they lose money. But they want to lose money at a particular benefit, which is to be able to support the kinds of ideologies that they believe in. If you can no longer support those ideologies, it is unlikely that they are going to be giving out money. Second thing I want to do in terms of weighing against opening opposition, I think opening opposition gives you a lot of good reasons to believe that maybe these policies are good. But I do understand that there is a lot of pushback from both governments that says, oh, but in certain instances, these policies are likely to be bad, that different nations have different ways of developing their economy. I think we agree to some extent. Obviously, there are different ways of developing your economy. Some countries get success by doing things like protectionism, i.e. the Asian Tigers. Other countries get more success by doing things like free trade and integrating yourself into the Western economy. The question, though, is given that both of these ways of getting economic development require a huge amount of capital injection, especially when your nation is going through an economic crisis, the question of this round is capital. That means that maybe their benefits might be true, but it relies on the fact that countries are willing to give out loads in the first place. The opening government preemption for extension is to say that, oh, but the IMF would lend money anyway because they want to give loads and they still want to trade with these countries. Obviously, the logical conclusion of this argument is that if they want to give loads because they want to continue trading, they want to believe that these developing nations would be successful if you give out the load. This is the IMF's conception of how your countries are likely to get success, and therefore that means that this is the only way we're able to increase capital. Finally, I want to deal with opening government. I don't think they have much weight in the round. Opening government talks about two things. The first thing is in terms of the principle. I think my POI already kind of responds to the principle, but more importantly, I would just like to note that their principle is just a pure assertion. There's no actual reason as to why someone who is lending you money doesn't have rights to impose the fact that you want to get your money back to some extent. Secondly, though, I think there are more tangible impacts in the round is in terms of why these are harmful to other nations. First of all, I think their entire argument of both opening government and closing government relies on a faulty premise that says if something is good for the West, then by definition it must be bad for developing countries. They don't ever prove why this is true. The meaningful contribution from closing opposition is to explain why given the economy already revolves around the West, things that are good for the West and things that the West are pushing are likely things that are better for developing nations. Secondly, opening government gives you some responses to say that, oh, but these countries do consider their incentives or that the IMF has really bad incentives. Opening opposition just asserts that they have good incentives and tells us how they would implement their policies. I think the actual reasonable response to be giving is that these nations, they understand that if these countries were to plop, they would also lose money, so presumably their incentives aren't terrible. Finally, I think the premise of the opening government case is to say that spending more money is always good, but the problem is that when you spend more, it is a question of what exactly you are spending on, whether you are able to prop up your economy in the long run, that only happens on the worse side. At the end of the day, maybe there are multiple ways of getting economic development. The question in this round is, any way of getting economic development relies on the existence of capital. We have much, much more capital to give out to every single developing nation. We are so proud to stand for closing opposition.
vencedor único bp_236 · The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, ex...
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Motion (tema debatido): The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, except for explicit anti corruption provisions, is preferable to the recent conditions to developing countries.

Gabarito do painel humano: OPP — Painel humano: vitoria do Opposition (OO,CO)
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=236, label gold.csv = "OO,CO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial modo simples
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP T5: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (5/5) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a superior focus on the specific mechanisms of the motion (the three conditions listed in the info slide) and successfully framed the debate around the necessity of fiscal solvency. DEBATEDOR_A struggled with structural clarity and failed to provide a robust alternative mechanism for debt repayment, allowing DEBATEDOR_B to dominate the clash on economic stability.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentDuring one of the scariest economic episodes that the world is experiencing, a war, a pandemic, high commodity prices, high levels of debt, this is functionally the worst time ever to track implement austerity. Our case of opening government is extremely simple. This is going to lead to massive economic slowdown in countries that are going to be horrible for them and trigger a global economic crisis or at the very least a slowdown. So instead, why is this slow economic growth going to impact on debt? On setup, firstly we are going to remove all current conditions except for anti-corruption things. Secondly, we are going to do this so long as current economic conditions proceed, probably throughout the pandemic, probably until the invasion ends. In general, we are just against conditionalized loans. We think if conditionalized loans have to be implemented, now is the worst time to report that. I want to start with some characterization about what the global economic context currently is. Firstly, Russia's invasion of Ukraine means that it's becoming prohibitively more expensive for developing countries to do things like import a variety of food, given that Ukraine is often involved in supply chains. Secondly, commodity prices are lower than they were, so relatively high, making it a lot more expensive for countries to do things like import gas, which is very important to sustaining businesses. And thirdly, there's still massive aftershocks of the pandemic. There can be new waves, countries might still need to do things like have quarantines and be able to shut down. There's still things like supply chain shocks that are ultimately existing, which will often lead to debt as a result of state spending and stuff like that. So the economy is pretty bad. How are these conditions going to slow down the economy? I want to discuss this in three different ways. The most basic way is that market-based reforms are often about protecting for the budget deficit. What this functionally means are decreasing state spending and increasing forms of taxation that's going to exist. This is a huge problem because all of these policies usually slow down demand within the domestic economy. If taxes are higher, consumers have less money to go to small businesses and to buy things that often sustain the larger economy. When you're removing the budget deficit by decreasing subsidies to corporations that are going to accrue, they have less money to be able to sustain through operations. This is extremely powerful by the money multiplier that tends to exist. That is, even a small degree of increased state spending within the economy trickles down a long way because you use your money to hire someone else. When you hire someone else, you're able to buy more food. That supports a corporation and it functionally happens in a cyclical way. I want to preempt that states might be bad at spending. Firstly, this is often money directly in the hands of people. While you are doing things like lowering taxes, it is people have more money to spend in ways that are meaningful for them. It's often about subsidies that are vital in sustaining my ability to buy bread than that frees up more money for me to be able to do other things. Secondly, though, even if states spend in shit ways, it functionally doesn't matter. I'd rather have a government spending money to help their SOE because the SOE is still part of the state economic engine. The SOE still employs people. The SOE still exports oil to other states despite all the current forms of GDP that tend to exist. Secondly, though, this will harm the economy because you need to spend more money buying international currency reserves that are just expensive, especially given that other currencies are often more appreciated relative to your own currency and then you have less money to spend for the people. Thirdly, most importantly, floating your currency right now is one of the worst ideas in history. There's a lot of developing countries who have a pen to a more stable currency or a basket of currencies like the dollar or the euro. When you have a poor economic foundation because they already have a lot of debt as it currently stands, they already have less money to compete in terms of spending, that's going to place massive inflationary pressures on their currency, which is what's going to happen in other countries like Egypt when they try to float their currency. This is really bad because if you have huge inflation, this is terrible for individuals' quality of life within the country itself given that contracts often can't keep up with inflation because wages are often fixed, but more importantly, that often leads to things like capital flood. Why? Because no one is going to want to do business in a country where you functionally have to hold your currency that is now relatively worthless, like within your own business coffers. Know that all these things also are likely to trigger a cycle of declining economic conditions as well, because even if only a couple of businesses are hard, even if spending slightly decreases, all these lower things like economic indicators and given a lot of economic stability functions on the basis of speculation and how investors and other people perceive your economy to be, there's all mechanism for why we can get things like capital flood. Before I make like seven impacts, let's look at the POI. > POI: Why are countries dumb enough to accept the law instead? Because they need money, because they have a lot of debt and they have to pay back to their creditors, they are deafening when people are starving and they want to not have a political crisis that's going to exist. They don't think that functionally their alternatives are either worse, either China who has more commissions on loans, or they're just extremely desperate and they're forcing this at the end of the day. Why is it bad then to trigger a degree of economic crisis? First of all, the quality of life of people just goes down. Even if people leave like no other impacts when there won't be an economic crisis, things like having money to buy bread and fertilizer, if you're living in the bottom, 10% diversity is a clear impact. And more importantly, when all these factors trickle a wider pseudonym, it's over for equality of life in other ways. If businesses go down, this means a lot of people suffer from things like unemployment. Secondly though, it's more likely to trigger a slaughtering doubt. Crisis is going to exist within a lot of states. But when economics sometimes begin, it is harder to tap into international credit markets. Because people are only going to be willing to buy the bonds of your country at the point where they think that there's a viable chance that those bonds are actually going to be paid back. And at the point where that's more difficult, because things like state reserves are decreasing, because the economy in general is doing worse, people are less likely to loan you money. So either you get fewer bonds, or the bonds that you do get have more restorative interest rates, which is a little bad because you have less money to be able to spend for other things. And maybe it's likely to have a debt crisis that matters a lot because A, it's bad for your country's credit reputation. It makes it harder to re-tap into international credit markets going into the future. And number two, there's a larger view of economic interconnectness between different countries. So even if you think that our case is a bit extreme, and only one or two countries basically have a tipping point for them, like Sri Lanka during the pandemic, doing that banks often hold money in other banks within other countries, the economy of one country decreases and has massive tranquil benefits to the economies in other states. Thirdly, the equity economy going down means that you're going to have to need more loans from the IMF going into the future. Because if there is an economic contraction, that means that people are poor. If people are poor, do you know what that means? Your country needs even more money. So even if you don't have austerity, it's not likely that you're going to need one or two loans from the IMF, or on the other side of the house, you have more of a Pakistan-type scenario, where you need to keep going back to the IMF seven times, which preempts any potential off-argument that the institutions aren't going to want to lend out money, because there was less conditioning to the point that you need less than two loans in the first place. Fourth reason why this is so important is that this can trigger a political crisis when the economy goes down, but look at what happened with Sri Lanka at the beginning of the pandemic. When people do things like lose access to their subsidies, they go to the streets because they're angry, they're upset, and they're hungry. This is not going to trigger things like the downfalls of entire governments, which is important because you can't have any policy advocacy, you can't do things like treat the pandemic, you can't even cast basic budgets, when governments are constantly cycling this point to this, things like strikes are often extremely bad for the economy, given that businesses often cease to operate in this capacity. Fifthly though, this means that in the future, this is going to decrease the legitimacy of the IMF and push people to reverse alternatives. This is both because they're going to be forced to go to other alternatives if they simply cannot afford this, thereby preempting what we hear from closing opposition, or they just don't hate the IMF because they blame them for worsening their quality of life in their critical juncture when individuals were already suffering, meaning that it's more likely that they're going to have to seek out other loans from like China and other institutions. Why is this worse? Firstly, even if you don't think that China is the worst actor to back you, even though they often just do charging like exorbitant industries, it gives countries like China a lot more bargaining power over how they issue loans, because I think it's good under the status quo that we're able to shop for them, possibly go to the IMF, possibly go to China, because it gives you more bargaining power between the two institutions, and there you can push for things like lower interest rates as a developing country. If now you're more desperate and you can only go to China, the function makes you a monopoly over loans provision, meaning that like clauses in the loans over like you're really going to be able to cease more of your collateral, we're going to be able to charge you higher interest rates, we can go up or worse. But secondly, I would just posit that China is often a worse actor in general, because they often have things like we're going to cease more of your ports, they often care less about conformity to like global norms when it comes to interest rates, maybe we're just docking up substantially more. For all of these reasons, I'm extremely proud to see China opening up.
OO · OppositionThe strategy from OG I found quite peculiar, and the reason is it just creates an overwhelming degree of symmetry in the round. Will their policies actually correct isn't really answered, so it makes it very easy, given the defensiveness of their case, to just suggest simply that countries need these measures to resuscitate a dynamic problem. I'll do a couple of things. First, that's mostly integrated though in two arguments. One, on why we're leaving these conditions increases debt massively, increasing the risk of default and all of the other bad things in this round. Second, on why money is loaned to countries that cannot pay it back, and why that means that the IMF becomes less effective going forward. In terms of reputation to the profiteers, the first thing I want to note is I want to suggest that the way that the supply chains exist right now doesn't mean that it's going to be permanently and forever economically devastating for these countries. There is a way out, and the reason is that substitution effects are relatively strong. A thing like OPEC not listening to the demands of Russia, countries instituting caps, for example, means that the degree of economic rehabilitation that's being worked towards from the international community is relatively effective. They also say that this type of money is really important because it goes towards things like cash transfers to individuals. This is far too generic a stance. Given that this is about particularly financial decisions that are being made by countries and are being made toward reducing budgetary deficits, it seems like spending massively is probably a negative way of trying to correct that harm. But more than that, it's just not clear whether or not giving money actually solves, given that presumably the inflow of more and more money into the economy only worsens inflationary spirals. But more than that, I think that the claim on floating is actually quite meaningful. I think that these austerity measures are particularly directed toward the collection of currency reserves, which can correct for this given that you're paying to currencies that are far less volatile. Furthermore, their claim on interconnectiveness. I think this is solved for by regulation that already exists, which reduces the degree of exposure of banks and other countries to any given financial institution and country for that matter, which means that the degree of harm they claim for that is very, very small. I'll return to China in the arguments then. First argument on why removing these conditions increases debt massively. The first thing I want to point out is that high rates of quantitative easing and high spending are very, very likely on their side, and we get no reason why that isn't the case. In fact, we get arguments that suggest that there is going to be higher spending on citizens, which presumably actually doesn't fix things. There are a couple of reasons to note why it's the case that they are unlikely to get any sort of solvency in terms of the economic problems that they have. One, there's a strong degree in developing countries of a need to pander toward voters in the capacity of dual out cash that means that it's very, very difficult for countries to make economic decisions that are in the best of citizens. Another reason is that the frequent histories of socialism that permeate lots of these countries means that their societies and their governmental systems are often geared towards those types of policies which trade off necessarily the types of capitalist policies that are probably necessary. But third, and this is most important, connections with wealthy elite classes are really important and affect the stability of developing countries because their buying is necessary toward the stability of government. So fertilizer subsidies, for example, are only really valuable at scale, so these are the types of policies that are particularly designed to benefit the wealthiest classes. So that is why it is very difficult in their world to actually implement policies in the first place that are necessary toward alleviating suffering. This takes these economies down because industries massively are struggling. The IMF imposing these sorts of measures, though, actually corrects for the high amount of debt and there are a few reasons. One, it gives the political capital necessary for politicians to get away with implementing these policies in the first place so they can blame the IMF for tying their hands and forcing them to impose necessary policies on their citizens. And this anticipates the response of the legitimacy crisis from opening governments because free conditions mean governments cannot access these narratives in the first place, that when politicians claiming to pander and represent the citizens on the ground can no longer apply that same degree of pressure because fundamentally it was never the Prime Minister's decision in the first place. So the cases where governments are relatively weak, for example, and where citizens are most at risk are especially important because this foregoes any sort of legitimacy crisis that they might individually incur by suggesting that it is the international community that is forcing them to take these actions in the first place. Second, we would suggest that conditions actually encourage market confidence and that suggests that money increases at a huge, huge rate. And the reason is emerging markets are actually quite attractive towards investors, the reason being that they have burgeoning industries and more than that, that there's just a huge upside to where there would be a minimal amount of capital that you could have added input in the first place. So the capacity for gain is very, very high. So investment then is a risk-reward calculation. The problem is, in their side, they massively inflate the risks that investors perceive in investing in otherwise possibly stable or long-term, possibly fruitful countries because they suggest that the only thing that matters are the complete will to these countries to make every single decision. So this is really important and it fixes a key problem which demonstrates sufficiency. The reason being that wealthier people now are benefited too because more money is coming in in the first place. This increases money a lot. And that is important in the short term because it means you're able to pay off the huge amounts of debts that you have collected and frees up long-term money towards spending on people. No thanks. Third, IMF is likely to increase interest rates on their loans should they be doled out in their world because there are no conditions on it virtually. That means that the default risk skyrockets because you have to pay much, much more in a short period of time. But second, it means the turn to China in their world is actually far more likely. The reason being that China offers you loans at high rates, yes, but if comparable to the IMF with even fewer restrictions, you probably end up taking China more often and more frequently in their world. The impact here is very simple. Your life is really, really difficult in a world that is affected by spiraling debt, etc. So that means that you are worse off in a world without debt since you use it providing no solvency bill. > POI: If your criticism is that a lot of this money goes towards wealthy elites, then why were they putting restrictions on farming and fertilizer subsidies? Yeah, yeah, that was way at the top. It was that fertilizer subsidies exist at scale and that benefits elites. Second argument, money is loan to countries that cannot pay it back. A lot of countries that are given loans in the world of government will not be able to pay it back. There are inflationary spirals that happen and tons and tons of money flows into your economy. There is a lack of policy, and importantly, there are people on both sides of the political aisle. There is a slow amount of time where it takes a long amount of time to make decisions on what types of policies you want to implement in the first place. That short term delay in policies actually getting applied is really, really important for the effectiveness and the capacity of countries to actually contain the extent of debt crisis that they face. So more countries end up getting access to their loans on their side admittedly. This is bad. Why? Because it trades off with IMF loan programs just existing. There is a huge loss of money that comes when countries struggle to pay back IMF loans and end up defaulting at a higher rate. Second, countries that make up the IMF end up not wanting to devote as much money to the IMF. There are two scenarios here. Either the US, in an attempt to gain legitimacy, continues to exist in the IMF and devotes their money largely, and other countries don't at a high rate, which means your basically sole debtor is the US, and they are the only country that actually gets to dictate the types of economic policies that are made, which is probably worse. But second, I just think lots of countries that exist in the IMF just start rolling back their contributions, giving much less money, which means the IMF as an institution is much less effective. I think this is important because obviously the IMF is important, right? They give a ton of money to countries. They can insulate them from the possible risks of debt and inflationary spirals, which means that countries that desperately need their money can get access to it. In their world, the IMF becomes far less effective and doesn't have the capacity to be able to provide these policies in the first place. On that basis, oppose.
OG · GovernmentEven if OO does not like non-market policies, the reality is that these policies are deeply entrenched and do not just subsidize elites. The most dangerous default risk that exists in this debate is exposing countries at the moment of the largest economic vulnerability and at the moment where they are most reliant on the particular mix of currency subsidization, subsidies for various industries, etc. to markets which will immediately arbitrage and wreck their currencies, imposing interest rates that are punitive on these things, we propose. The first thing I want to do is explain why the IMF is still going to be strong and still have a lot of buy-in, even in a world where we don't attach conditions. Their argument is twofold. Number one, the IMF will lose a lot of money. For one, I think that there will be some additional money coming because a larger number of developing countries will succeed in the long term at a commonwealth year and becoming middle income countries. And in turn, because they will never impose the conditions, will not normatively dislike the IMF as much, their voters will not project it as much, and funding will be more politically palatable. But that is a smaller response compared to the fact that the IMF has never been about income on loans. Almost all its loans are given at prime rates, and in particular, countries in the IMF that fund it gain power and voting rights at the IMF based on sheer contribution size. There is also a balance that is readjusted every once in a while depending again on contribution size and geopolitical size. The implication of this is as follows. You never want to cut your contributions to the IMF because then you have less power over how they are built out. And you are still significantly exposed to how they are built out given OO's own argument. Which implies there is very little incentive to be a first mover country and pull your funding away from the IMF. But I also think their argument on higher interest rates makes zero sense. The threat of losing money to Chinese expansionism and One Belt One Road and other associated infrastructure bank projects are a reason why you won't make your interest rates very high. Now, their better version of that claim is that you are now exposed to a lot more risk in terms of the debt. So you are going to make rates higher. But the problem is the worst thing for countries is default risk. It is not that you make a little bit less money on interest. Which implies that if countries know that there is a higher risk of default from charging period of interest rates, they will not in fact charge period of interest rates. Because they are a cost of restructuring debt that accrues to their country in the future. The people who decide this aren't politicians, they are bureaucrats, they know this. They are the IMF delegation, etc. Very, very unlikely. I will add as well that it is historically completely not true. The IMF was repurposed to give loans that had conditions in the 70s when after the fall of Bretton Woods there was no more bureaucratic purpose for the IMF. But there were still lots of workers there and they had to repurpose themselves. At the moment of the 1970s and 80s that made sense. They turned into a mechanism to give loans and attach austerity conditions and do structural adjustment programs. But there is nothing inherent to the IMF to require conditionality. The IMF gave non-conditional loans to many developing world countries alongside the World Bank as it existed in the 1950s. With zero problem and much lower rates of default than happened in the 1970s. We moved towards structural adjustment. I will get to the structural reasons for this in my second area which is explaining why this is likely to cause an economic crisis. Before I go on, opening. > POI: Isn't the implication of conditionality existing suggesting that countries that have huge amounts of voting rights desire austerity and conditionality as a contingency for their contributions in the first place? I don't think it's true that governments want to tie their hands in this way. Maybe in a limited number of cases their claim is right and governments can say I get to impose austerity now because the IMF is forcing my hand. The problem is this is a theoretical claim and if you look on the ground this is not true. In Pakistan a government is about to be toppled because basically of the factor of default associated with high levels of conditions. In Sri Lanka a foreign exchange crisis was caused in part because governments were unable to pay off their debt associated with conditionality. In the immediate preceding present right now we are seeing a high level of geopolitical strife and in particular a high level of countries who directly due to their involvement in structural adjustment policies have had major economic problems. Their secondary claim on this is that a lot of the policies governments would do are because of bad incentives and for some reason because fertilizer scales they are not giving money to lots of people for subsidies. I think one, this is just empirically ignorant of what is going on. In Sri Lanka the entire thing was over a fuel subsidy program that affected literally every single person at the gas pump. Very often this has been appeasing important rural constituencies that matter due to the fact of their geographic importance because of the way that political writings function that tend to give larger degrees of control to rural areas. So very often this ends up being the same thing that benefits individual people particularly lobbyists that are quite large like farmers, like people who work in the trade that make up the large number of poor people in the country. But second of all I think that countries even when they have a loan have a sufficient level of independence, a sufficient level of incentive that means that they probably won't do bad things. This means even without conditions the very fact of having a loan is important. Why? Historically many developing countries have had governments topple in significant backlash to a perception that they were not managing to get loans from foreign creditors well. That means you don't want to default on loans because this could trigger a political crisis. Newspapers and opposition will say you spent irresponsibly. So this is very important. Having a loan is the important thing. The conditions that are attached to a loan in fact look bad because the rhetoric is now they have sold out to the foreign government, they are Western. That is literally what Iran is kind of saying to the current Pakistani government in his bid to get back in power and say we don't want this element of conditionality. Why is the economic slowdown incredibly likely? I think what Naomi proves is that even small degrees of economic slowdown that happen when you remove stimulus from countries that are not yet over the pandemic that have major supply shocks is a problem. The only response is to say some supply chains can pivot. I think this is hard number one because there are massive sanction loads around the world that have to do with Russia. Countries are facing a cap for example on the price of Russian fuel. Many countries can't pivot their supply chains easily. But also because years of globalisation structurally mean that supply chains are highly optimised and mean that finished goods as they are made across the world go through many many different areas for very particular parts of a component or of a supply chain like services, accounting or whatever. Which means it is very hard to pivot supply chains into the long run. Also doing this requires money which you need to get from loans. Pivoting your supply chain implies massive reinvestment, building new ports, building new universities etc. And this stuff is more likely to occur on our side of the house. Their last claim under this is that there is going to be a high likelihood of default because states are unlikely to pay back. I am willing to concede in a very very low number of cases that there is a slight higher likelihood of default into the long term. I still think this is worth it. For one, countries are able to get themselves out of a heavy heavy moment of geopolitical weakness and economic weakness right now. That means into the long run they are able to take advantage of everything I have been pointing out about the multiplier effect of a growing economy to get out of the crisis and emerge stronger. If there is a likelihood of default passing out to states in the future, they will be better equipped to solve it. Why? Because the economy will become larger, it will be more stable. That means that if they have to raise taxes to pay off default or if they find it harder to raise money in the future, they will have a lower need because they were able to get the money now out of a moment of need. But second of all, in the future, western governments will be less overstretched. They won't be facing a fuel crisis. They won't be facing Ukraine. So they will be able to afford to be more generous in terms of rearranging debt even if it didn't have conditions. Which implies that even if there is a literal worst case in the future where there is a higher risk of default in the future and you manage better on our side of the house, we will have gotten the money to countries at the moment when they need it. What is the implication of this? We think that these conditions, even if they achieve some market reforms, are not good market reforms. If you float an interest rate, that exposes a huge amount of risk to a country where for a long time they have massaged currency values and interest rates. That means people will very much struggle because their wealth will immediately erode overnight and be subject to arbitrage and foreign traders. The Asian financial crisis happened when a peg was removed and it was exposed to fluctuations emerging from floating interest rates and foreign speculators who poured hot money into their country. That is what countries are ripe for at a moment of geopolitical instability. We are very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThe shadow of coronism has ravaged Latin America for decades now. It is absurd for OG to say that it is always good to increase spending and that that always allows countries to get out of poverty. Rather, I think it's pretty intuitive in and around that countries must strike a balance between spending and restraining debt. This question is about which side is better able to find that balance. OG tried to duck this burden by saying, oh, this is a time of crisis, this is a really bad time to impose austerity. But the burden is to support this and perpetuity as opposed to just right now. What the IMF is doing right now and why it's removed these conditions is because in response to the crisis they're talking about, they have lent more and become over leveraged. In order to make sure that this does not wreck their ability to make this money back and send investors fleeing, we must impose conditions and at least reassure investors. The response we got from Max is that, well, obviously the IMF will continue to function and countries will still buy in. Three responses to this. The first thing is, I think it's strange to claim that you won't pull out because the contributions that you make or conditions would access those in the future. The reason for this is that countries that borrow from the IMF are predominantly ones that are relatively low income as opposed to the US, as opposed to EU, Germany, Spain, etc. For those reasons, I think the biggest investors are very much concerned about the IMF's ability to continue to make money because they don't need the loans that they're using as leverage. This also drove hedge funds, private investors, so on and so forth. We're not saying the IMF stops functioning, but we are saying it becomes more difficult for them to make money and therefore they then end up loaning to fewer countries in the future and also that they increase interest rates in response to all of this and that's not great. Okay, three clashes today. The first clash is to what extent do IMF loans restrict spending? Because this is not about restrict without having some government spending versus having zero government spending, rather it's about reducing government spending and whether this is going to be effective at striking the balance. I think there are two reasons why the IMF is good at finding the balance that reduces unnecessary expansionary spending while making sure that average people can continue to make a living and basically survive. The reason for this, as they themselves characterize, the IMF wants the money to be paid back. For those reasons, if the government informs them that there are certain subsidy programs that they need in order to keep the government crashing and burning, then they're unlikely to impose that restriction onto them or they'll factor that into the contract. Because remember that the IMF does not just rock up and say here's the standardised set of policies that every single country must follow because that would be hugely catastrophic and every country is different, rather there is a negotiation process between the country and between the IMF. This is likely to go well just because I think the IMF, as they say, is also concerned about their reputation and has changed over the past few decades. But the second main reason for this is because there is a large amount of government spending that is unnecessary. A lot of subsidies, for example, are regressive as opposed to progressive because it is far easier for middle class or wealthy individuals, for example, wealthy landowners who have large farms and therefore proportionally benefit more from fertilizer to access this. This is especially true because it costs a shit ton of money to enter parts of the country that are especially poor and because of limited government capacity, spending is mostly restricted to relatively wealthy areas. For those reasons then, I think that likely comparativism we restrict, we trim the fat while maintaining the systems that are necessary for growth. The second clash I want to talk about is just comparing both sides' methods of controlling debt. Because OG's method is basically to describe expansionary economic policy to us for seven minutes. Their case is literally given that we have more money, one, we get trickled down economics, two, therefore investors like to give you money, and three, that you end up being able to pay your debt QED. All I need to do is challenge the first premise that you therefore have more money and that this actually ends up stimulating the economy and leading to constructive growth. Four responses to this. One, the money that you give to the IMF is more effective on orders to the house than on dears to the house when we have restrictions and conditions on county users, especially when we do things like maximize, like make sure you have certain currency reserves and making sure that your currency remains stable in value. And the reason for this is because on dears to the house, a lot of this money is going towards debt servicing in the first place as opposed to going down to people. But the second main response for this is that the investor, it's not true that this is going to increase investors' investment in the long investment. Because in the kind of economic climate that we have at the moment in which there's high risk and investors don't have a shit ton of money to throw around, they're relatively risk averse, which means that they don't want to spend money on a country that might be able to take this money and succeed. They want to guarantee that there's shit shows that are happening time and time again in which countries have taken IMF bailouts and burned them on politically capital, but ultimately unsuccessful programs. And that we are the side that is able to get this reassurance. The third reason for this, though, is that this money goes primarily to elites, and I don't think that trickle-down economics really, really works. And the reason for this is like all the stuff that we've learned in Gecko 100, right? That is, trickle-down economics presupposes that elites actually are reinvesting the money that they receive, or when they earn money that this leads to more jobs. The issue, though, is that oftentimes elites would prefer to hoard the money themselves. And this is especially true in this kind of economic context in which there is a lot of uncertainty, and we do live in a country where institutions aren't as strong as you'd like. That's why China has a huge capital flight, because everyone wants to make money from business and then fuck off. Before I'm going further, CG. > POI: Just so we're all clear, perhaps, what is the purpose of large international currency reserves? In order to make sure their currency remains stable and you're able to continuously pay off debt. Okay, the fourth response then I have is that it's also the case that even if you're able to achieve greater economic income, that this does not translate to ability to pay tax, pay debt, because it is very, very difficult for these countries to collect tax. Because oftentimes they have very, very small tax, narrow tax basis because of high inequality. Which means that in order to make money from economic growth, they would have to impose very, very high taxes on these particular groups of people. Which is A, politically unpopular, but B, also counterproductive with their goals of stimulating economic growth. All of this is to say is that one, they don't trigger economic growth, but two, even if they do, this does not actually mean that you end up resolving the debt crisis. Let me deal with that then, because it's actually not very clear whether OG cares about reducing debt at all. Their best case and their goal seems to be just continue the status quo in perpetuity. However, this is deeply unsustainable because one, clearly you do need money, but number two, it's the case that in their best case scenario, they're able to prevent some economic slowdown right now. However, in the long term, they keep on accumulating debt. I think it's way, way worse when the government cuts spending programs because they have literally no money and cannot choose what to borrow or what not to borrow. Or when you have a massive increase in inflation overall and then your money becomes completely devalued, then the ability of your country to be selective about who you pick up money to and who you don't. For those reasons, vote OO.
CG · GovernmentI'm going to begin on the POI I just gave. The issue with large international currency reserves is that they provide a false security and make other actors, because there's more people than just the IMF operating like global monetary fiscal policy, but there's like the World Bank, like Suriname, I think, unless it's changed job. Things like this that are all hugely important. And the incentives that change for these other actors are actually quite perverse and lead to a worse outcome than if we force those actors to do stability by other means. Because what do we hear is the purpose of large international currency reserves? It is to provide stability to the basic currency, but also, this is another thing, to provide stability to the economy. Because if your currency collapses, but you have huge amounts of international currency reserves, it's not as big of a problem for outsiders because you can still pay off your debts using the international currency reserves and you can still engage in trade using those reserves. This is why essentially Sri Lanka was allowed to collapse, because it had large enough international currency reserves, just that the collapse of its own currency did not matter as much. It's also why it's happened in Central America in the past and why many Central American countries now use the dollar. However, I want to discuss that because the issue then is that if you do not have this, well, the risk of all that is far worse. The risk of currency stability is far worse with anti-security, meaning other actors are forced to ensure stability of your currency via other means to ensure that you avoid this nightmare scenario of a currency collapse, plus no ability to pay off loans and still engage in trade. Why is this a hugely important incentive and what does it achieve? Well, it means actors like the World Bank, but also collaborative regional banks, whether they be like the EU Central Bank, things like this, but also like the Shanghai Development Bank, like prospective projects such as the EU having these central banks together, but I also think like Southern Africa, they already have one, don't quote me on that. The crucial thing is that so far as it exists and there's general international banks, what they do then is they can ensure that your currency does not collapse, but continually increases its value whenever it seems like it is going too low. They don't want to do this generally to like fuck with your export economies and these kinds of things, but just to avoid collapse, that is the instance in when they do it. Why do they do it? Well, partially because it's their mandate, they're able to do it, and this is also another case of why they do it because international actors don't want one economy completely collapsing, no longer being able to pay off the debts that they may own to you, say America or China, but also just like contagion and economic trade and these kinds of things. They don't want you to collapse, essentially. But crucially, the capacity for the World Bank to do this is it can say buy bonds in your currency, but government bonds, rather than going straight to the central banks, because they do address the issue of quantitative easing. It is that ultimately, if your central bank is engaging in quantitative easing, it risks inflation. However, there's another way to go about it, because governments also give out bonds issued in their own national currency, and what you have to do as an international actor to buy that bond is to buy up a bunch of that currency, i.e. increase the demand for it, i.e. increase its value to avoid collapse. The reason why the World Bank and these other groups are able to do this is because they can then package that bond with other bonds from, say, Germany or other places, which make it a bit more viable and avoid the World Bank making an absolute loss in it, i.e. they pool risk to some extent. They're not able to do this with loans, and this is the issue with loans, they think, well, the alternative is just loans. No, the alternative is this, because loans are often essentially trustee relationships, and it has to go from one person to another, whereas a bond is a claim of ownership, and those can be exchanged on the bond markets and then pooled together to the same extent in a way that you can't do with loans. What is the power of this? Well, first of all, it just means you can keep indigenous currency quite stable, and you can avoid collapse, even on our side of the house. But one of the best parts is that the way you do it is by giving the national government more money, because I'm not sure how OG can ever afford continuing fuel subsidies, but this is how you can, if the World Bank is giving you the money to essentially do it. And also, please tell the Indian farmers who protested that all farming subsidies just go to elites. I think the average informed voter knows that's not true. Crucially, then, what are the overall impacts? A, because currency collapse is very, very bad, even in instances where you can continue trade, because, sure, for a key A, it's doing alright on the international trade markets. The people every day see the price of bread going up by like 100 lira every single day, and it's very hard to manage day-to-day, especially for those who are sold. B, we give government liquidity. Well, C, avoiding inflation. And D, ultimately, other things like loans and pointless increases on interest rates. On those left, debts for these kinds of things are not needed, because you can still have strong enough currency to pay off your debts. So that's how we avoid all the debate. Let's put it in a different way. Before that, sure, they will confuse, so you go. > POI: Yeah, so just to clarify, that might all be very well and good, but why do you need to give so much money to fertiliser and fuel? Fuel, you use in all industry, because industry requires energy. Energy often comes from fuel. If you are a small developing economy without comparative advantage on technology, or maybe your climate isn't good enough to grow things easily, fertiliser helps. That's that. I want to discuss collective action problems then. The thesis of this second point is that, on their side, if you cannot control interest rates, and to some extent currency exchange rates, you force a race to the bottom, as people with more capital than these countries themselves seek to invest, and they would have done so anyway, and ultimately resulting in less investments on the long term, thus less ability to do these kinds of things. So, how do we avoid this in the status quo? You peg exchange to encourage the purchase of your imports, so you have a relatively low exchange, if they are the ones who buy your exports, but also it makes sure you get basics like OG2 identified to be fair to them. But secondly, you make sure your own central bank sets very high interest rates, because that encourages investment, because you can get a loan in this country then, and well guess what, the interest rate is quite good, which gives some of the security that they point out is often missing, so at least if your loan is at an interest rate, you feel a little bit more safe going and investing in that area. But secondly, it just means the investment will cost you less in the long term, thus it's a better idea to invest there. The reason why they are able to do this to some extent, is that the reason why these countries have the capacity to all agree, to set very high interest rates all together, is first of all because they are just economic unions in these areas, which actively, physically agree on these things. They say, oh, we in the African Union will all have very high interest rates, to encourage this kind of thing, and we can also have that as an actual agreement, like say, we'll give that mandate then to our own individual central banks, because what happens on that end then, crucially, people will still invest to some extent despite this, because you have leverage via cheap labour and resources, but they reduce the incentive to invest by reducing its mechanisms, because what happens? Indigenous banks, who are not central banks but are small individual banks, well they don't want to be giving out these huge interest rates, right? They want to make more money on their loans that they give out, so they lower it down, each in each individually, because at least these countries doing it together have an obviously dominant proof strategy, and that's the shanghulu lecture that you guys need to watch, and it's better than actual workshops. They ultimately know, well we as a few countries can do this, but a bunch of small individual banks within each country are not as trustworthy, and thus you have lowering and lowering interest rates, meaning less incentive to invest in these countries, meaning less development, but also less liquidity within these economies to ensure the payments of these things and pay off enough loans. I have never been prouder to have case-filed economics for one's final third major season, and for it to have gone well.
CO · OppositionWe're not comparing against a hypothetical. We know one thing for sure. These countries don't have a lot of money. These governments aren't good at policies that lead to them getting money, which sets the bar pretty low for this opposition bench, because what you don't need to believe is that these policies are the most effective, the most efficient, the most watertight policies possible. You merely need to believe that they're better than the likely counterfactual, which is, countries with long demonstrated histories of not being resilient to global economic jobs, not being able to pay back these debts, having to take on billion-dollar loans in the first place, not being able to make that money back in the future. That's why the primary contribution in closing opposition is going to be a radical one. It's going to be reading the info slide, listing those policies, and explaining why those policies are of value to these countries, and why they will ensure that they're economically stable into the future. But before I do, firstly, I want to briefly deal with what we hear from opening government, because the opening government essentially identifies some circumstances in which conditions can cause harm. But what they don't identify is that these conditions always lead to harm, or that these policies always generate harm. So that's why the POI I provided them is relevant. Because what I asked them is, why do they opt in then? Given that countries know their own economic conditions, and know the situations associated with the loans, why do they willingly opt into a situation that would cause them harm, rather than one that would cause them good? Because often they do have multiple suits. There are bodies like the AIIB, there is China, there are private loans, there are individual governments willing to offer out loans. So why, in that marketplace of loans, do they opt for the ones with these specifically restrictive conditions? It's because they know that those conditions are, A, useful for their country, and B, don't generate the precise kinds of harms that opening government talk about, and they know they won't act in the economic ways leading to those harms. They say that, no, actually, they're forced into taking the IMF loans, because somehow other loans are more conditional. Like, apparently, Chinese loans are more conditional than IMF loans. Yes, they have higher interest that has to be paid off on them, but they're certainly not more conditional. China has been trying to badger their way into the international loan market for a long time. Which means that taking IMF loans are often actively unpopular, especially given the global history of opposition to the IMF. What does this mean? It means two things. Firstly, it means countries accept these loans when they are in their interest, and not when they are not in their interest. But secondly, it also explains the general rationale for why countries are able to opt in, for three reasons. Firstly, because countries have an informational asymmetry about themselves. They have access to their banks. They have access to the structures. They know what their history is, and they know what their future will be. Secondly, they have access to countervailing advice, not only because of the general set of political opposition that they're likely to face, but also internally, there's often a lot of robust discussion about these loans. But thirdly, we want to also tell you that everyone's very well aware of the harms of the IMF and austerity. Like, it's not, you know, hidden that austerity might have some harms. It's not, you know, hidden that the IMF has sometimes acted in the interest of the West. These are things that are known in context. So, what that means is the bar for this government bench is explaining to you why these loans are always bad. Because in the circumstances where they're obviously bad for a country, why wouldn't they just take a loan from another context? Before I get on to moving to explain why our bar is much lower and we need that bar, closing. > POI: Look, you would get kicked in the head if your choice was being getting kicked in the head or getting kicked in the balls. I don't think your answer is actually quite as nuanced as it needs to be to lie that bravely. I mean, this is just a silly claim, right? Because, like, why do these conditions exist? It's because people want to be repaid. And the best way to be repaid is to ensure that that country has money. Like, why has the IMF been able to be successful for so long? It's because they, to some extent, help countries become solid. So, let's move on to explain why the specific policies implemented by these conditions are useful. There are three identified in the implicit one. Firstly, subsidies on fuel going down and fertiliser reports. Secondly, the currency exchange rate being set to international market rates. And thirdly, market interest rates being good. Sorry, I remember slightly messed up. You can repeat this slide. You know the one I'm talking about. Let's talk about the first. The first thing that I'd like to note is that countries are typically very bad at selecting targets for fertiliser and fuel subsets. There are two large reasons for that. Firstly, capacity. It's very difficult to identify good targets for fertiliser and fuel because these things are based on future speculation where the information is very limited. So even if you have maximal information about the market, it's still highly speculative. But secondly, it also suggests that the incentive of these countries isn't to pick the most economically productive subsidies. Rather, they typically just pick the ones that are most politically useful. We can agree with closing government that those can come in the form of poor farmers, but that doesn't mean it's the most economically productive form of subsidies possible. And notably, the comparative is just that other sources of funding exist, right? The government is not the only body with the requisite money to fund things like fertiliser and fuel. And as closing government identified, fertiliser and fuel is a relatively evergreen industry in terms of its profitability, right? Everyone always needs fuel and fertiliser, which means that the private industry almost always steps in in circumstances where governments don't. That's why in the vast majority of countries, governments have no need to fund this. They only really do it for political gain. Notably, in the context where we are outside of this immediate six-month economic shock, which the government based their entire case on, prices for fertiliser and fuel are just going to come down. Companies still need to profit, they still need to set the prices at a rate that people can actually buy into them in the first place. Which means that their farms are basically limited to the next six months, as are literally all the time after that. And notably, this price inflation will have to drop at some point for the reason just identified. Which means that all this policy does is it gives the government money to invest in literally anything else that might be more economically productive or more societally productive. You take all the money that they're putting into subsidising fertiliser and fuel and you just put it into something like hospitals, or you just put it into something like funding small businesses. That's just money that could be going somewhere else. They need to demonstrate why that's right on the table. Secondly, let's talk about the second policy. We think that the currency exchange rate being set to the international rate just insulates countries from shocks. And it's pretty simple, and the economic logic is pretty simple. I'll explain it in a way that the ordinary intelligent voter might understand. So, essentially, what happens is, any time your currency goes down, what happens is your currency also symmetrically becomes cheaper. Which means that if people lose confidence, it gives them more capacity to rebuy, which gives them additional confidence that basically counterbalances the risk associated with your currency. So any time your currency becomes riskier, it also becomes more worth taking on that risk. What that does is it insulates you from shocks far better, which is relevant for two reasons. Firstly, it means we avoid the worst case scenarios with these countries' currencies, directly engaging with closing government. But secondly, it also explains why, in those specific circumstances that are most likely to happen for countries that require massive loans, which are economic shocks, they're able to avoid the worst instances of the bad. Let's move on to the third condition. We think that just market interest rates are just generally good because it allows investors to express preferences of stability via a variety of rates rather than a set government rate. Incredibly, a set government rate can't account for each individual loan, whereas when you put it to the market, the creditor is able to set specific rates or specific loans, which allows for preferences to be expressed far more easily. Not only does this make confidence go up, because essentially you're able to have each loan actually match each individual rate that it needs to, but it also means that the market is able to correct for specific circumstances rather than having it being set at a flat rate. Being the first thing in the debate to actually look at the info slides and give you reasons why they are useful policies rather than talking about the broad concept of austerity, vote for closing opposition.
CG · GovernmentSee, I was right about one thing. I want everyone in the audience to check your phone and read what the info slide says. The first part of the info slide is about the reasons why they gave out these conditions, the targets and the aims of those conditions. The second part of the info slide is what are those conditions? There were three of them. Firstly, reducing or removing fuel subsidies. Secondly, setting interest rates at market rates. Thirdly, making market-based currency exchange rates. Top half confuses the targets with the conditions, and they don't explain why the logic of these conditions apply to those targets. I'll give an example of this. A lot of top half relies on general austerity analysis, but there's no reason why you couldn't prime the pump under the conditions of these loans. You could take all of this money, and as long as you're not spending it on fuel subsidies, you could spend it on things like giving out loans to small businesses, but also just things like subsidies for small businesses, investment in infrastructure programs, investment in education programs, all those kinds of things. I just want to deal with opening opposition very briefly on one thing before I return to them later, which is the logic of their analysis only holds if, in the absence of these conditions, governments would not be doing austerity policies. Which means that, if it is capable for countries to do non-austerity policies under these conditions, they still do non-austerity policies in either case of top half teams, which necessarily implies that neither top half team can derive a direct benefit from the cases that they're graduating. By necessity, we've already won this debate. Well, see if I can also be in here. We'll get to use it later. So, two things before I do anything closing. First thing, which is about currency rates. Which is to say that, if you, Jack knew this a lot better than me, but the basic idea of it was that if you have a shitload of foreign currency reserves, no one cares if you collapse. Because it doesn't really affect them too deeply. And that means that the reason why one of the targets actually did make sense was having high foreign currency reserves. Because the alternative is, which is one of the stuff that we told you, is that you need to get other people to buy your currency. Jack explained it better. I get more under way of it. I'm going to weigh the impact of that one out. I want to actually understand the second point as I came up with it. Second point is on collective action, which is basically the idea that a lot of countries, if they work together, can do some really cool things. You and your neighbours in a particular region of the world might have a particular kind of resource that everyone wants. You might have cheap labour, which everyone wants. You might have cheap products, which everyone wants. The problem though, is you let every single country go to the market rate of interest rates, they lower them down to the fucking floor. Because they want as much investment as possible and they don't want anyone else to get it. But if you instead allow them to collectively bargain and agree with things together, you can get multilateral agreements on slightly higher interest rates. Which means that people can generate more money, because the rate of investment doesn't go down meaningfully. People need to still invest in the region. But you can actually get money on the returns of those things. You can get more returns on your interest rates. How is this feeding the rest of the debate? Starting with opening opposition, the first thing they say is that it goes towards elites. It's really good that we keep the anti-corruption condition then. But also, I just don't think that this is really comparative. Secondly, that you turn towards China. I think the first thing to say, the amazing thing to say on this and the turning towards China thing, is that I actually just think that a lot of this happens because of geopolitical violent economic reasons. Often times, countries enter into unions with one another based off of the kinds of geopolitical things. The soft power that pushes countries to enter into these agreements, either with the West or with the East. Which means that to the extent that this is true, it means that there's not too much of a delta in this kind of thing happening. The third thing to say is to get less money into the IMF's coffers and there's less magnetic confidence, which is kind of the same reason underpinning them. Maybe in the first instance, but we prove that these countries can pay their loans back more because they're generating more revenue for themselves. Which means that these IMF loans are pretty much safe for a bet. So the IMF has a higher degree of confidence and the ability of countries to pay back these loans, meaning they can give out more loans, meaning that more people are likely to give money to the IMF because they're confident that countries will pay back their loans. It's also less necessary also, there's not as much necessity of money that you can get more money from the country's indigenous production of capital. The fourth thing that I want to note is that they say it's hard to generate money from tax. This is maybe true, but it's beneficial for us. Because our case is actually about things like trade, corporation tax, not individual income tax. The austerity analysis there doesn't apply here. But we're also just able to explain how you can get a better stable economy regardless of those kinds of things. Given that, the way between us and the opening opposition should be quite clear, which is that we read the info slide. And that we have information that deals with stuff in the info slide and our necks are related to the info slide and theirs are not. Opening government then. The first thing I'd like to note on them is that the case, as CIO actually points out, is to an extent pretty time sensitive. And I think the ocean isn't asking us to go a little bit further than the next six months. The second thing to say is that, as I've explained earlier, although we agree with them wholeheartedly on this piece of information, the case is reliant on the general austerity stuff that I explained too. The third thing I want to say is that I think a lot of the case in opening government is under explained. I think the average reform voter has a very different understanding of what the word pegging means compared to other things. The fourth thing to say, and this is where they do a good job, they say that subsidies trigger political harms. And this is really reasonable, the lack of subsidies means you get political unrest. But our case can do this too, because so too does poverty. When you're poor and you don't have a hope in your future, that's when you're more likely to take up guns when the guys tell you that we can take control over the capital or the resources in these instances. Which means the way in between us and them is pretty straightforward. Which is that, firstly, we provide the liquidity for their case to make sense, this is what Jack said. You can give people subsidies if you have money, we give people money, so we're able to do that. Secondly, our case applies more universally, which is to say that we help out every single person on the ground even if they wouldn't have been in direct receipt of subsidies from opening government. And also, I hate to say it again, but we did read the info slide. Last thing then, on closing opposition, they said a couple of things. The first is that countries can choose about themselves, but a choice between, I don't know, if I gave you an option between two hammers to hit you on the head with, that analysis didn't make sense, I'm sorry. Three things then. The first thing they said on subsidies was that the subsidies are bad or prices will go down. But the whole response here I want to give to this is, they concede that the fuel has an elastic demand, which is really harmful to their case, just track the logic of that. The second thing then on the currency exchange rates is that they say anytime it goes down it becomes cheaper so you buy your currency. But there's two things on this. Firstly, they never explain why you couldn't do this on our side of the house as well, why you couldn't just send it for American rates if you wanted to, which makes no sense. But the second thing then is a lot of people are just worried that what if your currency keeps going down, which is why we need to have these stability analysis that Jack gave you. Because if you're an investor, would you buy Bitcoin now? Probably not. Third thing then on interest rates, before I do opening opposition. > POI: It's not exactly a mystery how setting the market exchange rate keeps currencies stable. And it's even stranger to say that the average foreign voter understands your extension about the World Bank and bonds. Firstly, read the notes. Jack actually did explain a lot of that material. And the second thing is I actually just don't think any American foreign voter does know those things. Have you ever met the average foreign voter? I think that's really strange. Obviously, my analysis there on top of that was that I think the implication of it was that I think a lot of the information is too brief to not go to the full mechanistic extent to be able to credit the point I was using as a shorthand for. Last thing then on interest rates is I just really didn't understand the point on interest rates here. The whole point of our case was that governments, if they want to, can set higher interest rates when they can do mutually beneficial agreements in order to be able to get more money out of those things. So I'm not sure what the analysis here on interest rates was. Because the whole thrust of our case, in essence, is that the market is exploited because it causes competition between people. And if you're not within that competition, allowed to create leverage and mutual cooperation within groups of people who have mutual benefits, all that leads to is a race to the bottom. And that is what happens with the IMF, which is that the history of colonialism happens in a new font. You tell different countries that they cannot look to what their neighbours are doing, they must go towards the market rate. But the history of the markets has always been exploitation for the poorest individuals in the world. We give money back to the hands of those who are able to do things. We strengthen these international organisations and mutual agreements in ways that make these people able to escape death and poverty over the course of their lives. I'm very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionThe important concession made by the government bench is that they recognise that these countries will eventually need to pay back loans. That is, they rely on solvency for stability, they rely upon a credit score or at least reputation among creditors in order to achieve things like development. And the reason that's such a large problem for the government bench is that they find an alternative way for that solvency to occur. And instead they spend all their time explaining why in the worst case scenario where these policies are pursued, in the worst case possible, harms arise. That's why our extension is so important, because it explains to you on the specifics, i.e. what is happening in the motion, these policies are firstly not so extremely counter-secular to destroy the economy. And secondly, pretty efficient at restoring things like stability. I'm going to add one thing to that extension at the start of my speech, which is to explain, in addition to the question mark added to what we're provided by the government bench, we are given no indication as to how they would deal with these problems. The additional thing to note there is that there are a series of reasons to think that in fact these alternatives would be provided pretty poorly. Yeah. > POI: My entire case is how you get more money in to both solvency and liquidity. That's how we deal with those problems. So I'm going to deal with your case mechanistically, not on the impact. I know that that's your impact, let me rebut your case before you waste it on the other one. So, the two problems with that alternative is the first thing is that it's extremely hard to formulate the balance of bond payments that CG relies on, or the balance of cutbacks to secular spending that OG relies upon. And they assume a huge amount of the work can just be done fairly easily. That is, the only information we have about these countries is that they are in severe amounts of debt. Sure, there are reasons to think that the economy at large could put them in that position, that is things like wars, that is things like shocks from commodity prices. But we would say the only indicator we have of these countries is that at the moment they have a, failed to respond to any of these crises on their own, and b, probably weren't in a very strong financial situation to begin with. We will note that these types of policies also rely upon other actors responding to your policies well, and there's no indication given as to why. Just because numbers might add up, people have the confidence to engage in the policies of a country that has shown itself to be poorly managing itself thus far. The second thing we've proved in our members' speech is that often these decisions are subject to huge amounts of political pressure. The only response to that we get is from CG, where they note that, oh well, that's why we have these corruption mechanisms in place. But we've pointed out that often these decisions aren't being made corruptly, they're being made inevitably. That is, you need to rely on some people to get elected, that is you need to rely on some people to form a coalition, and that's what creates the problem. It's not corruption, it's politics being poor at creating the solutions that you need. What do you know then as the sum of our extension? We explain two things. The first is that not only do we not have a strong conception of what the government measures approach is, but there are also reasons to think it's incredibly difficult to form these sorts of policies, implement them, and have people confidently engage with them. Secondly, we provide you the reasons in our members' speech to think that the policies in front of us are actually pretty good ones. Both are dealing with debt, and are dealing with the instability that exists. I'm going to deal now with the two responses we get to the extension from CG. Their first response is that demand for fuel is inelastic, but it misses the point of our argument. What we explain to you is that new markets are always valuable for corporations, that is they get a first mover advantage by negotiating a more affordable deal. Even if their margin goes down, they still make a profit selling to you, so affordability is valuable. So outside of the immediate context of a commodity crisis, and in the medium term, there's no reason to think that this inelasticity problem is anywhere meaningful. The second thing they say, and this is also to their credit part of OG's case, is floating leads to instability. But the problem there is twofold. The first thing to note is they misunderstand the fact that unlike something like Bitcoin, countries have underlying value to their economy. That is people have more confidence in the solvency of a country, even where things are looking bad, where they actually have productive capacity, where they actually have people, where they actually have things like land. And that explains why even the price of enduring a short term shock actually gives the reason for investors to maintain their confidence. That is even if the risk goes up, by the very virtue of that, the price has come down. And that explains why, in our worst case scenario, the sorts of shocks to consumers' ability to buy imports and inflation that opening governments spend so much time on are, at our worst case, short term harms. And in reality, it's much better to focus on solvency than in this to worry about things like that. So that should deal with the kind of primary tax we get through our line of extension, and explain to you why, in the comparison between question mark, question mark, question mark, and a real set of policies, these sets of policies are pretty reasonable. Next, let's move on to closing government. Their claim essentially goes like this. Foreign currency reserves make people care less about your collapse and remove the ability to engage in these mutually assisted relationships, to which there are two problems. The first thing to note is that even where you have foreign currency reserves, it's still badly international community for your country to collapse. That is, you lose a whole host of other opportunities where a country collapses, even if they have foreign currency reserves. You lose investment opportunities, you lose trade opportunities, perhaps this country is important in some diplomatic fashion. There's just a range of other reasons to think you don't want a country to collapse. And just on a sensibility check, just having foreign currency reserves isn't a strong reason to throw a country to the wolves. But second thing I'd point out, the hidden premise of this case is that the level of foreign currency solvency you have is sufficient for the financial implications on other countries to be minimal. And that is just not a reasonable interpretation of what building up foreign currency reserves mean. This country needs to spend lots of money helping its people. This country does not have much money. That explains to you why this level of solvency, which is bringing out all the harms and neglects that they explain, is extremely unlikely. > POI: If these policies are good, this is an argument for merger reforms in three years, not during a crisis. As the info site says, it is all policies in place of good incentives to trickle down because they don't want a revolution and political collapse as we've planned. Oh yeah, yeah, so I'll move on to you now. The harms you describe do not eventuate, but for the most extreme versions of our policies, right? Like reducing the deficit doesn't mean instant mega austerity, right? And that is where most of your arms come from, like instability, people rioting. I know that instant austerity is a bad idea. I would say that most of these governments know. But secondly, we point out that the market of loans, which exists, provides the incentive for groups like China, who want to buy influence, or private investors, who want to buy prestige, or market reputation to give, which not only flips a bunch of your material, but actually gives us one of the only pieces of limited information that we have about these loan agreements, which is that these countries opted in. So that kind of deals with most of your case. But I'll also point out that you also make an important concession, which is that you need to avoid collapse in the short term, which explains why you also need to do something anti-CQR in the short term. Give us what that is. We defend what we are forced to defend. Finally, let's deal with OO. They say, well, debt is bad. I just want to add this is the less valuable contribution because the government team succeeded. The more valuable contribution is to explain why the policies in front of us are good ways of dealing with that problem, which is what we really uniquely describe. And secondly, this speaks to the broader opening half problem, which kind of knocks them out of the debate, which they both set up extremes of collapse versus austerity, like mega austerity, and then they both walk into the middle, noting that they need a bit of both. That's why you should vote closing opposition.
empate bp_13 · This House Supports Green Central Banking.
✓ acerto
Motion (tema debatido): This House Supports Green Central Banking.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OG,OO) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=13, label gold.csv = "OG,OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: DRAW T2: DRAW T3: DRAW T4: DRAW
Voto majoritário: DRAW (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a more consistent focus on the economic trade-offs and the institutional limitations of central banks. DEBATEDOR_A suffered from repetitive arguments and failed to effectively address the core economic critique regarding inflation and market stability, leading to a weaker structural defense.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentWildfires in Turkey and across parts of America, flooding in Europe and Asia. The climate disaster is here for us to see. The world is burning, and we need direct action. Quick action if we are going to save the planet. Two points of framing: before I move on to what the counterfactual is, that all has to defend and tell you why we're better for the environment, but also better for the economy. Let's talk about the climate disaster first. I want to note that while attempts are being made, lots of countries are not fulfilling their promises or are slow to fulfill their promises. And the climate disaster is getting worse every single year. We do not have lots of time. We need to do something right now. The second thing I want to note is that central banks have a responsibility, but this is not going to be a huge change in terms of central bank policy. What does this mean? Biden's Green Plan? But also the plans of institutions like the World Bank or IMF already talk about green investment. What banks need to do, the responsibilities that they have. But secondly, I want to note that central banks have already changed the things that they prioritize throughout history. First of all, they wanted to do something about unemployment, then it shifted to inflation, both the financial disaster. It shifted towards ensuring system stability. Central banks always have different targets depending on what the economy requires, and we say that the economy requires the world to exist. But secondly, I also want to talk about the things that happen under their side of the house, which is to suggest that inflation is not something that only crucially happens under our side. The environment and climate disasters affect production cycles, affect the agriculture industry. They displace labor, all of these kinds of exogenous shocks also lead to inflation, crucially under their side of the house panel. The second thing I want to also note over here is what the comparative is that they must defend. I think the comparative that they must defend, if we are being generous, is that governments have to do this by taxation and fiscal spending and therefore support green companies in terms of what they do, instead of what we are likely to do, which is asset purchasing programs, which prioritize green companies. Banking rates being adjusted favorably to green tech and all of the kinds of mechanisms that we have under the policy that is given in the info side. What's the problem then with governments doing this? I want to note a couple of things with governments. The first thing is to suggest that governments do not have independent bureaucrats. One central bank policy does this, it's not for four years, it's for a longer period of time, not depending on political cycles or whether they go right or left. That's the first thing to note. But secondly, I also want to note that governments have their own lobbies, have their own sponsors, so on and so forth. So even if governments are investing in green tech, they might not be investing in the most optimal green tech. They might be investing in green tech that is most beneficial for them and is funding them. The third thing I want to note, especially with government spending through fiscal spending and taxation, is that it almost always comes at the cost of welfare or other programs where the government is investing because the government doesn't have unlimited finances. There are a few key problems with this. One, we always hurt the poor. But two, the problem is at the point which these people do not have social welfare or schemes that are protecting them, taxes become higher and higher and higher, people are much more likely to buy into rhetoric of climate change denial or that this isn't a serious problem, which also gives right-wingers a lot of scope to win elections in the future. I would also note that this is a huge problem in terms of protecting the environment. Also, I would also note that because we are using the finances of the rich, we are not hurting the poor right now when we're using money from central banks. But also, it is going to affect other banks that I'm going to show you. I would note that this means that the responsibility for fighting it is displaced. Now, first of all, why are other banks likely to do this or if the central bank sends this, why are we better off in that front? I would note that oftentimes, overnight liquidity of banks, etc., and their portfolios are dependent on central banks. Look at transaction systems, look at requirements of things like liquidity thresholds, which we do to target inflation, etc. So bank policy is influenced by central bank policy. Why is this then good for the environment and good for the economy? Let's talk about why green businesses develop crucially but also quicker under ours at the house. The most obvious thing is panel that we get more capital funneled and more capital funneled quickly into this industry. I will take closing if there is anything, if there's nothing, I'll take opening. > POI: Yeah, so given that climate change is caused not by our practices but by our consumption, why is growing the market to create more consumption something that's going to address this? Well, this is very weird because if you consume greener goods and you don't fuck over the environment, that's your case, then go for it. Okay. In terms of more capital being available, I want to note that oftentimes these companies produce stuff which is more expensive than other stuff produced by the state companies that are dependent on fossil fuels because those sorts of mechanisms are cheaper, right? You've already built systems which allow you to transport oil and gas cheaply and you produce lots of stuff deeply. So we allow them to achieve things like economies of scale, but also give them the environment to develop and so on. So that's the first thing. More capital is being funneled in. You get cheaper goods as a result of this, which means that people are likely to buy this sort of stuff and we give ourselves a competitive advantage. The second I want to note is a signaling effect of central bank policy, which is to suggest there oftentimes green investment happens like in competition with other kinds of investment, right? Like notice what our equity funds or people who are investing in the stock market or personal private investors likely to do at the point which they know that a green company is the one that's likely to get the money and other companies are likely to be deprioritized. I think the signaling effect of this is you signal to markets like this is what you want to invest in in the future. So you get even more capital on our side of the house and more capital is going to be beneficial because the impact we'll talk about later. The third thing I want to note is oftentimes you also have a pace of change of industries, right? Like of industries that are already dependent on pollutants. Lots of companies want to shift to environmentally friendly methods. But unfortunately, there's an economic incentive for them to not do so quickly. And especially given that there are huge costs of transactions that these companies need to undertake. I would note that oftentimes these companies are controlled by stakeholders who decide who sits on the board of directors and so on and so forth. When stakeholders are likely to then see a shift in the market, they're also likely to pressure changes in how these companies operate and how these companies use fossil fuels, etc. For instance, this increases the incentive for existing companies in the market to become greener and therefore makes our environmental impact bigger. The fifth thing I want to note is oftentimes this creates jobs, which is to suggest that when you invest in green technology because it's a new industry and also requires a lot of labor for things like building wind farms or building solar farms or whatever. This requires a lot of people to be employed in the sector. I want to note the second thing over here, which is also the fact that oftentimes these places are located outside of city centers. Environmental investment doesn't only happen within city centers, which is good because now we give employment to people who do not have access to employment usually under their side of the house and this also benefits developing countries, for instance, which we see lots of capital side because environmental dangers going up. Why is this something that is the most important thing in the round? The first thing is suggesting the environment affects everyone and affects the lives of everyone so long-term sustainability. Secondly, I want to talk about future generations which are also going to be affected by the stuff that we do. The third thing I will note is that the environment also affects the economy. So if they want to protect inflation and jobs in the future, then they must also care about this panel. The world is dying. We need to do something with you to protect it. This is the only way. We're very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionPanel, counterintuitively, why is this debate not actually about climate change? Note that it says that we are going to get greener tech. We are going to reduce our carbon footprint, but the technology that is required for us to reduce the carbon footprint when engaging in production to zero is probably something that we do not possess yet. This is to say that if Opening Government's claim is that we are able to tackle climate change by providing incentives to produce things in a greener way, ultimately, this is something that doesn't matter if the incentives that are provided means that you are able to produce more, but just add a less damaging thing to the environment. Because if you produce a thing more times that causes a smaller damage, it is likely that it is not going to be that different from producing less things with a higher amount of damage. Therefore, meaning that insofar as you cannot possibly reduce the amount of damage you are causing to the environment to an extent, it requires you to be making no damage to the environment because note that all production has some sort of trade-off with the environment. When you incentivize these aspects of the industries to engage in massive amounts of growth, specifically, you do not access the benefits to Opening Government. Why else is this debate not then about climate change? Because the burden that Opening Government try and push on us is to say that governments are going to be really bad actors to invest in green tech. I just think that clearly the actors that are going to be investing in green technology are not governments, but it is probably private actors for a variety of reasons. Firstly, I think there's a huge amount of growth potential within climate change research technology, whereby if you are the person who is able to track these things, you are going to get massive amounts of returns by being able to speculate off it. Secondarily, the costs to enter this industry have become substantially lowered because of repeated eras of government subsidization. Thirdly, recognize that there is economies of agglomeration that they are able to utilize in order to engage in climate change research technology, whereby now that the market has been breaking into to some extent, corporations are able to determine what other corporations have messed up on, find niches, and then be able to develop things that are capable of addressing this problem. Fourthly, often climate change technology is a vanity project to these Elon Musk types, whereby not only do they have a profit incentive to be able to be the one who developed something revolutionary for it, but they also want to be the one who becomes Billy Big Bollocks and is able to access not only the market capture that is brought by it, but also the sense of prestige for addressing this. What this therefore then means for Reopening Government's case is that one and so far as they have failed to prove why this growth is something that is actually good because I will address this later, given that it is directly contradictory with their incentives about trying to reduce climate change, and given that we are capable of proving there is still a substantial amount of research and development into climate change that happens on our side, they do not activate the benefits of our case. What are we going to tell you then? Quite simply, the framing you need to take in this debate per Opening Government's own case is that there are industries right now that are reliant on the utilization of fossil fuels. Opening Government say they want to diversify away, but they can't. This is correct. And now that central banks are no longer going to be giving favorable rates to the non-central banks that would otherwise be putting capital into these businesses, these businesses get messed over and you create a vast swathe of job losses and industries that are unable to diversify their practices yet. This is what Opening Opposition are going to win on. Before I get onto that, CG. > POI: Even if I accept your analysis that private actors are the best capable actors to pursue innovation, surely it's a good thing that we expedite this process. The other central bank... No, it's not a good thing for the analysis I'm going to give you because one, there is a trade-off when central banks do things, but there isn't a trade-off for private actors. Meaning that there is a trade-off in terms of the non-climate change clash in this debate. But the climate change clash doesn't have a trade-off because that's going to be addressed by private actors. What then is the trade-off that I'm referring to? Framing specifically, then what it looks like: central banks, in the way in which they are going to mechanize this by trying to target specific corporations and change their practices through market efficiency, they are likely going to offer favorable rates to other banks who would otherwise be lending to these industries. And they are going to change their incentive structure to make it preferable for them. What this probably looks like is things like giving them preferential interest rates or lower capital reserve requirements if they start funneling their money into green tech industries instead. The reason then why there is a substantial trade-off in the amount of investments that these banks can do is that ultimately they have to make way off about what their portfolio was going to look like and where their investment is going. Meaning that when they realize that the investments that they would otherwise be putting into industries that are required to pollute are not going to make substantial enough returns for them. Immediately, this aspect of our portfolio is going to be withdrawn and diverted to green tech industries. Nova opening government might claim this as a benefit, but I want to make three observations. One, if they claim that this is going to be the tipping point for polluting industries to diversify, it is unclear how they are going to be capable to do so without the initial capital to offset this. Secondarily, I'm proving that we are still able to access the benefits in terms of investment in green tech, meaning that we don't have to take the trade-off that they are trying to impose upon us. But thirdly, and I think this is very important: the problem is the specific context, either in manufacturing hubs in the developed world or in specific industries in the developing world that are relying on the utilization of products like plastics. This immediately fucks them over when they are unable to access capital as a consequence of this motion. And they immediately have to weather a massive short-term shock. Why are they invested in the status quo? One, they have a competitive advantage whereby they are able to utilize things that have low production costs and have great degrees of output, meaning that they are able to use the benefits of fossil fuels to their advantage. Secondarily, they are perceived to be stable investments because of the consistent production output that they have. Thirdly, specific contexts like industries that are emerging in the developing world are useful to have in portfolios because of the massive amounts of speculative potential for them eventually to provide you great degrees of profit returns. Four reasons why they use fossil fuels and are unable to diversify: one, they don't have a history of research and development within these sectors who are unable to do this quickly. Secondarily, they are unable to up their offset the upfront cost, particularly in contexts like the developing world. Thirdly, often they exist in contexts whereby they are resource rich and subsequently have to use those. Fourthly, often they are primary industries which are contingent on either the production of something that is polluting or the specific extraction of it, meaning that there is no functional way that they are able to diversify. Note that we are able to get them to diversify eventually when we keep putting capital into them. But now when you cut off that source of investment specifically, this is going to be the tipping point for them, not only being unable to eventually diversify, but the mass job losses that are going to occur as a consequence of it. Forcing people to lose their jobs because they are doing practices that we've forced them into for processes like colonial extraction. You cannot trade these people off for a speculative symmetric long-term benefit. Kind of proud to oppose.
OG · GovernmentAll right, um, OO cannot have the cake and eat it too. It's as simple as that. First, let's take a little out, then onwards to greener pastures. Firstly, look, you cannot claim that on one hand, you have so much investment on greener pastures, but on the other hand, you have so much money on greener pastures. You cannot claim that you have so much money on greener pastures. You cannot claim that you have so much money on greener pastures. You cannot claim that on one hand, you have so much investment already going into green technologies and all of these things that we need to do are already happening, but at the same time saying the only way you get this mass job losses you're talking about is if you push private investors into it through monetary policy like either the development of technologies that are direct market substitutes is already happening and they're gonna displace labor anyway. Or this is not happening. But then we have a time horizon issue within which this investment is not happening. And then you need to stimulate it through our mechanism and then talk about whether there's an unemployment or not. You cannot claim the unemployment harm. But at the same time say that those things are developing anyway at a pace that we needed. This might work in an infinite time horizon debate in which we have, you know all the time to switch the economy to something else. This is what we don't have. But secondly, like they note all these big companies are unable to diversify because they have don't have research and development and they cannot offset upfront costs. Like Rio Tinto has all the money to change. Shell has all the money to change. The biggest polluters are the biggest international conglomerates that have the most patents in the world on green technology, that have the biggest development centers in the world, that are the ones that are stalling this technology because it's in their benefit to do the cheaper thing now to get more money now because their interest is not social interest, it's private interest. This is why you need to incentivize their private interest to meet the social interest, like the basic market failure analysis. But let's see. We tell you, like if we're talking about the developing countries, if anything, they are the ones that are going to get fucked by the climate change the most, like they're the ones that are suffering. If anything, they're also the ones that are the first one to implement green technology, like anti-flooding mechanisms in India, Bangladesh, and flooding systems. Like they're the ones that are actually implementing those things. Existence of these technologies directly improves the overall welfare of those countries and is likely to lead to less instability there. Overall, like economy isn't only about employment. It is about overall stability of availability goods and services. This is how we take out OO. Okay, let's talk about how our mechanism achieves the shift productively. What they're saying is, "Oh, you know, the problem is that those big companies will not diversify if you push them into it." Like one, I'm still not sure why they diversify on there. Like what was the incentive of Rio Tinto to change, like ever or at least in time? To produce something effective. So let me explain how this happens on our side. Look, big private companies are oftentimes incredibly credited on their other side because they exist on the over the idea of leverage. So the idea is I borrow something, I make a lot more, and the difference is the one that I'm taking home. What does this mean? This means that Rio Tinto every now and then comes to Goldman Sachs and says, "Look, I want to turn over my revolver credit. I want to, you know, take another loan to execute a merger." All of those things happen on daily basis. This is what central bankers do. What this means is that know that central bank changes its policy when they come back suddenly. The rate at which they're doing this revolver credit has like doubled. It suddenly not does not make sense for them anymore to produce things in the way they do to leverage themselves in the way they do because it is too costly. No, this is explicitly going on private interest of shareholders. This is decreasing their profit margins. This makes them their skin in the game not worth it anymore. This is why you're likely to get changes there because this is their basic business model is leveraging themselves and getting profit out of it. You're tackling this directly by instituting new rules. But don't you say, "Oh, but they might go to another bank." No, no, no. Client relationships when it comes to private investment banking are one of the most important things because you know their company and you have a long-term established relationship. Even if you go to another bank then it is the same still the same regulation that you're dealing with like in the same way. As you know cannot take out crazy credits. This is just another regulation that's added on top. But secondly, let's talk about where the most money in the world is currently. Look, the most biggest investors are private equity funds. They're the biggest vehicles of liquidity in the world. How do they invest? Mostly they're comprised of older citizens that have a lot of money and like things that they have known before. Rio Tinto is a great example of something they like investing in because they know it. But they also like stability of central bank on the other side. What this means is as central banks have started pushing this more aggressively like through the past 10 years, by the way. But then now when you make a legislation that explicitly says from now until internally. Internally, is it a central bank goal to support this kind of businesses? This effectively raises the price of these assets but also collateralizes them because central bank has that is standing behind them with their mandate. This is the kind of investment that private equity funds are likely to find sexy. But even more pension funds are likely to find sexy because this is makes them stable and this is how you get money funneled funneled in here. No, this is an exclusive mechanism in which you don't engage in a government trade-off. They say, "Oh, monetary. No, there's no trade. There's no trade-off in private investment. No, they're supporting private investment that is subsidized by subsidies. Subsidies do possess a trade-off between social versus systems in governments or giving subsidies to green technology. This plan does not involve this kind of trade-off. The trade-off is literally taking money away from companies like Rio Tinto because there are these are the advantages for investors. And putting them into, into, other into other companies you do not engage with social welfare. But you change private investor incentives and this is how you get accelerated change at this point. Uh opening. > POI: Yeah, so corporate practices are cultivated by the fact that they have to meet the demands of our consumers, given that those demands are going to be static. How do you think their practices are ever going to change? Right, I mean, I don't know what your answer is on your side to this. What we say is, given the demands are there, we need to incentivize the development of technologies, the implementation of technologies that, by the way, already exist through this mechanism so that private interest matches social interest. At the point where the consumer of electricity at the end does not care in which way it's produced. This is why you can switch Rio Tinto from something that's polluting to something that is not. But also, lastly, some preemption if, like, closing comes in and talks about information and talks about inflation and says, "Oh, this is going to go out of proportion." One, we're telling you that this kind of investment changes have happened in the past and in the same way as stability was implemented as a crucial goal for central banks in the past. This is how you're able to guide your investors, too. Secondly, those investors are expert investors that know what happens in an economy, especially if central bank says, "Look, we are just shifting actual asset purchasing programs from one asset to another." This is unlikely to produce a massive change because they're expert investors. This does likely do not change expectations within the market. But also, lastly, inflation is problematic at the point when you have a lot of unemployment because this squeezes the consumer at the point when these kind of investments are likely to employ a lot of people and not employ them over a long time sustainably. Even a slightly higher inflation, which we like, I honestly don't think it happens, uh, is likely a trade-off that we are happy to take. For all those reasons, opening government.
OO · OppositionPanel, the reason why certain states are so reliant on fossil fuels in order for their economy to function is not because of any reason more insidious than a flat reliance that has been established through necessity or established through a history or legacy of colonialism that has removed their ability to economically develop. Let's be really clear. Then we accept that this motion does accomplish a lower volume of investment, including industries. We don't really care if this pivot is gradual or rapid, but the nature of speculative investment is always going to be forward-thinking, meaning that this pivot is likely to occur quickly regardless of how staggered the implementation of this policy is. You aren't going to sink one million dollars into mining infrastructure in a developing nation if you know that in 10 years nobody will value your asset much and there's no capital for growth potential or expansion of your existing asset. I want to do some direct rebuttal then before I move on to rebuilding some of Jason's case. I think this clearly isn't just the big polluters, particularly given the industries more reliant on investment from banks or those which are emerging. Big polluters also don't change much here because the problem is their massive amount of production output. There's no way you can entirely reduce their pollution when they have such a substantial demand to meet. And corporate practices don't really change when you're not able to change the consumption patterns of people. Specifically then, I think what this pivot more looks like is industries that have bad environmental effects but aren't specifically like fuel industries, probably like manufacturing or something. Specifically then, developing countries most fucked over by climate change is exactly why they need access to investment to be able to offset the initial cost of diversification in order to be able to develop their economy so that this is actually practical. Let's be really clear on the comparative then. Here, green tech investments are already incredibly fucking attractive in the status quo. Why is this? Number one, massive growth potential because using them is an eventuality, right? Two, production costs are sinking rapidly currently due to massive R&D investment driving down costs and increasing productivity. Three, massive government investment already into R&D means that corporations get to piggyback off investments that the government made and they don't have to sink these costs themselves for the inevitability of the global economy being entirely reliant on green tech in the future because we have finite fossil fuel reserves. Corporations want to get in early specifically because investing now to get this first mover or second mover advantage within a state or specific field of renewable energy is very valuable. And five, vanity projects, all the reason which is the reason Jason told you for a good PR. Therefore, no fucking green tech startup corporations in the status quo with positive potential in whatever tech that aren't already being showered in R&D capital and infrastructure capital exist. Specifically then, if the delta in investment in green tech is not significant, what does change here? Banks become averse to investment in high-polluting sectors, with the comparative being investment in more neutral industries. They aren't being punished for investing in, they aren't necessarily green, just neutral like tech industries, software, pharma, bread and butter stable industries that they're replacing investments that likely had a low but stable and consistent return, i.e. steel manufacturing or something like this. This is true because lean portfolios have a neat spectrum of risk to ensure return. So if you're replacing something that was previously quite stable, you're also going to want quite a stable investment, something that's not speculative. And so this is why we're not getting this huge amount of innovation or something and the pivot has to happen because the return yield was already low as these in these industries because they had like the stable risk and low profit margins generally. Why then are developing nations so reliant on high-polluting industries? And why is this so unlikely to change? All the recent Jason tells you about primary sector reliance and being often quite resource-rich in terms of natural resources, but also because necessarily they have necessary lowering of environmental regulations in order to possess a comparative advantage in things like manufacturing. Panel, nickel is not mined in Indonesia because it is a rare mineral and there aren't reserves elsewhere. It's mined there because the government has provided the incentive of loosening environmental restrictions to attract corporations that want to mine this mineral. I think you can probably say the exact same for manufacturing and heavy industry. You can say the same for agricultural processes like how silage covering in India is just not very strict, which means they're able to be a huge food. They're able to have a lot of investment in their agricultural sector. These states are specifically reliant on not cracking down in order to ensure a comparative advantage for corporations and to secure future foreign investment in future industrialization and urbanization of their nations. Government then specifically have to stand over a rapid pivot away leading to the pull out of individual corporations and existing corporations and potential expansion of existing industries. Before I move on, I'll take the POI from closing. > POI: As per your analysis, can you name me one hedge fund or institutional investor who will put in a sizable amount of money? Do these ESG companies have only massive speculative potential that can be actualized in the next 10 years? Sorry, I'm sorry. I don't think I really understand this POI. You're saying hedge funds won't invest in these speculative industries. These industries, like manufacturing stuff, aren't speculative. They're probably replacing their investment in these industries with something that's pretty stable because generally these are like low interest, low return industries. Like manufacturing, steel production, agriculture, that kind of stuff. What then this probably looks like is a rapid pivot away, specifically from these industries and towards other neutral industries like pharma or something. Or like medtech stuff that doesn't really change all that much, but not really an investment in green tech. For all the reasons we've already told you, I think what this rapid pivot away probably initially looks like is just people losing their fucking jobs. This is specifically important because people in developing countries that, oh, do you want to talk about? Won't fucking live to see the floods or the natural disasters that they talk about if the economy collapses and people starve to death. Number two, removal of all ability to accelerate your own economic development. Specifically, a lot of what this looks like because these countries don't have a lot of native investment or native capital reserves. It looks like a removal of the incentive to invest in foreign industry altogether, specifically. What there's no because there's no alternative targets for fdi within these countries themselves other than these high polluting industries. What this looks like is people just investing more in domestic industries as a comparative. The comparative then means that you're you don't get in these nations, you don't get all of these massive growth and jobs outside of primary sector activities. Which means more people end up doing things like subsistence farming. They have less food security. They have less access to infrastructure and less access to services like medicine. You also get a lack of ancillary industries that typically open up in these nations as a result of industrialization. This looks like you make a factory and now you have to have like accountants and stuff to manage the activities of that factory. I think you also aren't able to establish infrastructure that can be used for other purposes. You get this like big manufacturing hub and you're able to get like better water. Better investment in like sanitation and stuff because specifically the factory needs water supply or something like this. And I think what this also looks like is having no future potential for economic growth generally because specifically developing countries are really reliant on fdi in order to get any kind of economic development whatsoever. I think what this looks like is less countries being industrialized. But I also think this looks like less potential for being more environmentally friendly within these nations because it costs so much to invest in renewable technology and they will have to do it eventually. But they're not going to be able to afford it if they weren't able to get any native industries to develop in the first place. And they don't didn't get any of the ancillary jobs. I think for all of these reasons, opening governments screwing over the developing world and they haven't really offered us any alternative for how they're going to ameliorate this. For all of these reasons, proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentHello, I want to talk about two things in this speech. Firstly, I want to explain why the private sector uniquely is unable to provide capital, and second, I want to talk to you about the collective action problem and how we ensure jobs for future generations. Firstly, on the private sector panel, the OO strategy in this debate is to say climate change is awash and win. On jobs, if I can show you that climate change is not awash. We argue that the lives of Bangladeshi individuals are just far more important than jobs. So OG tells you that the government has limited capacity to be able to engage in financing, but the OO is quite smart. Jason says, "Hey, it's not the government. It's private sector. It's angel investors investing in green technology and therefore they defeat um OG on that account, right?" So what OO says is that we can use the private sector to attain environmental impacts, and the mechanism for this is with a speculative investment and the massive growth potential for structural responses, which I think takes out the opening opposition in this case. Firstly, many angel investors are actually unwilling to invest specifically in green technology. Why? Because oftentimes, the speculative returns and the high rate of return is just not worth the short-term risk in status quo. That is to say, the problem is there are high startup costs with very low chance of returns in the status quo. But second, and this mechanizes like a lot of things that DLO says, right? Because there are other forms of investment for these angel investors to engage in that are less risky and they offer the same high rates of returns. The example of tech and pharma is an example for our side of the house. That is to say, we think that investors like SoftBank and my associate son are far more likely to engage in investing in Uber or investing in Grep or investing in big pharma companies because these are the entities which provide far higher potential for profit. It's empirically untrue for DLO to say tech and pharma are low profit. Ladies and gentlemen, the COVID-19 crisis, I think, is a perfect example of how the pharma industry provides massive profits, right? Like literally all of my pharma stocks have just like ballooned due to the COVID-19 crisis. But second, it's untrue to say that tech does not have high profits, right? So not green tech but like companies like Facebook or Amazon, for instance. They were able to get startup capital from angel investors. This is important because if angel investors have all these alternatives that they can invest in, it's unclear why they would invest in green technology specifically with far higher startup costs. But crucially not the same rate of return because it's ultimately very speculative. But third response, even in their best-case scenario, at best, they get a small number of firms who get funding from angel investors. The delta on our side of the house is that we get funding for small and medium-sized firms, too. Which means ultimately we expedite the speed of change. But four, we tell you that many of the private banks like JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs in status quo have no structural incentive to provide these loans because many of their clients come from oil companies and the fossil fuel industry. What do we hear then from DLO? DLO says, "Ah, but many companies engage in vanity projects." Panel, I'm sure why they think that's a good thing for them because even in their best-case scenario, Jeff Bezos and like Elon Musk engage in like space exploration and try to go and colonize Mars. But what we really want is substantive, non-vanity projects like the building of dams, the investment in solar energy, all of which we think have high startup costs, high startup capital. But crucial substantive benefits on our side of the house. So we don't think why OOC's vanity projects is the tipping point to the argument. But also, right, I just want to note the comparative here. The growth potential on our side of the house is far higher. On our side of the house, when we reduce the viability of the fossil fuel industries. That is to say, when we significantly increase the cost of borrowing for companies like ExxonMobil. That is when we actually enhance the growth potential of the green tech industry. Because it is only in a world where the fossil fuel industry faces higher cost of borrowing, visibly the green tech industry facing lower cost of borrowing. That is the world in which the profits of the green tech just become far higher at a point which more individuals are likely to give up what's green energy as opposed to oil. So that argument about massive growth potential is contingent on our analysis. And that's why the central bank needs to step in, panel. This is important, right? Because it's only in a world where the central bank intervenes and reduces cost of borrowing for the green industry and raises the cost of borrowing for the other industries. That is how we achieve the massive growth potential. Then they say, "Ah, but there's government intervention." But I want you to note, like, I think OJ does a good job explaining why there's limited ability for government intervention. But also, at a point where your fossil fuel industry is always a viable alternative, the scale of government intervention that you make is also a lot higher. Which means on our side of the house, when a government intervention just becomes far more effective in scope and scale when you don't have to always cater to the fact of a massively high startup cost. But also, be like the sort of things that we talk about. But why are there like massively high startup costs in this debate, right? Because I think oftentimes you never succeed with the first piece of research and development, right? Because like R&D just takes a lot of time before it can eventually manifest into status quo. But B also because like in the unfortunate situation, you don't have the necessary consumer base that's willing to buy in to begin with. Which means you need a huge injection of capital that we don't think exists on their side of the house. This is important, panel, why and this is an important piece of framing, right? Because at the point to which like OO cannot prove that climate change is a wash, I think that they have to live with the consequences of climate change being an undeniable reality on the ground. Yes, Jason. > POI: Yes, investments are structured through portfolios to reduce risk by investing in multiple speculative industries, irrespective of incentive structure. These portfolios invest in green tech and Uber to reduce risk, so climate change is a wash. Okay, so I want to know that the OO mechanism is now diversification of portfolio, guys. But okay, at best, you get five percent diversification. But 95 is still going to be in your top glove, your Facebook, your Amazon. Once again, they don't get this sort of massive tipping point that we have on our side of the house. But lastly, I want to engage, and my last extension is going to be this idea about jobs, right? So both sides of the house agree that there are some countries like maybe Indonesia or Congo with mass natural reserves, right? And like natural resources, but I think VO herself concedes that these natural resources are finite. Why is that important? It's important because at best they can protect jobs for the next 10 years, the next 20 years. But eventually, future generations still don't have jobs. Anyway, what we saw from outside the house is the collective action problem because many of these countries do know that they have finite resources. Many of these countries do know that if they don't diversify the economy in the long run, people will still lose their jobs. The problem is, as DLO herself concedes, many of these countries don't have the capital reserves to engage in mass fiscal policy. And that is why we think we need the central bank to come in to facilitate the conditions of mass pivoting. This is important, right, because in the almost best-case scenario, they protect jobs for the next 10 to 20 years on our side of the house. We solve the collective action problem and we ensure the sustainability and viability of the industry in the long run. But the last piece of framing is this: even if I buy over, right, like always attention here. Because if you believe that speculative investment in green tech is so successful, right, and the fossil fuel industry is just going to die anyway, right? That means that on their side of the house, they lose most of the jobs, right? So they necessarily have to accept that there's a tension in their case if they say the speculative investment is really so successful. Most of those individuals who rely on gas and also fuel industries are going to lose their jobs anyway. But most importantly, right, in our absolute worst-case scenario, we don't care if the U.S. worker loses his job. We can't let the bungalow that should possibly die from coastal flooding. We're incredibly proud to propose.
CO · OppositionThree things in the speech with rebuttal integrated. Firstly, on the likely response of companies, which is to cut costs, underpay, abuse workers instead of transitioning to green technologies. Secondly, how this undermines political action on the environment and why this is more important. Thirdly, on how this harms the ability of central banks to control inflation and market stability, which are more important outcomes in this debate. So, going through each of these things in turn, firstly analyzing the likely response of companies. I think the response of companies is important because they are the ones on the ground making decisions about exactly what they are doing. I would note, for a couple of reasons, that it is going to be always cheaper to maintain fossil fuels and cut costs and underpay your workers or abuse them to a great extent than you're doing under the status quo. When this kind of policy gets put into place, note that, like yes, they always have the incentive to cut costs anyways. But specifically, this kind of policy makes it so much more urgent and pressing for companies to take this sort of action. Why is it more cheaper to do this? It requires very large-scale restructuring to switch to green technologies. You have to hire new workers with different expertise. Noting that many companies don't offer, don't actually operate on both environmentally friendly technologies and like fossil fuel extraction. Secondly, restructuring takes a lot of time and the profit that you're going to see from that only happens far into the future, versus continuing with the current business model, which already works and is already turning a profit. Thirdly, funds on work abuse, etc., less of a deterrent because it's better to take this risk of abusing workers, etc., to cut costs because of the profit that you're able to gain from that. Fourthly, you have to cut costs because you're not going to be able to cut costs because of the profit that you're able to gain from that. Fourthly, changing business models is uncertain because you don't know about the certainty of profit delivery, whereas your current business model has shown that it is able to deliver for you. Fifthly, companies want to maintain control over their own future. They're rather bent. They don't want to be subject to like patents from other companies and be reliant on those sorts of things, those kinds of risks. They want to have control over the company so they're able to generate investment going into the future. The significance of this analysis is as follows. We show you that it's unlikely that companies are going to switch large scale from fossil fuels to green tech, but rather they're going to just cut corners, abuse their workers, and treat everyone worse. And the significance of this is a like these companies don't become significantly less profitable. So you don't get the investment shift that open government is talking about, but secondly, like vulnerable workers, those working for these companies who are getting their work pay now cut, also harmed in that kind of sense. Second part of the speech on how this undermines political action on the environment. The first thing I would note here is just some mitigation about why monetary policy is inherently ineffectual. Although just says that like oh this kind of investment is going to happen. Anyways, I'm going to respond directly to OG's mechanisms of monetary policy and explain why they're ineffectual. The first thing to notice here is that monetary policy has always been set with delays. It's known for being slow. Like when a central bank acts, like the central bank does not directly interact with investors or consumers. The actions that it takes must flow through the central bank to commercial banks and then to lenders. But also the investment firms that open government wants to talk about don't really take out loans to invest because that's not quite a thing. They have people putting money into them to invest. So I'm not sure how they're directly impacted by monetary policy through that chain even in the first place. But secondly, I think it's just a limited ability to act in terms of monetary policy. Interest rates already at record lows in most parts of the world. You can't put them below zero. I don't know how that makes much of a marginal difference. Why then do we flip this with political action? Just firstly on why what we mean by political action? So yes, some of it is fiscal policy and spending, but oftentimes it's things like regulation, banning certain environmental practices, taxing to us practices, common trading schemes, whether you allow fracking in the United States, whether you have approved the new oil pipeline going through South Dakota. Well, I see a real potential for this kind of regulation and action to be taken on opposition side. I think there's just increasing awareness of climate change around the world, like people, like a larger proportion of people are recognizing that is due to man-made action and it is also a very pressing issue that needs to be addressed. But there's also an awareness that there's only so far that individual action can go and therefore governments must take action on this kind of thing. Why does that go away on the government side? Three reasons. The first is that there's going to be a strong perception that action has already been taken. Because note the right wing generally in most parts of the world doesn't favor taking significant action on climate policy because that's like the ideological beliefs. It probably hurts the like fossil fuel donations, etc. So any like action that the central bank's going to be taken is going to be constantly reiterated by the right wing. And you're going to get this argument that we have already taken a climate change action that we need to do. Note that political capital is limited. That's why you talk about the green new deal instead of like oh these policies that we're going to do next year this year and then all the green policies we're going to do in the future years. Like you only have the political to pass one of these political capitals to pass one of these things. Secondly, the perception of responsibility shows instead of government having the responsibility regulate because it's only actor able to do so under status quo and now it's just the central bank as well because of the ability to act in this area. Thirdly, I think there's also going to be lobbying now directed at central banks instead of governments. Note that because the amount of lobbying that we have is like constant or facts. This is going to be a hard because central banks have a long tradition of independence and only listening to their own analysts and being immune to political pressure and public lobbying and those sorts of things. Responding directly to OG's like attempts at preemption on this. They say that government bureaucrats not independent. I think this is just like false in the vast majority of countries where the civil service is professional. Secondly, they say that you have lobbyists that make things inefficient. I would note that this is litigation. It only says that like it's still going to be good. It might not be the most efficient but it's still going to be good. I think the public's also able to overcome lobbying and thirdly in terms of the stuff about trade-offs on how you're going to be spending money and there's got cost to welfare. I would note that there's lots of government and political action that you can take like regulation like bans that don't actually involve those sorts of trade-offs when it comes to our fear. Why then is this political analysis the most important thing in this debate? Firstly, we directly question OG's mix. Secondly, we show larger harms because these sorts of government actions allow investment to happen or not in the first place if you don't have an oil pipeline if you're not allowed to do fracking. Like all this debate about whether you invest in that becomes irrelevant because those things are physically not allowed. We take on OG at a higher burden and show that even if the environment climate change is most important, it becomes better under our side. Before I move on, OG. > POI: Yeah, you want action which bans stuff and regulates profitable practices. If that is true, then you can't make the case that companies abuse workers because presumably all the political action you get leads to the same outcomes that you're trying to not get. I think this happens in separate ways. Like, if you ban this kind of thing going into the future, note that many of these are future practices. You don't have a direct harm on the workers at the moment. Finally, then, on inflation and market stability and the harms of this, note that the traditional role of central banks is things to comfort, is things like controlling inflation, ensuring market stability. Because in many cases, governments can't be trusted to do some fiscal policy. There's always an incentive to tax more and tax less and spend more because this is immediately popular to government, even if it leads to higher inflation and bubbles and more shocks later on. How do we undermine this? Note that the green checking energy sector is really large. All production requires energy. But this is also a growing sector of the economy. You can't easily change, like, interest rates, etc., in this area because it would undermine the stability investment that OG wants to claim. Like, if you raise the interest rates on green technologies, you're not going to have as much investment as they would like to have. Why is this significant? Because inflation is something that we constantly experience, including now as many countries recover from COVID. It's something that erodes incomes, especially for the poor and vulnerable who are most likely to be on fixed incomes and therefore have less ability to afford necessities. But it also makes shocks worse, which are most impactful on the poor because they're more likely to be in unstable employment and fixed-term contracts may lose this. I think this shows another impact on the most vulnerable that happens both in developing and developed countries and is therefore more significant. Very proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentHello, we're going to win this debate by proving three things. First, I will take out the entire bench by proving to you how always counterfactual angel investors makes them financially illiterate and it's infeasible, and why CO's extension about political action is just like ignorant of real-world politics and why it's non-feasible. If we show why the counterfactual is non-feasible, then we already take it over the entire bench. But I'm going to go a step further by suggesting we also take it over OG by virtue of the fact that we prove the benefit on the developing world first. CO and the new extension. The first thing they say is interest rates cannot change because the interest rates in the status quo are already them. No, yeah, I guess, but like you could always have negative interest rates, which makes it more profitable. It's unclear to me why you haven't read the Financial Times and realize this is a viable policy. But second of all, I would point out that the central bank has massive influence. Which is why whenever we took the interest rates just a bit, whether it's 0.5 or 0.1, the market goes into hysteria and there are massive changes about it. So we buy CO's claim that the climate crisis is damn urgent along with the concomitant claim that the private sector isn't going to work because of the structural incentive the private sector continue entrenching itself. I would suggest the counterfactual of structural change by the central bank is the only alternative. They say, "Ah, but we got political action." I have three observations about this. First of all, this is already like seven speakers late because as opening correctly points out, there's the issue of corporate lobbying. I want the next speaker to tell me why every Republican who's literally backed vote by the largest carbon polluters like Exxon Mobil has any political incentive to make things like the Green New Deal politically viable. But second of all, I would note that in the status quo because of the overturned window, the Green New Deal is already the minority which is why AOC and Bernie Sanders continue to be sidelined. In the status quo, it's unclear to me how they can have politically fungible action and imagine a world where suddenly everybody unites under climate change. Especially if you buy my partner's extension about why this often gets crowded out by more pressing urgent electorally determinate issues like COVID-19 guts. Third of all, as CO concedes limited political will, so in the best case, they change one or two policies insufficient from the structural change that they agree is urgent in the status quo. But fourth of all, we will point out this is uniquely bad because it politicizes environmentally friendly policies. And we shouldn't have to risk that because this risk democratic backsliding and reversing these policies in the long run. I give you an example, for example, Obamacare. Everybody will agree universal basic health care coverage is a universal basic good. But it's unclear to me why politicizing it through their instruments makes it a good thing because now Republicans have leeway and the possible deniability to shoot it down but claim the political high ground. With that, I think CO's whole case is out of the window and they are condemned to a fault. Not I want to note about OOS analysis. Why they are reductive if not financially illiterate because they make a bold claim that the private sector is already investing damn heavily in great technology guys. Okay, so I don't want to like flex like say this out loud. Right, but I I fucking work for venture capitalists and I try to pitch them at ESG stock. My paper got torn in half and thrown out of the building for virtual effected as per OOS analysis. These are speculated massive growth potential. Let me unpack these euphemisms and what these mean in financial terms. This is risky. This is uncertain. Your costs and your benefits are going to be materialized in 10 years at the very minimum. Which angel investor has the bedroom to invest a massive part of a portfolio in this? She says like, "Oh, but portfolios are fungible so we can invest like five percent." Okay, so our argument is that you should invest more than five percent of your portfolio in great tech companies. And that's a universal good as per OO's analysis. But I would posit that my partner's extension uniquely breaks this deadlock for two additional reasons. First, he points out that angel investors are uniquely anti-ESG because of the high startup cost associated with, for example, solar power plantations and how they have limited funds. Any venture capitalist only has about one billion dollars. How much of their portfolio are we divesting to environment? But second of all, we point out that for many angel investors, they have a very short-term mentality. They want to outperform the market. Look at, for example, all the motors of the angel investors in the status place. We want to outperform every quarter which is why they're inherently short-term and would rather opt for other opportunities such as e-commerce, big pharma, good of tech, and technology and not invest in ESG companies. It's unclear why ESG companies have this fungible financial literacy under their side. But last of all, as per their portfolio analysis in their vanity projects, I would suggest they're going to at best in their scenario invest really, really small sums of money as a token appreciation for vanity project rather than sizable amounts of money that we require for the structural change. At the end of the day, this is important panel because we cannot buy OOS analysis that climate change is awash. It is not. We need to save the planet today because if we don't reduce temperature by two percent in the next 10 years, we are going to fucking die and perish. Humankind will get extinct and the entropy will become permanently irreversible. Now I want to point out at this point that CO's case is kind of like a knife of the opening because they say restructuring is costly, restructuring is wrong term and the change in business models are uncertain. This is the reason why OO also condemned themselves to a loss as a consequence of CO's analysis that suggests the structural change is really damn high. But second of all, I will point out that when CO draw the faulty assertion that they're going to cut corners and accuse workers. This is already happening the status quo. I want them to name me one coal mine that doesn't exploit their workers to zero hour contracts to inhumane conditions and the lack of safety standards. So I would suggest for the developing world transitioning away from these exploited industries that currently accumulate profits only for the patron clients only for the oligarchs on the top. Is it objectively good thing and central banks should try to pivot away with the concomitant less political opportunity costs by using them as the objective industry. Yeah. Okay before that I want to take OO for engagement. > POI: Yeah, so angel investors is clearly a straw man. We told you firms also want to do R&D for when fossil fuel production cost goes up. You have to diversify. Eventually, we accept this. We just say they can't weather the shock. Fair, fair, fair. Okay. The reason why this is damn hard in the status quo is because even if I acknowledge JP Morgan has an ESG wing and they're like, "Ah, guys, fossil fuel is dying out," the problem is that their biggest client right now is still ExxonMobil, guys. So it's unclear to me why JP Morgan will have a board meeting like, you know, "What, let's backstep ExxonMobil in the back because they are suddenly going to die out." In fact, I will point out collusive incentives on the part of institutional investors like JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs to continue having a massive plot in terms of the environmentally unfriendly sector, which is why you don't get any change on your side. But this needs to go nicely to the two pieces of extension my partner gives you and why we take it over OG as well. We are the only side that prove exclusivity analysis to the extent the central bank should be the main factor of change. And this also takes us, mind you, above OG because they only prove why the central bank is a good actor. They don't prove why the central bank is the only actor for this change. And here's where I'm going to further clash with Jason's to your eye because I'll point out there is no alternative for change when private sector behavior collusively outcompetes the private sub collusively outcompetes friendly carbon neutral companies. JP Morgan and Goldman Sachs are their biggest clients in the climate per meter. So it's unclear to me why ESG investments get any less predatory insofar as now they have a perverse incentive to continue living damn high interest rates when an angel investor or when a solar panel plant comes to you and wants a loan. That is why they don't get any form of structural change under their sight. But second of all, my partner talks to you about the developing world to which we get no response coming from CO. We prove to you why the unique benefit of being non-derivative in this sense means that we should not prop up inefficient industries that they get problems of exploitation in the status quo where economic profits continue to be only accumulated by the top 0.1 percent and they continue to perpetrate horrible working conditions. Second of all, I would note that alternatives to resources exist. It's just a very like patronizing thing to say the developing world can only develop if we use uh resources because Singapore was a developing world 50 years ago. We had no natural resources and we still developed so non-resource A pathways towards development are eminently possible. For all these reasons, incredibly proud to stand on CG.
CO · OppositionI want to do two things in this bit. First, tell you where the economy is more screwed. Second, tell you where the climate is more screwed, weighing towards all houses will be integrated. First question with regards to why the economy is more screwed. I want to note that inflation isn't this random harm that may affect some people and who tells you two things. That tells you stuff like inflation and stability particularly affects the most vulnerable. One, it often has a direct impact on these individuals' incomes and ability to purchase goods. Secondly, it specifically affects primarily poor individuals' ability to afford basic necessities and have control over their lives. The opening of response to this is twofold. The first is that this has happened before. Two responses: one, obviously not to this extent insofar as central banks alternate between different economic aims, not completely different priorities in terms of change from an economic priority to a climate priority. Therefore, I think the change is far larger. But secondly, this is a cop-out, right? Because insofar as you want individual like you want a good large restructuring of the economy, you must concede that is a large change such that investors want to shift where they invest, such that companies opt into your deal. But the second reason they give you is that expert investors are present in central banks. Therefore, expectations won't change. One, expectations have to change if you want a massive restructuring, i.e. all your benefits of investors like shifting where they invest and backing different companies rely on investors changing where they invest and thus inflation happening at the same time because there is required to be a lot of economic activity in order for this to happen. So just if expectations don't change, there is no benefit. But why do we think beyond all houses the economic outcome here is the most crucial? In this way, we think this is the way in the opening up don't give you one and who tells you that humans deserve the illusion of control, i.e. with more money, individuals feel like they can protect themselves, even if they can't insofar as starvation could happen, such as a flood could happen at any day. Humans having money and the most poor and most vulnerable among us having the feeling like they have control over their lives give them a unique form of empowerment that like both like that cannot be understated. Insofar as openly like all teams concede climate change is likely to happen, starvation for some people and all is likely to happen. We give you the most mutually exclusive benefit in that individuals have this illusion of control irrespective of what the harms are. They are likely to live a higher quality of life. They are likely to feel far better about their lives daily. But secondly, within climate change is marginally more equitable in that it semi-equally screws over everybody for two reasons. One, the rich have incentive to fund like flood walls as well insofar as climate change is unpredictable in exactly what we will manifest itself on certain areas and therefore they have similar incentives to protect countries and large swaths of people from this and it's a lot harder to indiscriminately have climate change protection than it is to screw over poor people because the second thing which is the extension and gives you is that companies react aggressively often by downsizing production and screwing over the most poor and vulnerable workers with the least cost to their bottom line as possible. So even in the best case scenario of opening guff where they do make these large-scale changes, they still do have to cut costs. They still do have to restructure. So note the necessity of restructuring literally means that they have to cut down the most like manual labor the most vulnerable individuals that suffer the most. So even if more people get affected on guff, I think on a balance of vulnerability, we protect the individuals that like need the most protection and not we do this best because we're the only team that gives you a specific reason why the most vulnerable will be first harmed by companies that downsize aggressively even in developed like even in developing countries. Because it's not just developing countries as a whole. It's why companies in developed and developing countries will screw over their workers and insofar as this applies to both contexts, I also think we take it over opening um. Yeah, so the conclusion to this is within the economic outcome is the most crucial this way. We need to prioritize it over all else. Even if we lose everything else, we should win this. Before anything else, I'll take opening gov. Quickly, please. > POI: Big polluters are the main entity that requires change. We explain why central bank policy exclusively targets their business model. Why do politicians do this better? How do they persuade Exxon Mobil, as per extension, that you just dropped? Oh, yeah, excellent. That's literally my second issue, right? What about climate change? So not opening government's reasons about more capital being funneled into companies by investors. Stakeholders' pressure are all snowball effects that are contingent on opening government proving that shifting this business model is more profitable than copying the extra cost of, like, losing out on higher or lower interest rates, right? And they don't do this. Andrew tells you why it is more profitable to not change your business model. One, restructuring takes a lot of time. Two, you have to hire new workers with different amounts of expertise. Three, it inherently requires a lot of uncertainty. And note here, companies. So even if all the characterizations of all the houses are true about how green tech is profitable, companies want to earn as much profit as they can from the fossil fuel era before transitioning. So even if we can see that like green tech has a lot of potential and there's like a lot of incentives in the future to invest, the companies still want to stretch out their this certainty of profit as far as they possibly can, right? And fourthly, they are more willing to risk fines, i.e., all the fines that are there to prevent to deter companies from like screwing over workers and having, like, like, shitty safety protocol now become less deterring because they have this other cost. The only response we hear in closing down is this already happens in status quo. So one, it happens more because there's more cost, but two, and maybe and two is like stakeholders want a stable constant income. Which just means that companies are now more willing to take risks that they weren't willing to take before, i.e., they are willing to take the risk of copying this fine by screwing over workers, uh, by having, like, like, shitty safety safety regulations because they are okay with risking the fine. It's not as bad. But it's far easier to risk this fine, i.e., we can cover up a lot easier companies have been making secretive as opposed to having to cop this definite cost by restructuring, and we think companies are more likely to want to bet on themselves in controlling their revenue. I is sticking with their current business model as opposed to changing due to external market forces and changing their business model, which just means they have far less control. This means two things. One, they screw over workers a lot more. I already told you why those harms are the most important in this debate. But two, this must be contrasted to the climate impact to consumers through the gap. This response to opening government's poi about like how our policy leads to the same harm, right? We tell you this is specifically worse because it leads to one, right-wingers having more ammunition to say look, this supposedly independent body is now administrating our personal choices for us. Which means that one, people become less climate conscious because they feel like everything is already taken care of as opposed to individual political actions that give less complacency than people saying the entire administration has changed. But two, you lose votes in the ballot box for any regulation for any long-term change. And insofar as both all houses concede the best thing to do is change consumer patterns. They make consumer patterns far worse when consumers become have less incentive to be climate like to be climate conscious and you turn people further away from climate consciousness. And note that this legal ability stuff and voting in good laws is prior to the benefits of opening opposition and yeah, so it's logically prior to the benefits of opening opposition about investment and therefore, uh, we take that debate as well. Uh, the stuff of politicization, you politicize it, you attach politics to central bank, people become less conscious, people hate you more. For all these reasons, closing opp. Thank you.
empate bp_201 · This HousePrefers a "Brave New World" to the status quo in Western Liberal...
✓ acerto
Motion (tema debatido): This HousePrefers a "Brave New World" to the status quo in Western Liberal Democracies.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OG,OO) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=201, label gold.csv = "OG,OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: DRAW T2: DRAW T3: DRAW T4: DRAW
Voto majoritário: DRAW (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
Player B maintained a consistent focus on the moral value of autonomy and successfully challenged the premise that state-determined preferences are equivalent to genuine human fulfillment. Player A relied heavily on the assertion that autonomy is merely a social construct, failing to provide a robust defense against the charge that their model reduces individuals to state instruments, ultimately losing the clash on the moral significance of agency.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentBriefly on the model, I think it is reasonable to say we have fiat to do in a better way than Huxley's favorite novel did. That means people are going to assign the role at a relatively early age, and they are going to be aware of that which they are genetically engineered to be good at. This does not necessarily mean it is correlated with class. That means it's not just professors' kids who are genetically breeded to be professors. We think we get a reasonable amount of fiat to say it is diverse, and you get meaningful amounts of opportunity intergenerationally. Secondly, we think guaranteeing physical access means guaranteeing equal access to food, equal access to healthcare. People are going to be able to afford this. We are guaranteeing social stratification that you cannot literally move up and down classes, but everyone's physical needs are met. Firstly, why do we get better, happier lives? We think the status quo is irreversibly unhappy for four reasons. Firstly, people operate on the hedonic treadmill. That is, every single time things get better, you always benchmark against that success so you don't think everything's are better. This is why everyone says the status quo sucks. The 2010s were a terrible decade, even though objectively it was wealthier than the decade before, because people benchmark against the things they already have and no longer actually feel those happiness after a very short period of time. Secondly, you benchmark against your plan of information. You feel that you are doing very good in an objective global sense. You see everyone else appearing to do better, and therefore you feel terrible about it. Even if you're wealthy by global standards, the only people your social capital is relative to appear to be doing better, often because they put on a happy face for things like social media and others, so you always feel worse. Thirdly, there's always people who can do better, because you can always see the people who are doing better than you, so you always feel deeply insecure, even if you are doing well, that it's possible to do better. Maybe you lose the World Semifinals, but you feel bad because you think you could have gotten to the finals. Fourthly, you are constantly insecure about meeting your physical needs. People are constantly worried, and the overwhelming majority of people, will I be able to afford medical costs? Will the ache of lower back pain, the existential dread that you might get cancer in the future, the constant fear of where will my next meal come from, how will I be able to put a food on the table or a roof over my head, condemns people to constant worry, eliminate on our side of the house. Why do we get better? We think we eliminate all those things because you know that you are in the best place in your life. You were born to do these things, you do that which you are best on, you no longer fear about these things. Secondly, you have a greater focus on the important things in life. We think what people truly get their joy from, the overwhelming majority, are things like their family and their friends. It is easier to focus on these things if you are at peace with your other choices in life, that you are not constantly worried when you are up with your family, that you are not going to be able to put food on the table for them, or that you are not in the best career. You can focus on the things that matter, like loving your spouse or loving your kids, when you are not worried about everything else in life. They may respond in two ways. One, that you might not have a feeling of accomplishment. We think for the overwhelming majority of people, they don't have that right now. They mostly work nine to five jobs in white collar or blue collar careers. They do not provide those feelings of accomplishment. Maybe they eliminate it for the very, very lucky few at the top. I don't care. Secondly, they may talk about how you cannot change the social order. Sruti and I would argue, you cannot change the social order right now. In the overwhelming majority of countries, the rich dominate politics. You don't say that. Billions of dollars, which is how Mike Bloomberg has managed to buy himself 7% of the Democratic primary. Social cues and classes mean, even in more enlightened countries with a reasonable campaign finance system, the kids of professors are the ones who end up being professors. The kids of bankers are the ones who end up being bankers, because they are cultured to do the things that they learned from a young age, so they always have that advantage. We don't think they get to change the social order. At the very least, they'll have to establish how they can do so. Secondly, we think we stop self-destructive behavior that condemns the overwhelming majority of people to worse lives. These look like four things. One, people engage in things that are anti-social behavior, or things against its means of self-protection. We do not think they have that if their physical needs are met. Secondly, people engage in heavy temporal discounting if they think their future is bad. They engage in things like unprotected sex or other kinds of bad decisions, like maybe not going to college even if you're qualified to do so, because they don't have that in the future. That heavy temporal discounting is eliminated in our side of the house. Thirdly, we think people do not take risks in their personal life because they feel insecure. They go to careers like consulting or finance or big law and lose all of their personality and interests because they fear that they can always do better. But now they don't have those things. They can engage in their other kinds of interests, and they can do art and other things they truly enjoy because they know that it's right for them. They don't have that insecurity that maybe instead of doing that art, I could be grinding for that case study or selling out the BCG at the deputy prime minister. Fourthly, we think that people mindlessly scroll through things like Facebook, they drink, they procrastinate all the time to take their mind off life's hard choices. They waste the overall majority of what little free time they have because to introspect or do art or anything else requires them to inspire about the choices they make. We eliminate that kind of doubt. So we give them and open them up in mental bandwidth to engage in activities they truly enjoy with, thus massively expanding the horizons of lives of the overwhelming majority of people in Western liberal democracies. Closing. > POI: So your solution to deep existential angst is the government indoctrinating these individuals into becoming slaves? Yep, that's the case. Second independent argument, we get a far wealthier and more innovative society. Two reasons. One, we guarantee the physical needs. That this huge amount of talent is wasted all the time because they're malnourished, no one headhunters can find them, they're in a poor family, not given the same opportunities. We eliminate them in our state house. We guarantee physical needs. But secondly, people can focus on the things that are best and specialize at young ages because they know that's what they're best for. Thirdly, they are literally genetically engineered to be as good at the things that they are doing so you have perfect labor matching, right? There's a huge amount of inefficiency right now. People are in the wrong fields that are actually best for them. We guarantee that. Thank you. We are genetically engineered to be in their social groups and be in their social order. This means we can solve the problems that are ruining society. There is a very real risk. Climate change might kill everyone in this room. The best minds right now are going to higher paying fields like finance and consulting. We only guarantee that literally the people genetically designed to be climate scientists are going into climate scientists, perhaps producing the kind of solutions that might suck carbon out of the atmosphere, get other kinds of green technology and decarbonize their sectors. They need to engage with maybe a dynamic liberal democracy in which people can express their values all the time. But then they literally just die or it's just poorer because we don't have the kind of technological innovation that raises productivity and can put food on the table for literally everyone. That is something they engage with in their side house. Finally, we think we get better lives for the poor on two levels. One, we guarantee meeting physical needs. This is probably, we should care about helping the poor and the most disadvantaged the most. One, at some level they are the ones who need the help the most. But secondly, we believe that there is a diminishing marginal utility to getting money. That is, if you have $5,000, getting $2,000 means a lot more than if you're a millionaire and getting $2,000. Considering this, guaranteeing the physical needs of the poor probably outweighs the lost feeling of accomplishment of those who generally are already feeling accomplished. But secondly, people right now blame the poor for their own feelings. They see that it is their own fault. They see that everyone is socially conditioned to accept the world that they're in. They no longer blame people for not getting ahead because they know that this is merely the job that was assigned to them. They don't look down on people who are of different professions that they may not believe have the same social capital because they know that wasn't the choice. This is what they were genetically designed to do. So this means it is far more palatable to support things like treating people of different social classes with respect. It means it is far easier to justify things like redistribution. If you no longer feel that they are responsible for their own choice, it is merely the lot they were given in life. We think the status quo is very bad. We think that they are likely on opening opposition at an overly rosy pace. We think a brave new world lifts people out of this existential annui that condemns far too many people to insecurity and unhappiness. We are incredibly proud to propose.
OO · Opposition... They do not get to fear out human nature. We think this will just become a more oppressive world, a world of slavery for the majority. We are going to bring two things in opening opposition. First of all, how this takes away autonomy and why that is a harm that they cannot get over, even with all their benefits. Then we will deal with the debate on inequality. So let's first of all deal with the idea of autonomy. Because insofar as that side tries to paint a rosy picture and say, you'll be happy because you'll be doing the thing that you know you are best for, that does not mean you are doing the thing that you want to do, panel. That does not mean you are doing the thing that brings you the most fulfilment in life. By virtue of the fact that, as they say, there are people in the status quo who have the ability and have the means to do all of these things right now. And they choose to not do that. They choose to do something else that makes them happier. We think that this is a particularly important thing for people to feel good in society. We think that under their world, there is no control over your station in life. You are purely seen as an instrument of the state and you are reduced to a function rather than being a person. You are created to fill a specific social need. We think that takes out all the value of being a human being in the first place, of doing all of those things, of getting any of the sort of value. So even if you are doing something that you would have possibly chosen to do anyway, if you are doing that because you are forced to do that and because you are just a mechanism of the state, that takes away any of the value that opening government asserts that you would get out of that. The second thing is, we actually think there would be less innovation under their side, not more under their side, for a few reasons. Because first of all, these people may be meeting these basic needs, but they are not being met in a fulfilling way. They are not getting any enrichment from that first point that I proved. But let's juxtapose that to the status quo, where you do get a growth and a growth of products that are starting to meet those needs. So it's not just the basic needs that are met, but people are able to meet those in diverse ways. Because the basic needs of everyone are different. And under a system where people are able to choose and demand more, that is where you get those sorts of things. What we'd actually see on their side is therefore a lack of any culture or identity because the state does not have an incentive to create a market for all those sorts of things. They have a market, they have an incentive to just socially engineer you to accept your lot in life and accept what they are willing to give you. That takes away culture, that takes away identity, that takes away personality, which leaves people feeling entirely devoid from society. The last thing is that people are obliged to others as a tool of the state, and the state has an incentive to use that to keep people down. Because the state will still want to maintain its power on people and say that they have an incentive to strip that autonomy as much as they possibly can. We think that people have historically privileged autonomy over so many other things. We'd point to Syria right now, where people are fighting a war that they know they are likely to lose. It is likely to make their life materially worse, but they are willing to do that because they will prioritise freedom over any of those other things that I don't think I want to talk about. Before I go on, I'll take closing. > POI: You are already exhibiting strengths imposed by society from which your preferences emerge. Tell us how this is materially different. Tell us where your preferences come from in the first place. You have to give us some genealogy. Scale though, right? Yes, people are somewhat coerced into things under the status quo. You give them literally no way to do that. People under the status quo can go against the norms, and people do transgress those norms, and historically have always done that. It may be a slow progression, but it does give people that choice. You literally give them none, so it is far more oppressive than any sort of culture we have in the status quo. Let's move on to the idea of inequality in this debate, because we think that this is going to still have the exact problems that opening government tried to avoid in this debate. They try and tell you that no one will think lesser of anyone. They absolutely still will, because people are still naturally filling different jobs, and those jobs will necessarily have a different status for three reasons. One, because some of them will just be seen as more interesting than others to the majority, and therefore will be seen as more prioritised and better jobs for people to have. Secondly, because some will just have greater social utility. Someone that is doing something that saves lots of lives will still be seen and privileged about someone that does not do those sorts of things. But finally, because they will require different capacities, because people will be required to be more intelligent than others, and they will be specifically under their side engineered to do those sorts of things. So, in so far as we want to say no one will think lesser of anyone, they absolutely will, for those three structural reasons. So, any effort that the state makes to message that will fail, and also the state does not have an incentive to message any sort of equality, because they still have an incentive to keep a social hierarchy in this debate. Let's move on to what the state's incentives are, because this now gives them a huge amount of both social and economic control over everyone, because, by virtue of that side, they need to be redistributed, they need to take a lot off people, but also they need to engineer people the way that they want. That gives them the ability to entrench themselves as the apex in the community. They are the ones that are likely to therefore make sure that their children are engineered for the jobs that come with more status, that are likely to go into politics or things like that and be the next decision makers to entrench these sorts of social hierarchies that exist in the status quo. It gets a lot worse though, because at least in the status quo, we have the ability to break those norms, and there are the abilities to protest and break free from that. Under their world, there is no ability to move against those norms, or people who have been engineered to be less intelligent, who have been engineered to be lesser, to break against that and get any of the sort of capital that they want. A few harms on this. The first one is violence. We think that the inequality that this necessarily creates, the hierarchy that it creates, and the inability to escape it through any other sorts of means like we have in the status quo, like the ability to engage in politics, like the ability to do things like engage in education and try and get yourself up a rung on the social hierarchy, means that these people have no alternative but to try and fight this system with violence, which we think makes that society descend. A very simple fact that Beej told me is that airlines that make people walk through first class first, those people in economy class are five times more likely to engage in violence when they're on that plane because of the politics of envy that that creates. Let's juxtapose this. I don't know why people are sitting in economy. Anyway, let's move on to the second harm. Let's compare that to the status quo. The status quo is unideal. We can see that. But first of all, there are trends to improve, and there have been historic equalizers. Things like recessions have been an equalizer that have been able to bring people more away from the extremes of wealth, of the government world that is stunted. The second is we have the capacity to move between classes on our side. They do not have that. The final thing is, as I proved in my first point, their world is one without culture and one without identity, at least in our world. Even if it is unequal, you are able to find other things that you value in that world, and you are able to commit yourself to those rather than just having to dedicate yourself to being yet another code in the machinery of the state. We are proud to oppose.
OG · GovernmentOpening opposition's case is like a stack of donuts. They build it up higher and higher, but there is still a gaping hole in the middle that takes them out of the round. The fact is, there is no objective measure of well-being. Things have value because we put value on them. In Western liberal democracies, like the ones most of us live in, we value things like autonomy and culture and identity. But we value those things because we are socially conditioned to value those things, because governments tell us those are the most important things, because our parents tell us those are the most important things. The POI from closing opposition is deeply uncomparative. We are fine with indoctrination, because indoctrination is the status quo. We are just indoctrinating people into different things. When you are born, you are indoctrinated into the values your parents espouse into you and to the propaganda that your government releases. We are just indoctrinating people in a way that makes them happier and not deeply insecure and uncomfortable with the lives that they are living. I think we are fine with that. All their harms about people are going to be upset because they really value autonomy is just a problem with the status quo. People will no longer value being able to do whatever they want to do or accessing autonomy. It is unclear what this is, by the way. Free will is not real. You are controlled by the neuro-impulses in your brain. It is unclear whether they are going to prove the existence of a soul in the DLO. But I think to the extent that autonomy doesn't exist and indoctrination is the fact, I think we take them out of the round. What we do eliminate is the plaguing self-doubt that comes from the mismatch of what you are indoctrinated into and the status quo on their side of the house. We are fine with indoctrination because we are indoctrinating people into what is the reality. It is the case on our side of the house that there is little autonomy and there is no movement in the social ladder and people will accept that on our side of the house because they are conditioned to think that that is valuable. On their side of the house, we are conditioned to believe in the American dream that you can get whatever you want to get. We are conditioned to believe that you have unequivocal autonomy but this isn't actually the case. And so people are plagued by self-doubt and imposter syndrome. People blame themselves when they cannot rise out of poverty. We blame ourselves when we cannot do something that we are not genetically engineered to be good at because we think we should be able to be good at it even if we are not. Why do we win the round? First, I think they never engage with the bulk of material because people are just happier on our side of the house. Unclear what the value of culture or identity or autonomy is if not to make you happy. We think on our side of the house, given that expectations reset and that you benchmark yourself relative to your peers and you benchmark yourself relative to the past, people never get any happier on their side of the house. But I also want to note that you always feel like you could do better. So even if on our side of the house there are people who are living in worse material conditions or in lower status jobs than others, they don't blame themselves for that on our side of the house because they do not think it is their fault that they cannot rise up. And others also don't think it's their fault that they can't rise up. So you don't get conservative politicians blaming the poor for being poor because it's clear to everyone that they are genetically engineered to be poor so they don't deserve to live in worse conditions just because they are worse people. Closing. > POI: Why is utility morally significant? I think utility is morally significant because it is the only universal calculus on which we have to assign value to things. That is, it is unclear what other metric you could use that is universal across all people except for the things we ourselves place value onto. Next, I also think we just want to say that we eliminate the plaguing self-doubt that most people are plagued by. We allow people to still access happiness and freedom in other ways. People still have freedom to choose their friends and their family. People still gain value and meaning in life from those relationships. They're just not plagued by the sort of self-doubts we are because we think you aren't worthy of whatever you're doing or that you're doing something wrong because you're not deserving of doing that thing. We think we let people focus on the important things in life. Next, what do they tell you? They say, ah, you're taking away autonomy. I think we already dealt with that. The things people want to do are created by social cues and the status quo. Our social cues are that what you are doing is the thing you are supposed to be doing and thus the thing you want to be doing. Then they say, ah, innovation never happens. I think first we'll prove to you that on net is just a lot wealthier and also a lot more redistributive given that we fulfill the burden that is not met by the status quo. That is, everyone has their material needs met so it is a lot wealthier because people are doing the things they are most optimal to do when they are genetically engineered to do it. We are the only ones able to confront the literally existential threats. There is absolutely zero utility or anything closing opposition wants to derive any value of if we all die from climate change in the next 20 years because the permafrost is thawing and they are heating us all up and there is nothing anyone can do about it because everyone who is smart enough to do it is locked into the bottom half of the social quintile and can't go to fancy universities. Then they say, ah, but the state is going to keep people down because you still think lesser of other people. Fine. We are fine biting that there are some jobs that are more interesting than others or some jobs that produce more objective value for society than others. That is also true in the status quo. I think the comparative is now individuals do not measure their self-worth by their occupation which is not true in the status quo but also that others don't measure other's self-worth based on it. You think that someone who is a rocket scientist is more interesting but you don't think they are deserving of better things or they have inherently more value of a person because of that. Because you know that the state genetically engineered them to do it like you to do it. The lottery of birth is a fact in the status quo but the sort of propaganda that governments release leads people to believe that that is not the case. On our side of the house, everyone is aware of the reality of the lottery of birth and so we actually make steps to resolve it and don't treat people who are lower status than us like garbage because we think that they deserve it. Then they say, governments and elites just further entrench themselves. So I just think it is ridiculous for us to have to defend the worst case of this model. I think we will give you reasons to believe why we can be relatively egalitarian and not just make the children of the rich genetically engineered to also be rich but I also want to point out that I think we are a lot less likely to get violent or destructive behaviors on our side of the house. They say, now the poor have no alternative but to fight. When you turn to violence you risk your life and livelihood maybe your life isn't as good as those on the top but at least on our side of the house your material and physical needs are being met so you are probably not going to put your life on the line just to access a little bit more wealth given that you are contented with what you already have. What's the weighing here? First, I think we prove that we better access the most objective measure of well-being that we actually give people happiness and don't let them be plagued by self-doubt. I also think we satisfy the burden of giving people materially better lives to the extent that this is something that's important. We actually fulfill the burden of the poor. I'm from a nice suburb of Chicago. There are people 30 minutes away from me dying on the streets and there is nothing anybody is doing about it. Maybe norms are changing slowly but clearly not fast enough to save people's lives. I think we depend on that when we can just actually save people's lives and make people happier. On our side of the house, there is a principled harm being done by the status quo. We are not fulfilling our obligations to others because we don't believe in the validity of the lottery of birth. On our side of the house, we actually do that. I think we're proud to propose because we give people better and wealthier lives. Thank you.
OO · OppositionDom explains that in this world you are barely a person anymore. You are brought in not as a person but as a cog and then expected to mindlessly grind. Your traits are determined not by you or by the happy accident of your unpredictable birth but instead by a state who has already predetermined everything that you ought to do. You should be free to be yourself. And I'm not a genealogist but I believe that people are agents with rights and entitlements. That they deserve the capacity to act on in the way that they feel the need. Opening government's focus on every other value except for utility as subjective is one that is profoundly self-defeating. Ours is immediately obvious in the sense that there is nothing obviously good about the fact that you experience serotonin or endorphins. And we point in fact to tests. Circumstance in which the rubber hit the roads, in which a wide number of people who resonate deeply with all of us as valuable and not making clearly wrong choices chose to prioritize considerations other than their material considerations. Revolutionaries. Saints. Mothers and fathers. People who did things not because it necessarily made them happy. Not even necessarily because it made them fulfilled. But because it made them free and dignified. And that is the case that we bring you that they dismiss exclusively by talking about serotonin. I'm going to begin by talking about that principle and then I'm going to talk about inequality. But before I do, I'll take closing. > POI: Autonomy only matters insofar as it fulfills your preferences. If your preferences are determined by a state, to whom you are ready to render your autonomy, we're the best able to fulfill it as the basic claim and give you something where preferences come from. There are a number of responses to this. The first is that in Western liberal democracies, the state does not control a majority of your preferences because the literal point of a Western liberal democracy is that people are able to make choices on the basis of various inputs. The second thing to say, obviously, is that it does not necessarily matter per se where preferences come from. For example, if you have and we cannot quite explain where they come from, appendages like arms, just because you did not choose to be born with arms, the use of those arms, just because your arms are predetermined by other things, does not mean the exercise of those immaterial conditions subsequently is worth no value, right? The fact that one thing is not obviously attributable to something that is exclusively chosen by you, does not mean that your subsequent exercise of choice is something that is not valuable, closing government. The third thing, no, no, no, but this is the trick, because the premise of this debate that is uncomparative for the government bench is that under the status quo people are able to exercise their preference, our belief is that people will still feel the same needs that humans feel because it is our belief that people who have lived under indoctrination have continued to hold the beliefs that inhere in the human condition about the value of their autonomy. You cannot erase that, Mr. Speaker, and we tell you that with reference to people who died under torture rather than give up their freedom, or even the people of freedom that they had never known, or the freedom of people that were born. You cannot erase that fundamental component of human condition. Opening government overrates their fiat so badly that they would make us no longer human beings and that is why they are wrong. Let us talk about the principle in this debate. No, thank you. We tell you that this inheres your ability to make choices in a way that we recognise as making you a person. It would be profoundly wrong for states to be complicit in that state of affairs and it would be a wrong world. The only thing that the Deputy Prime Minister says is that you are able to make some other choices. Firstly, you can make far, far fewer of them. Secondly, the choices that they describe, like the goods of family, will obviously be socially predetermined for you to a huge degree as we tell you with our... Because now, you probably have a barcode or some understanding of the amount of alcohol that was put in the vial to make you intelligent or dumb and so you're obviously only going to be in a relationship with somebody that is predetermined to be at a similar level of intelligence to you, kind of trivially, because there are going to be overwhelming social hierarchies that tell you that those things are good or bad and that you should, as a result, adhere to those. So then, the POI that we get is what is the comparative and we tell you two things. Firstly, the society in flux is not able to coerce people nearly as powerfully as a society that is never able to change and secondly, the birth is highly unpredictable, which often means that people break from the expectations that their parents have for them and are able to make their own choices. The opening opposition then gives you four things that might be improved but we explain how those things are in fact made substantially worse. They describe a problem of benchmarking but the problem of benchmarking, the impulse to engage in that, still exists and it only gets worse in the context in which you are incapable of improving but are constantly benchmarking yourself against other people in the setting. They say that you now see other people as better or worse than you but now the difference is that instead of needing to go on Instagram and instead of it being about your choices that are hypothetically changeable, you look at the amount of alcohol that was put in your vial or you look at the role that is given to you by the community and that gets worse. They tell you that you feel the emotion of anxiety under the status quo. That is, of course, true but the comparative is a sense of profound, numbing dread and we tell you that that is worse. Firstly, because anxiety is at least a motivator to make the changes that allow you to enjoy your preferences and secondly, because anxiety is at least life-affirming because it involves a reminder that there is something that is worth losing. Finally, the opening opposition describes a variety of self-destructive acts like enjoying drinking too much or, you know, various sexual acts that cannot be described in this university campus and, of course, so, not to, you know, offend people but obviously those things are interesting at least and you have a life filled with more diverse sets of experience. Finally, on inequality. Firstly, on climate change. In the first instance, this motion does not include developing economies and the trajectory for developed economies is already reasonably good so it is not clear that this harm is particularly large. Secondly, it is not necessarily clear that, given that we entrench inequality because people that are making the choices will be the high IQ ones, presumably the state planners, they can insulate themselves from consequences. They never gave you a reason that these people are likely to act extraordinarily selflessly and, thirdly, the material about economic growth on which this is hung is wrong because a state-controlled economy does not properly communicate information to people about what prices ought to be and does not allow people to innovate outside of their individual instances of capacities. Instead, it locks people into individual boxes. They then tell you that their mech of politics is that it will get more equal but we tell you that the capacity for inequality fixing is weaker because now you know for sure that inequality is fair because you made everyone to fit in the individual social classes which means they deserve it far more. This strips people of everything that we understand about humanity and that might be subjective but I don't care because I care more about personhood and I care more about people's choices than anything else and that is why I am so proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentThe reason opening opposition says people protest against indoctrination is because under the status quo, there is an asymmetry between the state to whom you yield your autonomy, even if not in preference construction but in the vast majority of things and the heterogeneous preferences of people. It is a problem which comes from democracies being preference observing rather than preference determining and then fulfills them without actually understanding what people want. Under our side, the change is very simple. The state is your sovereign and the sovereign purposes your autonomy to your maximal good. I want to be clear about the reason top half's debate is incoherent. Maybe you believe the utility monster claims that you get from opening government, maybe you believe the autonomy claims that you get from opening opposition, but they are irrelevant because what opening government fails to do in this debate is prove to you why happiness is a moral good that exists in and of itself rather than being constrained by autonomy. This is something that Mish points out in POIs and I want to be clear that this is where we went. How does the extension happen? One, in the status quo you have preferences that are set up and constrained. OG hints at this after we pointed out in a POI which they didn't take at the PFC but you are born into a family that inculcates you with norms, society imposes constraints on what you do, and culture is deterministic of preferences. OG touches this without explaining why it is morally relevant or salient. The issue is twofold. One, the preferences that you have are not observable by the state. That is, even in the best case scenario, the state has no visibility into the preferences that you make regardless of where they come from. But two, your preferences are at odds with other preferences. And I want to be clear about the opening opposition model about what happens if all of culture gets removed. I think it's actually a good thing. The problem is that the cultural preferences that you are imbued with are things that allow you and set up competition against each other. Like the only reason people care about cultural identity in the ether is quite literally because those are the norms that suggest there is competition between cultures and the only way that you can reconcile that is by prioritizing cultural identity. I think on Closing Government we're actually quite fine with saying culture should not be the benchmark by which you dictate what your preferences are because that is always and permanently competitive. Here's what I want to be clear about before I go to the second part of the extension. You always surrender your authority to the monopoly of force that the state has that cannot observe your preferences which means you surrender your liberty without a guarantee that you are actually able to make the most fulfilling life possible. So where is the second part of this extension? It is that morality is built on preferences. The only reason we care about morality and the only reason we care about autonomy is because it gives you the capacity to fill preferences. Opening opposition is like ah, you care about autonomy, like you guys said it's not important on your case, it's important on ours. Opening opposition is like people are saints, they revolt. All of these things seem to be extensions of what people have preferences for. Like maybe it is true they don't crave serotonin or dopamine, but they certainly have preferences from doing things that opening opposition says. The only reason we give freedom of speech and things like that is because it allows you to rail against the state. Where then does morality emerge from and why is this morally significant? It's things like grief. That is, scarcity means that when you take something and when you have something, you take something from someone else. It is security that requires power under their side. It is the paranoia of the state taking your resources, meaning that the way that you construct morality is in checkbacks against these things, and most importantly, it is preferences born out of competition that requires a lack of fulfillment of some people, because you being fulfilled and your preferences being repetitive with other people means that they are not fulfilled. Here's the issue. Opening does not answer the claim that happiness is not a moral good if it is not autonomous. I want to be clear about why this is salient. Because democracies and the status quo, best case for them, Western liberal democracy intends to be preference fulfilling, but the problem is the system is born into tension when it can only observe and not determine, and I think this is important because the reason our side is not coercive is because the imputation of coercion is something that it distincts and distorts your preferences, but to be clear, democracy is fundamentally agnostic as to where your preferences come from, and I want to be clear about why the POI to LO matters, and why the response of scale doesn't. Because the POI is, maybe it is true that some preferences are a priori, something that oppositional information is defined by where the source is, but why ought it not be true that the state that you already surrender your autonomy to, but can never observe preferences, is now responsible for dictating them and constraining them. The OO response of, ah, but it's about the scale, right now you don't have one person dictating your autonomy, is perfectly fine. Because even if it is a small collection of lots of different things that impute and change your preferences, democracy never interrogates where those preferences come from under the status quo, which means the distinction we make to how you get your preferences is literally morally agnostic, like we don't care about this. And I think DLO actually concedes this argument because they say, quote, it does not matter where your preferences come from. There is literally no morally salient difference between whether they are imputed by the state or imputed by any other collection, which is something that opening opposition fails to actually respond to. Why do we solve this? One, because we change the alignment between the symmetry of the state and your preferences. That is, to maintain power, the only optimal strategy is quite literally to do lots of things like fulfill what you want. The reason the state doesn't want people protesting its indoctrination is exactly the reason they do what we said in the model, which is they fulfill your preferences. But more importantly, this is the only and the only iteration of any possible state that can actually get your preferences correct. Because any other version of the state, in order to be purely preference-observing, in order to maximize what people actually want, that is what Western liberal democracy cannot do. And the reason we find disagreement in Western liberal democracy right now is exactly because it fails to do that. I'll take opening. > POI: Our material on inequality demonstrates that the state has both incentives and enormous non-pre-existing capacities to coerce people and retain power without satisfying the set of preferences you think is their optimal... Okay, number one, guys, the motion literally says you satisfy preferences. I think that's fine. But number two, inequality, and this responds to the best case of opening opposition, inequality is born out of competition with others. And this is what we actually solved. Because removing scarcity is a massive win. And being able to fill people's preferences in these cases is a massive win. Think about the way that you get inequality on their side. It is not in a vacuum. There are people that say, ah, I'd like other people to be unequal. It is literally things like cultural wars that cause ethnic identities or individuals that assign value to their class over their pure preferences that say, I want to discriminate against other people. Why? Because those people being able to access their preferences impugns the ability of me to access my preferences. The fact is that metrics like culture and benchmarks like that are exactly what keeps people competitive in the status quo, which is how you get inequality on their side of the house. I think if we remove the bad metrics that people observe, like culture, we have fine saying that increases the ability to fight actual inequality. What else does opening opposition give you that just isn't salient to this debate? They talk about things like innovation that are born out of things like anxiety. I think on our side, we just get lots of people that are genetically specialized and doing better forms of innovation. Which means, if you think that resources are important, climate change, things like that, that's what we fight. Because we want to make sure that your resources are protected. At the end of this debate, top half doesn't matter. Because they give you no morally salient questions as to why this is the actual morally legitimate claim to the best form of the state. We solved that. Very, very proud.
CO · OppositionIf the only way to save Adithya's life was to enslave me and Art in perpetuity, even if that would have led to net utility gain because Adithya is alive, I would still think that is a fundamentally illegitimate thing to coerce other individuals and instrumentalize them for the ends of others. Two prongs of extension from closing opposition. Why this is a state that fundamentally enslaves all of its citizens, engaging with closing government and explaining why that is the most morally salient point in this debate, and secondly, I'm going to be the first person on our bench to talk about liberal democracies and why they can actually meet all the benefits that opening gov want to talk about. And the implication of that is if we can mitigate all the benefits of opening gov, and we can prove that autonomy is meaningful, then when you weigh that off, given that we can access all their benefits, the debate falls to our side. So why is this a state that ultimately enslaves all of its citizens and is morally significant? Realize, first of all, that no utility has intrinsic value. Utility just doesn't exist in a vacuum. That would just be like metaphysically weird. Like, why is an apple valuable? It's because I think I like it and therefore I assign that apple value. Therefore, if you recognize that utility only exists because a human will wills that utility to exist, we realize that nothing is intrinsically valuable and is determined by individuals' human wills. And the implication of that is very important for the opening gov and closing gov case, because it flows from that therefore, that given utility construction is constructed by the human will, the human will is itself the most important consideration in this debate, even if the human will has been conditioned to value certain things. Because it doesn't matter if the human will wills what they want to be valuable as valuable, if you constrain that valuation process to begin with, because it is that valuation process itself that is the most morally salient point in the speech. So, we can agree with both OG and CG that social conditioning is effective. The problem is, even if social conditioning is effective and people value what you want them to value, that is in and of itself a constraint of the human will. And given that the human will is what all utility flows from, it is irrelevant that you make them believe something. The fact that you are making them believe it in the first instance is bad, even if you can satisfy those preferences. And flowing from that premise comes two independent principle claims from opening opposition. Given that the human will is most important, social conditioning, in any sense, even if you can fulfill the preferences you socially condition into them, is immoral, as it constrains the human will from assigning that value in the first place. And even if you can fulfill the preferences that you then make them, that they then believe in, it is illegitimate because you've prevented what is most valuable from occurring, which is that valuation process to begin with. Because given that utility is not in and of itself valuable, the only thing that can be valuable intrinsically is the thing that constructs that utility. So even if you construct it for them and fulfill them, that is not legitimate because you are constraining that process of creating that value to begin with. But secondly, this instrumentalization is bad, right? Because you cannot use me to benefit others. Because if a human will is what utility comes from, then utility cannot be traded off as values on a number sheet. You cannot kill me to use my organs to save the eight people in this room, even if we create utility on net. Because the human will, being the construction of all utility, means that the source of utility for every individual person in this room is different. What makes me me, and what I preference, is different from what makes Arth Arth and what he preferences. Therefore, even if you increase net utility, it is illegitimate to instrumentalize individuals to that end. But the third thing I want to note under this principle, and this is very important, because it rises above the autonomy stuff, even if you don't believe it, is that individuals can no longer consent to this state, period. Because recognize that states fundamentally coerce individuals, and they give up their rights, and they prevent what they could otherwise do in the absence of that state. Note what social conditioning and genetic conditioning does on their side. It makes these individuals a tool of the state for the roles they want, and for the things they want to do. What this means in reality is individuals can't exit that state. Because they've been programmed genetically, they've been programmed socially, to always want to stay within that state. And this is not just about autonomy, right? This is literally what you can and cannot do, irrespective of the social preferencing that happens. It's whether or not you can do certain actions because they're illegal or legal. What changes on our side is obviously this doesn't apply to everyone, but individuals are able to exit a state, many individuals are able to exit states. They can move to other countries, they can move to other systems of law, and can actually consent to legal systems and frameworks that they want. So, given that on their side, social conditioning prevents the valuation process to begin with, and that valuation process is most important, what happens in liberal democracies on the comparative? We think even if norms exist, like, people can resist those norms, right? Even if you grow up with parents that inculcate you with values, you're exposed to media, you're exposed to friends, you're exposed to other narratives that exist in society as debates occur. There are countercultures that exist to the primary culture. You are able to access different types of narratives and therefore resist it. Furthermore, we're living in an increasingly socially mobile world. We get access. Like, you can't use the US as the worst case example of all Western liberal democracies. Like, we are increasingly moving towards welfare systems. We're increasingly moving towards systems that account for the preferences and needs of individuals worldwide. This means, therefore, that in liberal democracies, you are far better able to access that of what is most important, even taking opening government and closing government at their best, that you can fulfill the preferences that you create within individuals. But I don't even think they can do that, and this proves all of GovBench, right? Because what Aditya says is that you can control what people believe and therefore you can fulfill those beliefs. But I don't think at any point in OG or CG do they prove the efficacy of the social conditioning process. Because realize what happens here. There's a black box, you have inputs, and the output is the mental state. What they are controlling is the inputs of genetics and social conditioning. The problem is there are other exogenous factors, I'm dealing with that right now, that they cannot control. Because even if you can socially condition to some extent, there are almost an infinite amount of variables that influence the way people perceive their lives. There's injustice on the ground that people perceive. What they love, what they hate, what they grow up liking, the family they grow up in. Because even if you socially condition them, you cannot control all these factors. And this is important because it resolves the gridlock that Aditya mentions. Because what this means is that even if the state is the one conditioning things, there are still other things that are influencing you. And the problem there is you can never resolve that deadlock. And you can resolve that deadlock on our side because there is open debate. There are cultures and countercultures. On their side you simply have these experiences that contradict what the state tells you. But the state is the overriding force, so you never get any of the benefits GovBench want to talk about. Secondly, why are liberal democracies good at meeting everything opening government and closing government want to claim? The first thing to note is you get maximal information on our side, so you're best able to get exposure. People are less racist, people are moving towards better welfare systems. And critically, every electoral cycle, there's an untapped base which you want to tap into for the next electoral cycle. So liberal democracies converge to representation and getting everything in the long run. We're moving towards greater expansion of welfare and the provision of basic needs for everyone. There's a strong rise of charities and other organizations to maximize these for everyone that is left behind. We get almost all the benefits we want, and for the reason I think opening opposition gave, you don't solve climate change in the developing world still exists. Anyway, I note the comparative here, right? This is a prefers a world motion, not a this house would motion. They cannot fiat the best possible iteration of the brave new world. So in the construction of the brave new world itself, it'll be constructed by the individuals who are most in power and therefore the most elite. Given we give a mechanism for convergence of liberal democracies to representation, we beat them on that comparative since the most likely emergence of this brave new world is one that is dictated by those in elites and power right now, whereas on our side we converge to the representation of everyone. At the end of that, we get all the benefits of gov bench and it's not worth trading off autonomy. And even if we don't, we have proven why autonomy is morally salient, even if they can make those preferences to begin with. For all those reasons, closing op wins.
CG · GovernmentPanel, if we have to give you a pill before you are born to like the state, we will do it. The power of this motion is that we can quite literally form your preferences. And what Bobby never answers is why autonomy is good in and of itself. Because we claim to you it is an instrumental good to fulfill your preferences. If your preferences can be predetermined by the state, then your human will is predetermined by the state. Because what they never tell you about the human will is the human will is a set of preferences which are internally constructed to external stimuli. So, if we're able to preset your human will, we're able to align your human will with the autonomy you forego to the state inherently by being born, that question hasn't been answered, and you cannot let the whip get away with trying to answer it at the end of CO. I'm going to deal with closing opposition and a dismal lack of response on opening government and living in praxis, which this debate just was not about, and then opening opposition who said that autonomy is good because autonomy is good, and you see martyrs and stuff, so that's good. I'm closing opposition on enslavement. They tell you that nothing is intrinsically valuable and the human will is most important. A few responses. One, we agree, but this conditioning happens before the formation of that will because that will is a response to an external set of circumstances. They give you no response to family, to religious doctrine, which exists in the formation of that will. We don't believe that babies in and of themselves have a human will, which is why we don't confer them determinative rights as individuals. That will is formed once they're able to rationalize that. We happen before that rationalization process, which is why we are determinative of that will in the first place. Second of all, at their best, even if it is a priori, they can't explain where that human will otherwise emerges from. Maybe it comes from God. Maybe it comes from genetic Darwinism. By their logic, your birth is then enslavement. We would rather that be a preference-fulfilling form of enslavement where the enslavement you feel to the state is one which actually makes you feel happy. Okay, secondly, on principles, they say you can't instrumentalize the human will, which is a lewd assertion. One, this only stands when the human will is already established. We told you this happens before establishment. Two, the comparative is that you have to instrumentalize your human will because of scarcity. Your preferences are in competition with other people, which means you need other people to fulfill your ends, which is why you instrumentalize them in the first place, because it is an irreconcilable competition. There is heterogeneity of preferences, and the state to whom you yield your autonomy cannot fulfill your preferences. Then they say you can't consent to the state. Three responses. One, why do you ever? You're born into a state with ideologies. Even if you can move, you're constrained by the history of that state, by the history of the world. You're constrained by other people's preferences, which are in contestation with your own. But second of all, you're already foregoing your autonomy to the state in virtue of being born. You're not born in a state of protest, you're born in a state of servitude, because you yourself have not developed your rationale as a child in the first place. But third of all, and this is really important, we tell you that you can consent to the state because now you know the state is preference-fulfilling, and therefore the trade-off you make to a democratic state, which definitionally is a preference-aggregating and fulfilling state, is now a fair trade-off, because you know they can account for your interests. That scarcity doesn't mean that something that you give to someone else has to be at your cost. It is that resolution of the tension that Bobby does not respond to, and Arth cannot resurrect in his wit. On opening opposition. One, on innovation. They tell you that one, we tell you that we make people better at particular forms of innovation. Two, we give you preemptive importance that is placed on resources being given to everyone, which means, which requires massive innovation to pursue this allocation in the first place. Second of all, on the politics of envy. One, we are fine doping you up with your disconsent. There's no reason why envy is worse than the status quo of dissatisfaction. We would actually say that envy emerges from deep dissatisfaction with the status quo, and envy emerges from the fact that your preferences are in tension with one another, which means that you envy someone else being able to use their power over you. Realize that the purpose of power is quite literally to enslave you because you only require security insofar as your preferences are in tension with someone else, so if they strip you of resources, you are suddenly in a compromised position. Again, never resolved by them. Second of all, competition happens along preferences and this cultivates envy politics, as I said. Third of all, on autonomy, this extension is responsive. That is, we only care about your autonomy. We only care about your freedom of movement. We only care about your freedom of speech to express a set of preferences against the state that is currently refusing those preferences. So now, if the state is able instrumentally to observe those preferences in the first place, it solves the problem of this debate morally. And OG try to give justifications which aren't moral, that is, that the state is able to make you happier, but they don't tell you why happiness is in and of itself a necessary good. That is, we tell you that happiness from preferences is good because it is formative in your autonomy in the first place. The reason you exercise your autonomy is because you want to live a good life that aligns with your preferences in the first place. They never give you this genealogy, which is why we beat them. Three reasons why democracies are not perfectly preference observing. First, I'll take OO. > POI: Do you think it would be morally legitimate if you were able to condition someone such that one of their genuine desires was just to be your pet? Actually, if you condition it before the human will is formed, I actually don't see why this is morally problematic. Like, literally, if you live your entire life in consistent appeasement, if you live your life without having that will distorted, because realize the premise of this POI is that it distorts your will in the first place. But the premise of our case is that we are formative of your will, and therefore your will wills you to be a pet. So if you want to be a pet, go live your life, be a pet under our side. We already let people to do this under the status quo. Again, there is no moral push which is significant under this. Why are democracies not preference observing under their side? One, voting is something people often feel apathetic about because they know that their preferences can't always be assumed by the state. Under our side, they are. Second of all, your vote is often based on ingroup biases over internal preferences, and having to make trade-offs between your internal preferences. We don't force you to make these trade-offs, therefore this is not a constraint of your autonomy. At the end of this speech, one thing should be clear. Your autonomy is an instrumental good to your preferences. Your will is formed a priori by us, and your preferences are in alignment to the state you now confer your rights anyway. So the state has a monopoly of power. You don't have any force as an individual against that state, but in collectivizing, we resolve this tension uniquely under our side. An asymmetry that is born from your autonomy being heterogeneous, we instead purpose the state, your sovereign, your god, to fulfill your preferences. So, so proud to win.
CO · OppositionBluster certainly isn't a substitute for analysis, and that's why closing government is out of this debate, and the reason for that is what we tell you is that you can in fact preset the human will under their side, but we tell you that is bad, and they don't give me a reason to suggest that it isn't, other than to demonstrate an intuition pump, that the status quo is one in which your human will is preset and enslaved to begin with, but that never engaged with the actual comparative that the opposition bench set up, which is, this is not about madarsas in Pakistan, this is about western liberal democracies. We have access to information, we have access to exposure, we have the free manifestation of that human will. That means, Abhinav's analysis as to why the free operation of the human will, or the freer operation of the human will, giving the basis to all morality is important in this debate, because our comparative, which gets no response from closing government, by the way, talking about response, means that that morally significant metric, your capacity to choose what your preferences are on the comparative stands, that is why closing government on a consideration of responsiveness is out. But that's also why OO collapses in this debate, because firstly, there's no reason why autonomy is more operation, more important than what OG tells you, which is happiness. Beach tells you, yeah, you can be a dad, and that's a good thing, but we demonstrate why that operation of autonomy is important, because it underlies every valuation of utility to begin with. That is uniquely a gridlock-breaking argument that Abhinav comes, but secondly, comes up with, secondly, there is, and I am just genuinely baffled, this motion has Western liberal democracies in it. Opening opposition don't talk about why Western liberal democracies are good. They assert that there's some economic trajectory. Abhinav demonstrates at every point why there's a convergence to accommodating preference, why individuals are able to make the choices opening opposition's case is reliant on, therefore the key contingency in this debate dies. Lastly, we demonstrate on a consideration of weight, deep existential dread, because they can control some of the inputs into your mental state, and the fact that Mish doesn't respond to this is just absolutely terminal for that case, because it is true that you can control social conditioning, but you can't give them a fucking pill in like 2000 BC. The mechanisms of social conditioning are largely the same, but even if you could, you can't control the way that your experiences, that your family, that your communities emerge, and in order for closing government's claim to be true, there needs to be an absolute alignment between what your experiences and desires are, and what the state wants, but Abhinav demonstrates that's not likely to be the case, because your experiences do change, which means if CG's case is that there is now the case --- stop coding your POI, sit down --- If there is the case that, for example, you have to have a perfect alignment between the state and people, it isn't the case anymore, because the state still has to operate on observed preferences, because they don't know what's on your head. In your head, they can only control some elements of your mental state at any given point in time, so this ludicrous extension dies. I'm going to do two things in this speech. First, I'm going to talk about OG, the team of death, destruction, and despair, then I'm going to talk about closing government, the team that will put you in cages, give you food, and call it a happy life. Let's look at opening government. This case collapses on a consideration of characterization, because it is literally, this state is good, western liberal democracies are bad, therefore motion. And the problem with this is that it is an utter assertion from opening government as to why it is the case that this state would be good, or why it would be the case that the elites dictating how this society manifests would be good to begin with. We give you an Abhinav why it wouldn't be the case. The bias, the initial circumstance, the perverseness of people keeping down on the basis of difference does not change. They don't give me a reason as to why that's the case. If you're a rocket scientist on opening government, you still think that the work you are doing is more valuable and important than the people that you think are being selected by the state to do the cleaning job. There's no reason why you would engage in that allocation they talk about. But most importantly, we demonstrate that that allocation wouldn't be random, because if you are the white people to get the resources to do this in the first place, your perception is still that brown people are tribalistic and ought be socially conditioned in a certain way. So it's not even the diverse way they talk about. Weigh that against the trivial observation that Bobby has as to why will the western liberal democracy the fight would. Because they just assert well, in the US we have bad campaign finance reform, that's bad as opposed to we will pick black people and make them cleaners permanently because we have no capacity to change the social orders. My God, this case just fucking dies in this debate. Therefore, what you have to weigh in this debate are the marginal improvements at best in physical material, which are marginal based on Abhinav's analysis as to why western liberal democracies are improving in efficiency, improving in representation, accommodating more people versus enslavement, a lack of resolution, and all of the instrumentalization Abhinav tells you. That is why opening government is unambiguously out of this debate. OG. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Yeah, yeah. But that's predicated on you proving that the status quo is bad, which you assert, and that this model is good, which you assert. You do neither of those things. That's why your case dies in this debate. Let's look at closing government, the team of cages. And I want to be clear here. Abhinav did respond. I'm sick and tired of people saying that he doesn't because this draconian extension is again predicated on the manifestation of the state being good. Because at best, Mish proves that there is some capacity for the state to engage in the perfect alignment of incentives and preferences. Like, they can do this. But he never explains why they will do this. And we demonstrate why they're unlikely to. Because the construction of the state is predicated on those individuals that do that. And Abhinav tells you that, ironically to no response in Mish's speech. But most importantly, and it is terminal for this CG, that we give you a piece of material that destroys this claim. And there's not a semblance of response to this. The experience claim we give you demonstrates that closing opposition is not meaningfully able, through the state, to bridge the gap between individuals' preferences and what they provide. Because, if it is the case that experience meaningfully changes your preferences in a way that the state doesn't have epistemic access to, then the bridge that their place is reliant on considering, does not occur. Compare that to the comparative, what Abhinav tells you. Western liberal democracies that just actively seek out your preferences, because that's how they get votes. They ask you, they have an incentive to do this, as opposed to a state where the social structure and hierarchy can never change. That is the comparative in this debate. So if it's about bridging the gap, the trajectory material we give you as to how best that gap is bridged absolutely decimates this claim. At the end of this speech, I want to be very clear. This is tantamount to enslavement and instrumentalization. The key value is allowing for the freer operation of the human will because that is the only thing that is morally significant in this debate. Very proud to stand in closing opposition.
empate bp_202 · This House Prefers a "Brave New World" to the status quo in Western Libera...
✓ acerto
Motion (tema debatido): This House Prefers a "Brave New World" to the status quo in Western Liberal Democracies.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OG,OO) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=202, label gold.csv = "OG,OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: DRAW T2: DRAW T3: DRAW T4: DRAW
Voto majoritário: DRAW (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a superior focus on the comparative analysis of human agency and the philosophical implications of the motion, whereas DEBATEDOR_A relied heavily on meta-commentary about the debate format and personal anecdotes. DEBATEDOR_B successfully engaged with the core tension between material satisfaction and autonomy, while DEBATEDOR_A struggled to provide a consistent structural defense of the Brave New World model.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentOkay, so I know the majority of people in this room have this existentialism rooted in Bojack Horseman, Rick and Morty, where existence is pain in my head and stuff. But what I'm gonna tell you is existence is pain for people who don't have food to eat, who don't have health care, who don't have all of this stuff. So even insofar that they can claim that some of the people in this society might not be content, fully and fully self-actualized and all of the stuff, we believe that the most important thing in this debate is not to torture people but not allowing them to have food, meaningful, how do you say, basic necessities, which is like the lowest people in our society currently. What I regrettably, Uncle, has opened my minds to in this debate is that this is not the book, this is a debate. So everything that they might know from reading a book, which I also know, still needs to be proven and still needs to be weighed. So you might know what happens in a book, don't spoil it to people. You still have to prove your points on your side of the house. So you might know ABC and other types of it, but the world can look like people indoctrinating you into believing like collectivism and completely being content with what you are, which is probably what is going to happen given the info slide on our side of the house. So framing this world is pretty much the same bar two things. First of all, that this is a stable world, which means that there is no change in social order. We're gonna prove to you by changing social order is not good. And second of all, that this is based the great big people basic necessity and utility, which is actually what wins us the debate outright. So first of all, why free will doesn't exist. Yay, cool. So we define free will as the ability to choose other outcomes for your life other than what is actually happening or what is ought to happen by random circumstances that you are plagued with. What are these random circumstances that you're plagued with? So every future decision and every decision that anybody's making is conditioned by any previous decision that was made overall and not just like decisions, right? It's like genetics, evolution, and social values that arose in like random order and stuff. It is all influencing what I am believing, why I'm here, where I am in this situation. So, insofar that people have the sense of free will doesn't mean that necessarily free will exists and it actually doesn't. But what we should care about in this world is then the utility of the people who are the most disenfranchised, who cannot express and who by random lottery and throw of the dice have received like punishment, eternal punishment of torture and a horribleness that is existence in abject poverty and stuff like that. So let's talk about these people. So notice that when material and physical needs are met, which is stated by the impulse like only thing that is constant and they cannot refute under our side of house, which basically means there is no abject poverty, but it's also basically there is no poverty because like majority of people who are poor also don't have their needs fulfilled as love it. But let me translate that into human language for people to understand, probably, yeah. So what does this mean? This means less hungry people, less people who need healthcare, who are dying and stuff like that, and less people who need to take up loans in order to cure their child from doing something. This might most, I'll ask healthcare, you're talking about how to say something, it is basic, but notice that when you're hungry, this is basically somebody inflicting a pain upon your stomach, upon your guts, and you feeling horrible about this and stuff like that. Notice it also biology kicks in, right? Like this is something where you cannot control your hormones that are completely changing the way you're making decisions, you're making whatever, whatever it is changing your outcome and you're in your state of mind. So it's not only a physical pain that we want to avoid by all costs because it's biologically rooted if you want to avoid pain. But what I can posit to them is, would you torture terrorists if it will lead to a better outcome? Defend that in your leader of the opposition speech, please. Okay, but like, but it's also about psychological pain that people are experiencing from feeling of the hopelessness or courtesy not having the basic needs fulfilled under their side of a house. This is on our comparative, at least the lowest people on both or the both sides of the house is like much higher on our side of the house and we don't have abject torture. So they might still say, ah, but there's still some harms on our world, but nothing is as harmful as you being hungry, as you dying from hunger, as your kid dying from a disease that was completely preventable. It's happening in majority of Western liberal democracies. I mean, healthcare is still an issue. Why the heck are you doing this, America? Yeah, okay, so, so that's one. Second thing, why is changing the social position is first of all non-comparative, but second of all not good, even if they prove that it's a comparative. First of all, notice that system in their side of the house in status quo is rooted in couple things. It's basically capitalism in Western liberal democracies. But what does it mean? It's connected by vastly different interest in a vastly different complex systems that are, how do you say, anti-fragile to change and stuff like that on their side of the house, which means that some things might change, but they are minute in comparison and the system pretty much stays the same. But even if it changes to the certain and they like also lots of people that couple of more mechanisms, let's prove it a bit more stated. Lots of people have status quo bias. Lots of people fear change because the majority of people, how do you say, don't like and fear the change is something that can bring them something that is worse than they have in the status quo. So the people who might want to change are people on our side of the house. What change would they want? Is this change that we are proposing under our side of the house? People who do not want change on their side of the house and who want the things to stay constant are people who are pretty much already have these basic necessities fulfilled under our side of the house. So insofar that people want revolution, they want revolution to lead to our world. The problem is on their side of the house, the revolution is pretty much uncertain. Yes, opening. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Sure, it has reduced. I don't care. There's still poverty. There's still abject poverty. People are still dying from unnecessary things. I don't care if you prove 50 hundred years and stuff like that. Is that you're gonna solve this? We do it in a poof, by the virtue of the motion being set and stuff like that. So they just compared the hardness that they have to go through versus a poof from the info slide. Okay, so notice the change in the society. Social system doesn't necessarily need to better outcomes for people. Notice the majority of revolutions that happened previously. I ran communist revolutions previously, despite what Harvard might have wanted you to believe in that finals. So yeah, majority, majority of revolution and majority of stuff is plagued by people having horrible interest in being self-interested, even if they want to change initially, like revolution eating these children and stuff like that. So this means that usually people who died the most after revolution died the most of changing the social order, like because social order is uprooting everything that we have, is uprooting the economy, uprooting manufacturing system and stuff like that, leaving a lot more people in poverty, a lot more elites on the top of the hierarchy, like it happened in every communist revolution under server house. So change is not desirable, it's basically non-comparative, and we eliminate poverty and torture on their side of the house. So please vote opening government. Thank you.
OO · OppositionMy happiness is not just a composition of my material and physical needs. In the darkest moments of my depression, the problem was not that I was alienated from the material world, but alienated from myself and my own sense of identity. Thank God for finding my aspirations and the social relations like Chin to help me out of it. The problem with the brave new world is that it alienates humanity from itself and makes it a slave to the slave master of the state. I'm going to prove three different things in this speech. First, I want to talk about why it is principally illegitimate that you have a brave new world. Second of all, I want to talk about practically why the marginal benefits are incredibly small and the harms are massive to disadvantaged groups. Lastly, I just want to talk about net happiness and human aspirationalism. So, what is the principle in this debate? I think the thing that is important to observe is that onside proposition, they place far too much trust in the state. The important thing is that freedom is relational. For instance, slavery is wrong even if you provide all your basic material and physical needs to that slave, even if you give them the right to travel. I want to pause at a thought experiment to you here. Imagine having a fence with a gate that is unlocked. You can always go through that gate. The more free world is the one in which that fence does not exist in the very first place because you can choose the options of what you want and you have no barriers to impede you. Why is that important in this debate? Because the world that the proper position creates is a state which can determine what system they have, a benevolent autocracy which you can influence by changing the human genome and by affecting individual social conditioning. I think it is a world in which individuals' autonomy, no thank you, and preferences are undermined. Why is it on the comparative that we prefer Western liberal democracies? Then you can collectivize the change. We recognize that it is an imperfect system, but it's a system in which you still have a massive amount of lower-class and middle-class people who can organize, who can protest, who can go to the ballot box, and that preference aggregation and the very expression of that preference is a basic good in and of itself. Furthermore, the basic protections that exist for things like the right to protest. Now, I know what they're going to say. They're going to say these preferences matter not at all, precisely because of the fact that preferences are arbitrary and the fact that you can fix these preferences is a good end of itself. What is the harm that comes from this? First of all, I want to say that in the status quo, the free will argument is relatively insubstantial because even if we have our free will imposed upon us and are socially conditioned, we have competing different preferences that are still acting. For instance, the pressure to be world champions for Chennai versus the social expectation that we should just relax and that is better for us. So, we always have multiple competing preferences and that state will always try and dictate and limit the options that we have. For one, I think it is important thought experiment to recognize, for instance, that even if an individual has a strong preference to, for instance, be a heroin addict, that does not mean that it is a meaningful preference. The utility machine that knows it talks about does not aggregate and express what is actually good for you. And the important thing to note is that preferences can have different weight, i.e., I can have multiple preferences in a counterfactual world. I can have a preference to not be the world champion, but that doesn't mean that it makes me as happy as the preference to be a world champion. So, just because you have a fixed preference does not mean that the utility that you get from that preference is any different. It is the same on both sides because preferences have different ways that they act upon you and different ways that you can be happy from them. Sure. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Okay, but think about this. That is true for a subset of people, and maybe mostly in America, not in Finland or other places. You cannot take the worst-case example of Western liberal democracies; you have to take the mean. And the mean is a world in which you have pretty decent quality of life. So you can't win this debate on OG or CG by exaggerating that the US is really bad because everyone in this room agrees that the US is really bad. Talk about other Western liberal democracies, please. So, on practical outcomes in this debate, the first thing that I want to point out is that characterization as to why there can be change structurally. It is true that there will always be a critical voting block that can change these kinds of systems based on the structure of capitalism itself, i.e., large capital owners have to extract gains from multiple people in order to become rich. So, you have to have a large class of working-class individuals to be extract that money from. An important thing is, therefore, that there is a large voter block. No, thank you. That has some degree of power to influence it, and that is why you see socialist policies starting to be implemented in large parts of the world. Why the amount of poverty is quite small, and we can see you probably marginally win on the 3% of people who are extremely impoverished in the mean Western liberal democracy. We think that is unimportant compared to the impact that we're going to propose because we think in order for the opening government to win, they need to have a totalizing system of conditioning that a state who is afraid of their power being usurped is most likely in this characterization going to embark on radically empower radically powerful policies to try and indoctrinate for in people. So, for instance, proactivity separating social classes so that people do not see the inequality that exists within that system, putting them in systematically worse neighborhoods that even if their basic material physical needs are met, they're worse off, suppressing protests, and if any person chooses a protest, that 1% of people who are aspirational, those people will be cracked down upon and put into reeducation camps. Why is it necessarily the case that even with the conditioning that they talk about, you will still have that sort of agitation? There are two different reasons. First of all, humans are aspirational. We are the only species which can compare and understand ourselves relationally to one another, so we are able to see, for instance, that someone else is better off and that we want to be able to strive to that position. Even if I am in an objectively good position, for instance, I should be happy that I'm a world semifinalist, but you'll be damned if I'm happy if I don't. I thought be happy if I don't make the finals. So, that is important thing, and the comparative is a world in which you can use the ballot box to express that preference, that even if it's imperfect, you're able to have a marginal improvement on that and express the aspirational nature, rather than having to go through protests or other risky means. No, thank you. Stability is a bad thing, precisely in the cases that if we can prove the status quo is harmful, and you have a much higher burden to just say revolution can sometimes be bad. Look at the Hong Kong Revolution, which we posit if it was successful, would lead to a democratic system, so the end outcomes can be oftentimes good. The second thing I want to point out is that humans are social. No man is an island, and we place ourselves within groups and we understand ourselves within group identity. That is why a colony cannot understand themselves as an identity compared to humans. And the important thing to note here is that the fact that humans are social means that we construct our meaning, the ability to have social relationships out of your class is valuable. Just because Chinasin Emporian, I wish I could still be friends with him, but also suggests why it is that we are relational because we define ourselves in groups and oppositional to other groups. The last thing I want to talk about isn't that happiness. Even if you don't think that you're going to have strict crackdowns, we think it is still wrong because it is important that people long for more, and that is natural for what people have. We are not the homo economicus; we compare ourselves to one another rather than just on objective standards, as I've suggested before, and the huge inequality makes you feel relatively worse off and makes you feel unhappy. That's why more equal places that are poor, like Bhutan, are more happy places because there's no one to compare yourself to. The comparative in this debate is not perfection but is the hope and ability to change the system, is the idea that you can have some degree of influence in some kind of hope, and that gives you reassurance to make you happy and feel like every day is worth living, that you can wake up in the morning because there's a meaningful change that you can make. The world that we view is tied to our emotions, the lens we view our lives through is important, and the fireworks that come off when we are friends is something that is valuable. Remarkably proud to oppose, thank you.
OG · GovernmentOne thing that we get from the info slide in this debate is the fact, "Can I talk from the Africa?" Okay, one thing we get from the info slide is the fact that people do not have the ability to rebel. If people cannot rebel and overthrow this social system that exists, there are two possible options. Option number one is that they are so satisfied, feel absolutely no need to overthrow the system in the first place. And option number two is that we import these things into their consciousness. As you say, we give them pills or we give them, I don't know, some neural input into their brains. It doesn't really matter. On both of these, we win. But note that if everything that Jason says is true, how people, how people, how they want freedom, how they have all sorts of different things that make them unhappy, this probably means that if we buy the premise of the motion, which is people are not going to rebel, meaning that the world has no chance of being as bad place as opening opposition is trying to present to you in the first place. Or their consciousness is going to be altered in the way so they don't, which is already what's happening in status quo because we are conditioned. Because we are conditioned by our neurobiology. Oh, but preferences can be wild. What's so wild and different? They're so important for us to feel happy. No, even in the status quo, we make preferences in relation to situations that we are pushing. I do not have the same preferences as my great-grandfather did. In fact, we have completely different preferences because he, at the time of his life, knew what he could expect for life. We knew that he couldn't have an iPhone. I know that I can have an iPhone. So, my drive for you, what he strove for is maybe to build a house in Belgrade where he can live. And then, and then my grandfather would inherit this house. Those were his preferences. People who lived in ancient Egypt had very different preferences than 19th century United Kingdom. Okay, we adjust our preferences to situations we are put in. And this happens even if things change suddenly, such as, I don't know, Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Suddenly, if you're an aristocrat and now you're hiding in the basement, your preferences all of a sudden become a bit different. And since the conditions that put you into having these preferences are already random and opening opposition considers they're random, I'm really not sure what the comparative is on these preferences. Point second thing, we tell you what is the comparative in this debate is the utility. Because there is no such a thing as culpability or immorality because we are conditioned by what has been happened before in the timeline of our life. When I was born and then my parents raised me and then when they make some first active decision, let's go to illusion of an active decision. These were all conditioned by all the previous things and then every decision I make in the future is conditioned by every way all the set of previous decisions that are made. Moreover, we tell you are conditioned by genetics. You're conditioned by randomness. Maybe you've got some disease. Maybe a car hit and killed someone you love. Maybe black swans happen. System collapse. Economy splashes. People lose everything in economic. We don't know what may happen in life and what is conditioning this. I want to take closing for extension. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Yes, but if Jason makes the premise that in the status quo, people can achieve some change, low classes and middle classes, why wouldn't people achieve? Such people, such age of both sides of the house. But moreover, what we tell you is why this is likely to happen is because when we solve the problems of global poverty that does not only exist in the United States of America, but all across minorities communities living in Western liberal democracies, we get much more beneficial results and much more satisfied people. For people who are the most disenfranchised, note the comparative on their side of the house. Have nothing. They don't have. Their preferences are never fulfilled, according to the team in opening opposition, because they do not have access to the thing that their premises to even getting preference. Indeed, there are many people in Western liberal democracies who never travel to a foreign country their entire life. There are many people who take a mortgage in order to pay for healthcare for their kids, even if healthcare in their country exists. So maybe it is inaccessible. So you need to pay for something. So you need to pay for something in some different countries. Secondly, we tell you, in the lack of those basic necessities, what we are telling you is this: you live in a constant, stable state of pain, which is, by the utilitarian metric, the worst thing that can happen to human condition, because this is something that we can actually measure, that we can measure through fMRI, another new neuroscience engineering novelties that humans have been able to put. This means that if you don't have money to eat good food, so you have to go and buy at 7-Eleven every day, this means that you will have a stomachache. But all this is also applicable to every little thing that you're able to buy in life. Note that in the status quo, in all the back to liberal democracies, we can open crisis. So people who are dissatisfied with the way their life looks like and how they cannot escape this poverty. Why do people smoke crack? Rich people do not smoke crack. Okay, people who smoke crack are those who, you know, cannot just cannot get out of their skin of how difficult the situation is. On our side of the house, government, we alleviate that pain by the notion of the info slide. This is given to us. What they have to do is prove their thing. Oh, and then I want, I just forgot to respond to this point about slavery. You don't say slavery and get away with this. You're a slave because state coerces you. You know, state coerces me. If I don't pay my taxes, a policeman will come and pull me over. So he takes my money. And if I say no, I don't want to give you money, he will break my hand if it is necessary to take me off to the police station and to take this money away from me, as well as to all the laws that I personally have preference not to oblige. In the status quo, and I cannot change my citizenship. If I don't give me Singaporean citizenship, I will gladly take it and give my Serbian away. Unfortunately, in the status quo, this is not something that I can do. So we, I'm telling you that in the status quo, I am already a slave of the state because if I don't comply with these laws, which in fifty years we may find super immoral, the same way we look at Jim Crow's now that happened in the 1960s. Okay, only fifty days ago from some time distance. His slavery in this is not comparative. The comparative is how can you self-actualize and how the poorest of the poorest who cannot achieve in the first place what they want to achieve, how these people are going to self-actualize. What we tell you in this debate, the only way that you can adjudicate is by consequentialism. We are the team that brings you the best consequentialism. It doesn't matter whether my lack of choice is given from nature or from the government. Proud to propose.
OO · OppositionI think it's important to peel back the euphemisms of genetic engineering and social conditioning because that seems to be opening government's magic bullet, and I want you to understand just how antithetical these things are to our deepest hopes and desires. First, it means alienating you from yourself. You do not have autonomy, you do not have dreams, you just need to be a polished gear in an unfeeling machine. Two, it means cracking down on dissidents because stability, per the first speaker, is purchased at the cost of imprisoning critics. Because if you so much as speak out against the regime, you were sent to reeducation camps. They say the motions light tells us people cannot rebel. No, check your phones. Point number three says there is no possibility of changing the social order. There might be, for example, no possibility for me to kill all of you. Does it mean I can't try? Does it mean I can't come screaming towards you and slapping all of you, even though I don't succeed? And we think that the most just like does not give them fear to say that people are didn't. Third, it also means didn't some of the most powerful, effective emotions in our human psyche that give us happiness: the removal of hope, of aspiration, and of the chance of rebellion. So at the end of my introduction, I asked you to ask them a question: at what price, yanko prosperity, the human soul? I talked to you about five things: why do people sacrifice material well-being for intangible goods like democracy? I put to you that factual claims like the Brexit vote, how people took back control even though they were materially poorer, or Hong Kong protesters who rejected their future as investment banking analysts and consultants so they could fight on the front lines for universal suffrage, are empirical evidence that material comfort is deeply insufficient for happiness. Life is a pursuit of meaning. Just surface raw existence without any further internal narrative is what increases the likelihood of depression and severe nihilism. That is why Bhutan is happier than Hong Kong. This is why people tend to be deeply unhappy in countries like China, in countries where you don't have the ballot, where you're unable to organize, because people feel that their lives are being led by someone else, that you are just a puppet in the capitalist machine with no capacity to have autonomy. So it is in their paradigm that they have more pain, they have more depression, they have more nihilism, they have more mental disorder. They say it second. This is the second part of my speech that people's preferences change over time and they are better able to reflect it. I'm not sure why they bring this up because Jason tells you that it is democracy that serves a preference-aggregating function. So I can accept their premise. Let's say people's preferences change over time, but that's why people's voting preferences, the review preference through the majority, also map onto changing preferences. But in their side, they have to lock in preferences at one time slice. They have to pull everybody, determine what people's preferences are, and then genetically engineer from that point onwards. It is their side that doesn't recognize that preferences change. But let's be clear, because I think all of you are wondering, what is the problem with being born with genetically programmed preferences? Because it seems to me that I'm doing a cheat, right? I'm taking an external perspective and applying it to a subjective perspective. So here's the problem. The problem of being born with genetically programmed preferences is that you don't feel autonomous, even if you may not actually be autonomous, because you feel that your entire life is led, strung along by deterministic things. So even if the world we live in is a deterministic one, at least we give ourselves the illusion of autonomy, that I know when I swing my hands, it is not some random law of physics that's causing me to swing my hands, and this gives me power to know that I control my life, that I am able to define my relationships with people, that I am able to be the protagonist in my own life story. But in a deterministic war, even within the subjective perspective of someone whose preferences are conditioned by the state, that individual feels like an automaton, that individual feels that they are being led by a state that is determined for them what their life plays out, even though their preferences are real to them. That is why Jason gives you the analogy of the heroin addict. Why is it that the heroin addict, in his moment of sobriety, even if you may not always be sober, really regrets taking heroin, even though those preferences are real? It's because the heroin addict realizes that their positive freedom is being curtailed, that they're unable to control their addiction to the heroin, they're being led by some external force, in the same way they are being led by the external force on their side, by the state. No, thank you. Third thing I want to talk about, maybe Yanko is correct, material well-being is indeed a precondition for happiness. I mean, I could see this is probably true, but first, look at Jason's mitigation about how in most liberal Western democracies, this precondition tends to be met, and we are on a path to improvement. This doesn't flip the point, it just mitigates. But I want to note here that a precondition is non-equivalent to sufficiency. So lots of people on your side have the preconditions for happiness. Good job, because very few people actually have the sufficient conditions for happiness. There are very few people who are actually happy on your side, even if you meet the relevant preconditions. So by their own utilitarian metric, we win. Fourth, on what Yanko says about pain minimization, utilitarianism, maybe it is not about maximizing happiness, it's about minimizing pain. But on your side, all of Jason's harms cause pain. The fact, for example, that I'm not allowed to feel hope if I'm droning away as a gear in that machine. The fact, for example, they have a higher likelihood of suffering things like schizophrenia and depression because I feel the state is the one controlling me, not myself controlling my own life. So on your side, you also have a very large amount of pain. But before I go on, yes. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) I think this is deeply elitist. I'm sorry because lots of individuals, regardless of the material conditions, genuinely do find value in their lives. Like the family, the friends, the jobs they work. Even if you might not think that somebody flipping burgers at McDonald's has a deep, complex, meaningful internal life, I assure you they do. Back to my case. So we think even on their metric, pain minimization utilitarianism, they lose because they have deep mental and psychological problems. Number five: slavery. I love what Yanko says. "The state is coercive. If I steal the water, the policemen break my hand." Are correct. So the state is coercive, right? That is exactly the premise for why we should have to vote. Because the coercive power of the state is the justification for people having the ability to shape those laws. Because it is illegitimate for a state to have coercive power on someone if that someone is also unable to similarly reflect back on the state and stop the state through voting for an alternative political party or changing the laws. It is exactly that premise that feeds into Jason's argument. So thank you for proving our point that there is a principle legitimacy to democracy that prevents state overreach and also a principle legitimacy to the point that we avoid a relational inequality that creates slavery. For all these reasons, I have never been prouder to oppose.
CG · GovernmentI used to believe, at one point in time, with age came wisdom. The opening half of this debate has firmly dispossessed me of that conviction. The claim from Opening Opposition is that people do not feel autonomous. The problem here is, I think more people feel powerless, feel stripped of their autonomy by poverty, by illness, by discrimination. But stop them from making a whole range of other choices other than their occupation that are probably more meaningful to the human good. There may well be no convincing single answer to the human good, and that's why the extension from Closing Government is very simple: material happiness is a precondition to accessing almost any other form and indeed to deciding for yourself what human happiness is. But I want to note at the top, I think it is very unlikely that the conception of human happiness we have arrived at, as per Opening Opposition, is correct. That is, your place in the social order should determine your happiness, the job that you do, and the level of prosperity in financial terms associated with it. I think there are very many more important things to human happiness, and that is going to be our extension. Before that, I want to delete Opening Opposition for the round. First, the principle that the state has too much power. The problem with this principle, as pointed out by our POI, is that the state already has this amount of power, but it uses it in different ways and more subtle ways. That is the reason that we believe literally everything in this round is because we have come through education systems that have taught us to put certain value by certain things. We are constrained by laws that tell us that certain behaviors should be done and should not be done. So they claim that like OO, the state now has a monopoly to tell people, and this is the Opening Government. The Opening Government response that feeds back to them the claim that the government having an ability to tell people what they should want is unjustifiable is exactly the status quo. The principle is not a real argument. I think their pragmatic argument is the most compelling one they make, that is, the people are aspirational, they have social relationships. A couple of things here. First, this argument literally rebuts itself, that is, if you condition people to believe that their societal role is what they will fulfill, but it is not the sum of what they should aim for, presumably they no longer care about the fact that someone else is a lawyer and they are a bricklayer because they have defined themselves as a product of more than just their occupation. But three more responses here. First, I think this is entirely symmetric, that is, people are more likely to weigh themselves relative to others at the moment and feel injustice when they see my material needs are not being met, but the material needs of others are being met. "I cannot feed my children, but others can." I think that is what causes people to be angry. They say, "Oh, fine, like bankers, as an example, people that have everything, joining the fight. Why would they do that?" I think in many instances, this is a great example. People join the fight out of what? Trying to fulfill the material needs of others. They see the injustice voices upon others and that motivates them. But in a world where everyone else also has the material needs fulfilled, I think this drops out of the round. Third, I would posit this is perhaps one of the best things that would ever happen for social justice because the way this actually works, if anyone had actually read the book, is that every generation, every person that is born, is randomly assigned these traits, which means you remove basically all racism from society, for example, because it is no longer certain races picking certain other races. It is done on a random basis and you move certain people in certain positions and move certain people out of other positions. I think that means almost all of their material about people having a desire to overthrow the system is taken out of the round. Second, human autonomy, and this is where we clash most directly with Opening Opposition and why we maximize it in Closing Government. Any conception of the human good relies on basic biological needs being fulfilled. They say you can't change the social order, but I think there are many competing versions of happiness that are probably more likely to be legitimate than the one that 21st-century capitalism has voiced it upon. This family, the joy of being a father, your friendships and the connections you form there, romance and romantic relationships, your ability to read and discover things in literature and philosophy, your ability to go outdoors and experience the natural beauty of the world, your ability to consume things like art and music, the joy of teaching to other people. There are a huge range of things that people derive their happiness from, all of which they are structurally shut out of for four reasons by a lack of material sustenance. One, no thank you, the precondition of health, that is, you literally need to be alive to be a family member, to be a friend, to be a lover. You need to have the strength to go outdoors, you have the strength to interact with others in order to decide what is valuable for you in the very first instance. They presume the social order is the only thing that people care about. I think that people would care much more about having the choice to decide for themselves what they should care about. No thank you. Second, the precondition of time, that is, you literally need free time to cultivate friendships, to cultivate relationships, to cultivate to have time to read in the first place. If your needs are not met, so you're fighting to put food on the table at the end of every week, you do not have the time to explore these options, you do not have time to decide what the human good you want to structure your life around is in the first place. Third, the precondition of wealth, no thank you, that loads of the things that we derive human happiness from rely on you being able to acquire those material goods. So that is, we are literally giving people more autonomy when we satisfy their material needs because in many cases, we're giving them the cash with which to buy the books, to buy the music, to buy the literature, to buy the experiences, like nights out with their children, to find food, whatever it is that allows them to then make better decisions about what their happiness are. Fourth, third parties, that is, and this is perhaps where we best rebut opening opposition. They say maybe only a small population or portion of the population are discriminated against or suffer hugely. I think the key here is that loads of other people in society are dragged into the mess trying to look after those individuals, that is, trying to support your family member who's gone off the rails and doesn't have a job, trying to support your ailing aunt who is not provided for by the health care system. All of these things further constrain the autonomy of individuals. The way we know this should be a precondition in the round is that we let parents choose how to raise their children and constrain some of their autonomy in many ways, for example, foist a value system on them, perhaps because we allow that that is the best way to maximize the autonomy of the child in the future, to expose them to a broad range of things, to put them on a platform for which they can make decisions when they grow up. I think there are two possible opposition responses to this argument. The first is, you have to give up change to the social order. Maybe, but I ask you, why do we care about the fact that someone is a lawyer and that you are a bricklayer if you have all of your material needs fulfilled, all of your family members' material needs fulfilled, all of your friends' material needs fulfilled? If you have more time to decide what the human good is, this is a circular argument. They presume of people care about the existing social order, so we should prioritize that, but the only reason people care about the social order is because it's the only value system we're foisting upon people. We're telling people you should, whether you measure yourself what job you have, you should measure yourself on how much wealth you have. We reject that premise. We think we should give people the basic need to find out what is valuable for themselves. I think the second possible opposition response to this argument is to say that individuals can still be depressed. Maybe, and that is very regrettable. In Closing Government, we don't have all the answers to all the questions, and no one in the round can claim to. But I would point out that rates of depression are far higher against discriminated minorities. They are far higher against individuals that suffer from mental health and health illnesses as a result of things like stress, as a result of things like not having, like literally, food to put on their table to feed their children at the end of the week. I think, and this is the extension from Closing Government, all access to autonomy is preconditioned on a certain level of material satisfaction, which a certain level of biological satisfaction. If you believe any of the like tyranny rhetoric coming out, especially from the Deputy Leader of the Opposition, you're voting Closing Government in this round because we're the only team that tell you you maximize autonomy, you maximize the ability to choose, you maximize the ability to escape the kind of capitalist voiced onto you that you should care about your job when you have the time, when you're healthy, when you can choose your things for yourself. Very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionThree things in my speech today. First, why is life in Western liberal democracies not that bad for 95% of people, and for the other 5% of people, things would get better in the next 50 years? Secondly, why we now perpetuate a caste-like system of social stratification and functionalism by stigmatization against 100% of people in these countries? Third, like what exactly are the limits of programmability, and why is everything from government on that front really, really dumb? And fourthly, what makes a good life, and how do we weigh between social relations, individual aspirations, and fulfillment against some more material needs being satisfied? First, so on the extension, I want to note here, panel, that everyone in this debate, as with contemporary debating, likes to talk about the minorities, the oppressed, those who suffer. I think they do matter, but I also want to talk about the other 95% of individuals whose lives are worth caring because they have preferences, they have stories to tell, their desires that we ought to respect. Just because they're not members of minorities does not render them irrelevant in moral calculus. I would posit that for all of these individuals, if I improve to you in my second extension, life gets worse, and that life is not that bad right now, we win on this subset. There are four reasons why it's not that bad for them. First, because Western liberal democracies have uniquely greater purchasing power against other countries around them that allows them to generally engage in trade and also aggregate improvements in quality of life for all of these individuals. Secondly, because of the hyper-connectivity of the modern age, which means that modern technologies and advancements improve the quality of life of these people in a way that maximizes their freedom and autonomy per CG. Thirdly, because fundamentally we think that it's an aggregate lifting of social standards and quality of life that improves everyone's lives, even those who are poorest, because those who are privileged would lobby for changes that presumably also trickle down to those who are poor. In terms of more bridges, more infrastructure, more schools, when you improve human capital, you also improve the lowest depths of what Western liberal democracy looks like. And fourthly, there's a basic safety net that, yes, has flaws and loopholes, but gradually improving. You might think, why the hell is any of this relevant? This is relevant because for the 95% of these individuals, all of the harms my second point really do apply and really demonstrate that as a net loss there. But then let's talk about 5% of those who are very poor. OO says, "Aha, they can vote." I don't know how many of them vote. They probably don't and really, really, you know, gerrymandered elections. But I posit three reasons why the poor are taken care of, at least in a short to medium or medium to long term, such that if you look at this motion right, it doesn't say it is better now. It is an extrapolatory motion. So we can prove to you that from 50 years onwards until like the end of humanity, that we get infinitely better comparisons than their side. Then even though there's a short-term risk of not meeting this ideal, we still win on that front. There are three reasons why there's an evolution towards that. A, late-stage capitalism. The likelihood here is that in many cases, the capitalist and industrious are already being pummeled by the technological revolution to the extent that they realize they cannot rely simply on monopoly and screwing over labor rights in order to maximize revenue. Therefore, they want to care about the working class to some extent because these are the people from which the consumer markets and also potential talents and innovation come from. Two, because progressives increasingly measure the quality and salience and morality of politicians based on how much they help the poor. So I might be a woke liberal and therefore vote on a basis of how much you help the poor. I think woke liberals are more likely than poor to vote here. And finally, and fundamentally, there's a gradual lifting of everyone. Note to the fact that HDI in China has improved immensely over the past 60 years. And they might say, "Oh, but this is an anomaly." But this is also indicative of the fact that a vast majority of poor countries and pro-democracies is a massive uplifting in quality of life. So if we extrapolate this into the long run, I think in general, the imperative necessity is undercut. Second extension, and what are the harms that apply to 100% of all people here today? Three things I want to note. And a key premise here is to say that fundamentally, the way we see other people and see how they choose and how they act becomes different on the side for two reasons. One, because of the functionalization of how we imagine others' roles and also positions in society. That a brave new world is one, as pointed out by Gov, defined by whom you are. You're a lawyer, you're a businessman, you're born into that, and you remain there. That I posit is very similar to the caste system in India that plagues and impoverishes millions of people because of the constriction upon their liberty. But secondly, it is also the idea that these people's choices are not genuinely their own, such that the efforts and work they perform cannot be attributed to their intelligence or their own choices because they are engineered to do so. Now, the standard response from government is, "This happens anyway." That's a very lazy response, but a very simple fact that, yeah, it happens anyway in some cases. Now, it happens in all cases, and that's the reason why it's terrible for them to give that response. What are the impacts here? There are seven impacts I want to go through. The first is that you're more likely to get social stratification based upon divides and based upon relations that are ordered by value hierarchies. By that, I mean that you would always see others, a Brahmin, for instance, interacting with people from the lower classes as someone that's defined by career that's inferior to you, that's not as good as you. And note here, the inability of them to change means that there's no incentive for you to engage and treat them as equals or egalitarian. Secondly, you can't enter across sociological cleavages to develop relationships with people you love. You might love a Brahmin if you're from a class or a functional class that's ranked as inferior to that class, but you can't enter into relationships there because your sociological communities are likely to be segmented and segregated. Thirdly, and the reason why they can't just say, "Oh, you adjust and adapt and all that," is because there are certain industries and occupations are seen as just more socially utile to society than others. That is the whole logic that underpins the caste system in India. Not necessarily the fact that it is a pummeled and concocted logic, but that by the way production is managed and manufactured, there's certain value rankings that define how much worth you're seen to have them towards society. Fourthly, you're less likely to care for the society you live in on two levels. A, because you no longer see this society as one in which you autonomously opted into living and fundamentally care for because of your own choices. And that is why you're less likely engaged in political structures and whatnot. Now I want to talk about programmability and weighing up because the entire cup benches we can make that in no, you can't. There's three reasons why you can't. Firstly, preferences are not closed structures. Individuals develop preferences and wants and desires in a way that is often very hard to predict. And that is a whole reason why there's randomness and also blocks one that might come through in a system. Secondly, because uniquely when you see others performing jobs that you might potentially want to acquire and adjust to and adopt, but you can't, that realization not only sparks a realization in you, but also amongst many others that there's a necessity of non-autonomy that presents itself and that manifests itself. But thirdly, the explanation for why you're doing this, that you are born with this, you're genetically codified to do this. I think that is when you realize and feel fundamentally that you're unfree because this is not something you can ever say I chose because it was chosen before you were born. And that is why you can't make that in because that's not how debating works, guys. Weighing up, one, we've proven that for the vast majority of people, material needs are not that important, but all of the losses we explain to you are quite large. But two, I posit that for an individual, what makes life good and valuable is the ability to pursue what you prefer to do and what you want to do. You can always relativize your preferences to some extent against your material circumstances, which is why even if you may not be super rich, you may still be content and happy. But I'd say you can never relativize yourselves against relations that alienate you and structure to depress you because these are systems, they exist and exist everywhere in a panopticon manner. And for all of those reasons, I'm so proud to oppose tonight. Thank you.
CG · GovernmentWhen I first read Brave New World, I was genuinely confused because they present us with a world in which people are truly happy. Everyone is having orgies and doing drugs all the time, watching great movies, and have literally no concerns. The dilemma presented to us by Aldous Huxley is: is this a utopia or dystopia? The problem is, no one this round has given you any structural or principled reasons about what a state owes to us and what a state of existence is really supposed to be like. That's what Ed told you. He told you the state is fundamentally failing people in the status quo, not just because they're hungry, but specifically because material well-being is the most important thing that a state ought to provide. And I sure as hell I'm not gonna go out in my last ever debate round by someone lecturing me on the Indian caste system. So let's start by dealing with CO and then talk about the extension. Or the round actually is three things I want to say on CO. The first thing they say is the status quo is not so bad, give a couple of numbers with some labels on and without a lot of mechanisms. Here's the reason they're wrong and the reason I think the world is more terrifying that has ever been before and the utopia of Brave New World is better. Firstly, I think more people are alienated and lonely than they have ever been because of the globalization they tell you about, because they compare themselves on social media and Instagram. They think people are better than each other, which means all the relational stuff that Oh tells you is actually worse on their side of the house. On our side of the house, people are happy and drugged, and everyone is equal because you've created social equalization through these classes. Things are better. Also, I think things are worse for minorities than they have ever been. There are more black men in prison now than were enslaved. So if they want to tell me about slavery and the problems of that, I think things are getting even worse in the status quo. On the argument that the poor are gonna be more taken care of because of late-stage capitalism and so forth, explain to me how that's actually solving the problems of most people because we live in a world where there's literally more inequality than there has ever been. The disparate wealth distribution is the worst it's ever been. You can look at that margarita glass that people show you of like how the top 1% have most of the income and everyone else has literally nothing. This arbitrary number of 95% of people are well off is literally not true and it's just proven by their opening which says people are really relational and want to compare themselves to each other. People are everyone is drugged and having orgies and having fun all the time. Everyone can relate to another. There's literally no race. I think all these problems don't exist. What's the end of this rebuttal? I've given you the world is getting worse. It's pretty bad already. On the other side of the house, you at least just a material happiness is clearly going to be better. Let's deal with the extent with what the extension was, which is this idea that you shouldn't functionalize roles and we should help everyone. Two responses to this. Firstly, there's no reason inherently that this specific iteration of people having roles is a bad thing. It's probably a good thing for people to have to be given a specific purpose. Like, I'm good at programming, so I'm like, should I represent women in computer science and have to be a coder? Or should I do stuff that I'm more passionate about, like doing things like literature or like gene editing and stuff like that that I like have intellectual interest in? I think the confusion created by choices is not necessarily good. I know this rebuttal also takes that opening opposition because they just say choices are good, but they don't explain to me why just having n number of more choices is necessarily better if you're confused about what those choices are or the decisions between those choices are not necessarily good. But the second thing, and this is just the killer for their extension, is the response I'd already gave you, which is that you're rotating roles every single generation. There's no more trust funds, there's no more generational inequality, there is no more racial inequality because these things literally do not exist. We have randomized the lottery of birth truly for the first time. But just the generational inequalities that made these functionalized roles so bad are finally solved on our side of the house. That means there's literally no extension here. The final thing that they ran out of time for because they had bad time allocation was this idea of programmability. Look, if you have hypnopedia and soma, which means that piece that basically people are all to think, they don't actually have desires, you don't want it. And this piece of rebuttal is particularly important. All the social change they tell you about literally doesn't matter if people have no material reason to agitate for that change. Like the biggest reasons people agitate for social change because their base desires are not met. But if you solve the reasons that get people so angry they're willing to leave their jobs, so angry that they're willing to uproot social orders, if you solve those, I think the need for social change goes away. Before I go on, I'll take opening. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) No, there's no Facebook in our world. Read the book. I really hope people read the book because people are too busy doing drugs and having orgies. They have a great time. It's a really good book. I hope people read it. Okay, the extension. Here's why the extension is particularly important and why it takes out the best-case version of side opposition, which hasn't really been built. Look, their conception is like people should be able to allocate preferences, and that's what the state should do, and it's all about choice. I told you that's not the relationship you ought to have with the state because if I have a relationship with the state where they say you can choose between, I don't know, being able to be a housewife or being able to have a specific type of job in the care industry, that's not a meaningful choice because there is a choice. And anyway, in the status quo, the state restricts choices all the time, like we told you in our POI. It's not just in the U.S., like unless the U.S. is the only state where people have to follow laws, in which case I'm really worried about what you guys are gonna do. Here's the important thing: he showed you that material well-being is the necessary prerequisite to making sure the state fulfills its obligation to you. It's a precondition of being able to actualize things, and this goes beyond what our opening says, where they say hunger makes you feel pain and they presume that the world is a utilitarian world. We don't presume that. We say, irregardless of what moral system you believe, it's necessary for the state to make sure these fundamental things are satisfied in the first place because those are the things that define what makes a good state: the ability to have free time, the ability to think, the ability to have health, and the ability to remove the pain necessary is what makes the preconditions for consent exist in the first place. This solves the deadlock in opening half where they're like, is it about, like, is it our people less happy or are people less able to give consent? Because our argument is consent can only stem and the ability of having a legitimate state can only consent if you're able to have this type of system. Now let's deal with opening opposition. It's unfortunate they didn't take our POI because it takes out literally everything they said. Because on their side of the house, you would ban parents being able to take care of their children and make decisions for you, as I told you, because you would say, "Ah, you're restricting people's ability to make choices. You're restricting their ability to make decisions for themselves." Note that insofar as we believe it's legitimate for parents, for example, to send their kids to school, even if the kids don't have full decision in it, it leads to better material outcomes for them, and that's totally legitimate. The state is essentially acting as a good mom because they're actually making sure people's needs are satisfied. They're actually fulfilling their obligations to the people. Note that this takes out the majority of what opening gives you because the idea of people being unhappy and so forth and the precondition for happiness isn't true. We also prove to you, which is the only real matter coming out of the DLO, that like where they say this is only a precondition for happiness, but it's not sufficient, we showed not only is this sufficient, it's necessary, sufficient, and the only thing the state has the obligation to, the only reason you left the state of nature, the only reason things have value, like the only reason I value this phone is because it has value to me, because I decided it is the thing I desire. So if we live in a world where the things people desire are material things, material well-being, and we provide those things to them, that is exactly what the state has owed these people in the first place. It's fulfilling a higher-order desire to them. What is the comparative for them? They're living in a world where the state is already restricting choices and so forth, or so their comparative doesn't really exist, and it's probably gonna get worse because of the systematic exclusion of people from these democratic systems, which is why these protests are struggling. On our side of the house, people are legitimately happy and fulfill the actual obligation the state has to them. Very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionPanel, there's a reason that when I got the first opportunity to drop philosophy, I did so, and the reason for that is I think evident in open half. Everyone kind of sits there just wanking themselves off about how much they know about philosophy while refusing to actually engage, be comparative, or even talk about impacts. That is the key thing that we bring you at Brian, and we bring you in closing. Because I noticed one thing, despite the fact that I dropped philosophy, is that when I came from New Zealand, I couldn't get over how grumpy English people were. Like they had so much more than I did, but they just didn't seem to be enjoying it. And the reason for that is the pursuit of happiness that I had, in my ability to own my decisions, to move from New Zealand to the UK, to actually get that was really, really crucial. I don't know why Chin is clapping here, because there's absolutely nothing that he said that last time I checked. He didn't even come from New Zealand. But there's one thing that we do tell you at Brian, and the reason three levels we win this debate. First, is on the comparative of the two worlds, being the first team to actually look like what these worlds are going to look like in terms of individuals. Secondly, we tell you the pursuit of choice is the most important thing, and leading to the progression of society and of the individual. And thirdly, in terms of happiness and why you should weigh this in terms of societal and community happiness over material happiness. Firstly, then, on a comparative of the two worlds, because what we hear from essentially from OG and their case kind of reduces to this is that the world at the moment is very, very shit and it's really bad and we should improve it. Brian tells you a variety of reasons why the world is indeed getting better. The incentive to care about a new voter base that's been given to politicians to target them and the massive improvement and uplifting we've seen of millions of people, particularly those in the developing world, see China. But what we hear essentially from CG is, "Oh no, no, no, actually it's just getting worse." So much better that just kind of sounds like a little bit like OG but with like the progression put on to it. But I've got three key responses. The first to say, it is just a factual lie that the world is getting worse. That is not true. We have told you that we see middle classes being absorbed into the new voter base because they are worth something now. We see the uplifting of millions of people out of poverty. Secondly, though, we say that the ability for individuals to live in different communities under the status quo means they have different conceptions of what a good life is and what success is. So they do indeed gain happiness from those around them and that relativism. Thirdly, though, for the worst of the worst that exists within the status quo, I think we need to draw the comparative to the worst that exists within their world. Because even if everyone has a degree of material wealth that is equal, there are still a degree of hierarchy between the good jobs and functional roles of society that you are indeed certain. So it is not the case that everyone is magically equal under their side and in fact they still have hierarchy. Why is that worse then? And this is the structural reasons that Brian gives you about a segmented system which get very poor responses from CO. They tell you that essentially what we tell you is essentially you get a feeling that your position within society is now deserved. That means that if you're at the bottom of the hierarchy, that's incredibly harmful for you because you think you're meant to be equal and you're not. Secondly, though, you now see people only in terms of a functional system, that is to say, to perform and like a result for society, not as the value of the human being they are themselves. And thirdly, your ability and your incentive to innovate and actually progress as society massively diminishes because you see like your baseline is written and there's no need to get better. At the end of that, it is clear that the world in which office government bench wants to live in is incredibly harmful and incredibly not beneficial for the pursuit of the individual. Secondly, then, in terms of choice, because what I think are opening essentially what the only government essentially brings to is that the capability that you have limits your ability to necessarily fulfill your preferences. So in another sense, you are not free. I think that all attempts to kind of refute this but would sound like emotional rhetoric but doesn't really really get there right. And then CG comes back up and goes, "No, here are four more reasons why that's limited." It's kind of the same point they just make it out and said that they had numbers when it was pretty much the same thing. What do we uniquely tell you? And I think this is crucial in winning the round. We make the distinction between fulfilling your preferences and the pursuit to do so. That is to say, you get massive benefits from believing that you're owning your decisions, that you're making a progression as an individual towards an outcome. Secondly, though, I think it's vastly uncomparative what we hear from government. Because that is to say, in their world, there is no pursuit of meaning at all because your meaning is defined for you by the social construct that is placed upon you. What we tell you then is that actually you're far more hopeless in their world and this responds directly to what OG says and your ability to change the system makes you hopeless because note their world is literally zero choice in the pursuit of what you do as an individual, zero choice and the ability to pursue and progress society. That is incredibly harmful. How do you weigh this then in the debate? We tell you that when our side, the ability to pursue choice and to be able to act like you actually are ending, you create the means to your ends. Means you get societal progress, means you get individuals progressing on a level you don't. That is a potential freedom that is unique to our side and unique benefit. Before I talk about happiness and the pursuit of preferences to lead to why you weigh this more than material well-being, I will take opening. > (There is a POI here, but it is not transcribed.) Okay, so this is perfectly lines into my next point. So I'll do the weighing first because I think it nicely responds to the POI. You have to weigh up necessarily between a trade-off between your physical well-being that is apparently perfect on their side and an emotional well-being. Why do we care more about the emotional one? The reason for this is what Brian tells you because when you meet a physical material well-being, it is diminishing in its return. Once you hit a benchmark, you cannot go that much beyond that. The social and emotional pursuit is endless. It is never-ending and never-ending in terms of it being fulfilling. So even if it is the case, you have to weigh off and you believe their material, although I think you should not, given what we and me and myself and Brian tell you, you also need to know that social and emotional is endless. Why then in terms of preferences? Because what essentially OG says that your preferences are engineered. Now you necessarily cannot oppose the individual ones that you get. There. I think we effectively prove well, even when you are born into this construct that they exist upon, your preferences don't necessarily map on into what you are engineerly constructed to do. That's for the reason that you necessarily fluctuate between preferences or you notice what other people are doing and you acquire knowledge. What does that mean? It means that the degree of fulfillment you are guaranteed to get on side opposition is significantly lower because it is not the case that you necessarily feel like your pursuit of freedom or your pursuit of happiness in terms of filling your preferences is ever met under their side. I think at the end of the debate panel, you have to consider this. If it is the case that you believe their material well-being, what is the end goal of that world? It is a very small baseline in terms of pursuit of freedom or even of happiness. At our side, we give people the ability and the right to pursue that, to pursue better individual development, and also societal progression. For that reason, see y'all.
empate bp_216 · The House Opposes the Biden Administration plan to finance large scale gov...
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Motion (tema debatido): The House Opposes the Biden Administration plan to finance large scale governmental projects through multi-trillion dollar fiscal stimulus.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OO,CG) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=216, label gold.csv = "OO,CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: DRAW T2: DRAW T3: DRAW T4: DRAW
Voto majoritário: DRAW (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
Player 2 (Government) maintained a more consistent logical framework, effectively refuting the inflation-based harm of the opposition by highlighting the temporal mismatch between fiscal stimulus and project execution. Player 1 (Opposition) relied heavily on assertions regarding inflation and global economic collapse without providing a robust mechanism to counter the Government's structural arguments on project efficiency and tax reform.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentI think it's largely due to COVID and other things that have happened in the very immediate past, but we think at the same time there's an end to the COVID pandemic in sight, with massively increasing vaccination rates, and the economy is largely on track to recovery. We think that given these circumstances, it is simply irresponsible of the United States government to finance these projects through large-scale fiscal stimuli that are going to create massive debt and inflation for the economy going into the long term, and we just don't think this is the most efficient thing to do either. What do we stand for on opening government? We don't stand by these government projects being funded through fiscal stimulus, whether that be taking on debt or printing more money. We will explain the harms of both of those things. Instead, we would like the government to take policies such as monetary policy that encourage businesses to invest going into the future, so there's sustainable private sector-led growth going into the long term. There are lots of technical aspects to this. This can be, for example, like increasing the credit that banks can get from the Federal Reserve, decreasing interbank rates, decreasing credit requirements for banks, and also increasing costs that it takes banks to park money at the Federal Reserve, with the goal of lowering interest rates for companies so they are more able to invest. So we're going to put four things at opening government. The first is the type of projects that are going to be funded under opposition, why they are not useful. The second is why private companies in our comparatives are better. Thirdly on debt, and fourthly on inflation. I'll take the clarification. > POI: Do you support the creation of projects symmetrically in this debate but through other means or do you conceive that there won't be projects on your side of the house? We don't support these kinds of government-led projects through these kinds of funding mechanism. First substantive then about the types of projects that you're likely to get under opposition and why this is not likely to be helpful. I will note here for a couple of reasons that the projects that we're going to get under OP are probably not like infrastructure projects or investments that are going to increase long-term productivity of the economy but rather very short-term spending such as just funding more money into defence or just giving money directly to companies. I think this is likely for a couple of reasons. The first is the immediacy of the benefit that you get when you like just spend more money as a government instead of on very short-term causes rather than long-term causes. In particular for infrastructure spending this is a very difficult decision for like governments to make like this is why infrastructure has been systemically underfunded for years and years because the results of infrastructure spending only come to light when the infrastructure is complete given that these are massive large-scale projects that are probably 5-10 years down the line when there's a new administration and they get the credit instead of you but worse in the short term these projects are massively unpopular because deadlines aren't met, they're hugely expensive, construction and destruction are unpopular and people don't see that immediate benefit. I think this is very important given the context of COVID where people are struggling and they want to see immediate benefit to their lives. So for those reasons we don't think infrastructure is likely. We think comparatively you're more likely to spend this money on things like defence or just like subsidising companies etc because that gives you the immediate benefits that you can reap politically noting that the United States has elections very quickly like every two years you have midterms, every four years you have presidential election and so on. But secondly I think there's just a large degree of lobbying captured the US government and so far that like everyone has to run ads and have a very strong political campaign that's expensive in order to be elected in the first place. That's why we see like lots of politicians United States and Congress being very much beholden to these corporate lobbies because of their dependence on them in order to remain prominent after their local communities in order to be elected. I think that shows you then the projects that you get on the opposition side are probably not like intelligent long-term investments in the productivity of the economy but rather very short-term things that don't provide the same level of benefits. Why are the inter-private companies better? I would note the first thing is we think that the context is that we are recovering from COVID and companies have more and more like incentive to invest. There's like lots of reasons for this. The first is that vaccination rates in the United States are very high internationally. It's like 40-50% of people are vaccinated and that's growing. That means that states in most cases are not going to be entering into damaging new lockdowns and there is that certainty that businesses have in order for them to invest. And these circumstances they look they're looking for things like capital right. So in order to get that all of the monetary policy mechanisms that we just described you means that banks are more willing to lend money to these businesses and they are more able to use this capital to invest in their projects and making their businesses stronger. Why do we think that private business is better than government in terms of that? I think the first thing to note here is that these are private companies that are ultimately going to be responsible for their decisions. If you're getting a loan from a bank, if that fails your business is going to suffer. If that succeeds you are going to reap all of those benefits. That's why also we think companies are most proximate and therefore more able to identify exactly what is best, most profitable and most useful for them. I think comparatively like in the case of government funding you have incentives like screw things up or delay your infrastructure project or whatever because then you're just able to squeeze more money out of the government. But also the government spending in and of itself isn't as efficient because it's spent on like political things rather than the things that are most economically beneficial. Before I move on to debt and inflation, CO. > POI: Didn't you say that your alternative is giving money to companies and then you said the negative case is giving money to companies. How is your case not symmetrical in the debate? We're not giving money to companies. We're using sophisticated tools of monetary and other policy in order to increase the amount of money that banks loan to companies so they can invest. That's like what you get in terms of private sector growth instead of government, artificial government driven growth they could get on opposition. Then on debt, why is this really important? I would like firstly to context that the United States has a massive national debt about 20 trillion dollars. That's like over a hundred percent of GDP at the moment. It's only sustainable under the status quo because we've had record low interest rates. I think that interest rates are inevitably going to rise in the future if you look at history but also just like if you continue pumping money into the economy in terms of government stimulus then people are going to demand more. It's also increasing our needs that the United States isn't necessarily going to repay all of this money so investors are going to demand more interest etc. I think even any marginal increase in the interest rates that governments have to pay in order to service their national debts is incredibly harmful in this debate. Why is this? The first is that this is a massive amount of money so any marginal increase in interest rates is going to mean that a lot more of your annual budget is going towards interest repayments. I think the United States spends maybe 10-20 percent of its national budget on this at the moment. If interest rates go from 1% to 4% that's going to triple to 50% of the national budget. This is clearly unsustainable because it cripples the ability of the government to spend on literally anything like social services etc. The point at which a significant proportion of their budget has to go towards paying debt repayments and that kind of thing. I think this is probably the most important impact in this debate because it's literally existential to the ability of the government to provide these services. I would note that these services are essential to lots of people in society including the most vulnerable people within society and therefore we ought to care about them. My partner will elaborate more on inflation. I think at the end of this debate there's a clear comparative between inefficient politically motivated government-led growth and effective long-term private sector growth that we're happy to stand for on opening government.
OO · Opposition... Secondly, I want to talk a bit about economics. Thirdly, I want to talk about politics and fourthly, I want to talk a bit about the environment. Let's talk about why this is likely to work and get this out of the way very quickly. First of all, I think we can pass this through budget reconciliation. People like Joe Manchin for instance already virtue signal and vote for Democrats because of the fact that there are Republicans from purple constituencies so there's pressure on them to do this and they've already historically voted for Democrats. Secondly, we have six Republicans in favor only four more are needed and given that lots of the stimulus goes towards Republican states we are likely to get them on board. Thirdly, there's already a Republican plan on our side of the house which is like something like 1.4 trillion so we can negotiate with them and even if we don't get the best possible plan we're likely to get lots of money into this plan. And fourthly, I would just note that Republicans have lots of pressure within their states especially because the last time around the government gave away money to people so that they could pay away their rent etc. It was actually a plausibly good thing. Okay, in terms of passing this we are likely to do this. What's it likely to look like? I think opening government is debating an alternative reality where we're going to do defense spending. What for? I don't know what the fuck. But let's talk about what Biden's plan is. Okay, first of all there's a trillion being spent on green tech, there's 2 trillion being spent on infrastructure projects, there's 1 trillion being spent on family support and there's 1.5 trillion being spent on job support. That's the explicit plan and that's the plan that they have to attack not like fucking defense spending. Okay, let's talk about economics right now and over here I want to deal with why the counterfactual is much worse before. I think there was a historical consensus called the Reinhart-Rogoff consensus whereby you know there was consensus that debt-to-GDP ratios whenever they went up borrowing costs would go up and then you know inflation would go up so therefore we need to do policies like austerity. There's a couple of things that have happened which mean that this is just like not a popular opinion. That's why no economist in the world has come out against Biden's economic plan. The first of all is like there is ample evidence of spending after economic crises working across the world. Secondly, there was forecasting and analysis whereby after 2008 for instance when Obama did not spend money on the economy, it was shown that it didn't come back as soon as it could. Thirdly, I want to note that economic growth has increased while interest rates have remained low and this is also crucial for their case by the way where they're saying aha we'll do monetary policy. Okay guys, what the fuck with? Like monetary policy relies on inflation rates. Inflation rates are already on historic lows. What are you going to do? Take it to minus 10? I don't know what they're going to do. Fourthly, there's inflation actually in the short run in our world because of short-term supply shocks. In our world when there's an expansion of supply given that we're giving money to these corporations, this inflation is likely to reduce a lot of the impacts they're talking about. Don't go away. Any policy on their side also relies on borrowing costs and inflation going up. So when they're talking about giving subsidies to businesses for instance, that also relies on giving money to businesses. I'm not sure what the counterfactual on their side of the house is. In terms of this, why do we need this right now? The first thing over here is to note the fact that you know COVID-19 is a problem and they are going to lead to a debt crisis. There's a looming debt crisis within the United States of America whereby lots of people do not have the ability to spend on their rent. Like they initially had the money to spend on it after the government gave them some money, but now they don't have it, especially because the government support has fallen. This means that you are likely to have a housing crisis in the future and there's a debt crisis looming anyways. Your companies aren't doing that well anyways. Now here's what we do to solve this problem. First of all, because of COVID-19 there was a clear demand slump. At the point which we give this stimulus, there's a stimulus to boost demand from the consumer side because they're getting money through familial support or through job support. But secondly, also more importantly, you have companies producing more and therefore have the ability to hire more. Companies right now don't have the initial capital. They are relying on companies and the inflation rates, but what about consumers? If consumers wanted the money to buy what companies are producing, they don't get their outcomes on their side of the house. We get that on our side of the house. The third thing very crucially is infrastructure requires mass employment. You need lots of construction workers. So lots of the people who have been not hired got fired because construction was down. All those sorts of people get hired again and we get people on the job line. So that's the first thing to note. In terms of economics, we expand the impact and we allow the economy to come back. So the economy won't naturally come back after COVID goes away. The second thing to note over here is how we protect the most vulnerable. This is crucial because minorities etc. have been the worst affected by COVID. They also relied on welfare previously to just go through and they require more welfare now. So what we're saying is if you don't give this money to these people, they're likely going to be in cycles of poverty where it's not enough for them to be there. And this again goes back to the economic crisis point that I was talking about. If you have lots of people below the poverty line, it's probably not great. But the second thing I want to note is that infrastructure projects directly impact minority communities. One of the reasons why minority communities don't have companies coming in is because there's very low investment within infrastructure within these communities. But Biden's infrastructure plan makes their communities, like connects them to national highways and so on and so forth. The companies have more incentive to go into these communities and do more now, but they also get cheaper access to goods and services. So minorities, the most vulnerable people are better on our side of the house. Okay, let's talk also about the Chinese economy and why we need this to combat China. Otherwise we will be outcompeted. First of all, China was better out of COVID because they dealt with it quicker. Secondly, China's already trying to outsmart you in things like tech. The first thing over here is we need the money, especially to jumpstart our tech economy, which gets lots of money on our side of the house. And secondly, we have investment within green technology, emerging technology, which gives us the ability to compete with China, and so on and so forth. So this is the policy on our side of the house. We're much better able to compete with China and therefore not get outcompeted on the international market. I also want to note lastly, in terms of the economics point, once we give this money, we also have more ability to tax the rich or increase taxes on the rich because they have more money. There's no capacity to do that on their side of the house. Okay, I'll take a closing very quickly. > POI: Yeah, uniquely, this financial crisis results from exogenous factors, that is to say pandemic. Can you justify why the US economy won't just continue to bounce back as it already has throughout COVID recovery? Yeah, because again, I told you consumers don't have the money to buy your products anymore. You need something to stimulate the economy. This is like, you know, after World War Two, you also wanted to stimulate the economy. World War Two was finished, but that didn't mean you didn't have money. You didn't need money to bring back the economy. Okay, let's talk about the second political aspect. As you can see, like, I think in this debate, it's really, really not controversial to say that Trump is an asshole, like Trump is bad for the economy, but also Trump is bad for minorities, women, people of color, so on and so forth. First of all, lots of people have been disenfranchised by Trump right now. And what we have is Biden being able to come in and give direct benefits to these people. This is great, because one, Biden can frame himself as the hero who brought them out of it. So this isn't like a long term plan that OG is talking about. In the short term, people get immediate benefits. So we don't get right fingers, etc, being elected at the point which the economic disenfranchisement of people is down. Secondly, I would note that Republicans often frame other sorts of issues like red meat, cultural issues, like trans rights, women's rights, etc, etc. So there's a stupid debate on their side of the house. But we circumvent that stupid debate, because we're asking the Republicans to talk about things that also affect their states, and directly workers within their states that they that they care about. So it's politically better for us. Thirdly, we also want to talk about the fact that rural communities that vote for Trump are likely to get access to highways, etc, which also means that we're likely to bring this back. If this doesn't work, we can always blame the Republicans as well, which gives us a great discursive tool. Hamza will talk a bit about the environment for all these reasons. Very proud to oppose.
OG · GovernmentOne, the majority of my rebuttal to opening opposition will be integrated. But before I get on to that, I want to explain two miscellaneous points of rebuttal. The first is on China. The second is on infrastructure projects and minority communities on China is unclear what the marginal changes here and this is for a couple of reasons. The first is structurally speaking, the Chinese economy is on the edge of collapse within the next decade. The reason for this is twofold. The first is the one China policy has created a undersupply of workers within the Chinese economy, whereas the Chinese economy due to its socialist tendencies have debt obligations to a vast majority and larger base of older people. It is therefore going to have to spend an increasing amount of money on spending like social care and less money on infrastructure investment. Secondly, China just over leveraged itself at the point that it invested massively globally. So for example, investing massively in like failing projects in the BRI sector, or alternatively, on trains that go nowhere for political reasons that nobody takes, empty cities, all of these things have racked up massive debt, and a large, decent percentage of that is domestically owned. So the point that those entities fail, because they're not reaching their repayments, we think that's going to screw over Chinese people the most, and it's going to shrink their incomes, and also their prospects of future wealth, which means that there is going to lead to a unique financial crisis greater than just the average cyclical recession. We don't think that China is a relevant consideration in this debate, especially because the one surviving part of the COVID pandemic and the one sector which did well are the sectors they wanted to talk about the technological sectors like the green space, the fact that Silicon Valley is still massively over leveraged, in fact, to over leverage to the extent that it actually is now allowing the financing of bad ideas at its early stage, because of how many investors are in the market. We don't think this is a relevant point in the debate. Secondly, on infrastructural projects and minorities. I think this ignores the analysis that Andrew gave you about political expediency, because if political expediency and investing in projects because of how you want to win the next election matters, then you're going to invest in those tipping point areas, which are the most likely to yield you the election. So it's the area, Rust Belt areas of Michigan, or of, you know, okay, I can't actually think of another Rust Belt area, or Pennsylvania, which are going to get the majority of investment and majority of pork barreling, as opposed to minority areas, specifically African American and Hispanic areas they wanted to talk about where they see the highest percentage of already Democrat voters. But also notice how if it is true that they do engage in negotiations with Republicans, and that is what has led to this plan, then the specific sites in the Biden plan are probably going to be places where both parties feel that they can get benefit. Those aren't the minority areas that they wanted to talk about. Can somebody just put a time signal in the chat? I did forget to start my timer. I'm really sorry about that. I want to talk about a couple of things in this debate. Cheers. The first is on incomes. I think that the reasons that Andrew gave you, you are unlikely to accrue, to a large extent, a flow of incomes in the way that they described. This is for a couple of reasons. Let's start with the company's analysis that he gave you. Given the COVID pandemic, companies have not had the inflows which have allowed them to facilitate the credit that they have racked up. So they are currently in more negative and precarious positions than they previously were. The reason that this matters is because often when you breach a certain amount of credit obligation, you have to do things like pay back money now, you get immediately higher interest rates, you get stripped of your assets. I think that this is specifically true of the type of companies who they are going to have to hire and subsidise on their side of the house when they're engaging in infrastructure projects. The reason for this is because they operate in the construction sector, which has been hit particularly hard due to the lack of demand, because there have been less things like people feeling confident about their wealth, less things like the buying of houses, and generally the construction sector is a, shall we say, marker for the development and the advancement of the economy. What this means is that they are going to have to do things like tie meeting and financing the credit obligations into the government contracts that they signed under Biden's plan, which means that a lot of the money that they're going to spend on this plan won't actually go towards the projects, they'll go towards financing these companies, towards making their shareholders okay, and towards paying off their CEOs. But even if we accept that money gets towards the projects, and that results in incomes or greater jobs, we don't think that is going to lead to further increases of economic growth and further jobs. This is for a couple of reasons. One, as Andrew describes, inflation erodes the value of real spending. This is especially true for the poorest workers who don't have inflation adjusted incomes. Now, the way that they try to arbitrage this away is by saying, oh, no, but we get investment in infrastructure projects, and therefore we get economic growth in the future. The problem for these individuals is they are short term is because they are living paycheck to paycheck. And therefore they are likely to do things like take up more private debt to finance that. So inflation makes things worse for them in the short term, they don't see the benefit of those infrastructure projects in the long term. And the impact of that for them is that they just take on more private debt. What is our comparative? It is yes, maybe on both sides, those people taking up that debt, but at least on our side, we have a better mechanism for economic growth in the long term. So the benefits that Taha was trying to claim, as in those people will eventually get jobs and be good, are unique to our side of the house, because it is private companies who have that incentive to invest in the economy, at the point that we use our monetary policy tools, which by the way, weren't just interest rates, where all of the things Andrew gave you, the fact they don't understand them doesn't mean they don't exist. Very quickly closing opposition. > POI: Why are they firstly mutually exclusive? Secondly, why are they better? You don't prove this sort of thing saying they're sophisticated doesn't isn't equal analysis. Sure, they're not mutually exclusive. But insofar as they work, we think that it's ridiculous to take on the harms of this debt to the reason that they work is for the reason that Andrew describes, which is one of the biggest problems coming out of an economic crisis is the willingness of businesses to be the first movers and to invest within the economy starting that that accelerated cycle of investment. What we do is we increase credit requirements for banks themselves at the Fed, so that banks have a take on a higher cost at the point that they save their money, or so that banks are more incentivized to loan money out to businesses and individuals, which gets the private sector of the economy booming in a way that government stimulus work. The final thing I want to talk about is how precarious government and this investment is going to be for a number of reasons. The first is even if they are able to get infrastructural projects, the problem on their side of the house is once those projects are done, people lose their incomes and people lose those jobs. And people know that so they're not going to invest money in the economy, they're going to save that money, and they're not going to see the economic benefits. But worst of all, just weigh up everything they say against all of our analysis, the fact that you now have to make greater trade offs in the future in terms of debt obligations, which means that younger people uniquely get screwed over the fact is the poorest to get her and the middle classes who are okay, because it's the poorest who don't have inflation adjusted incomes, we harm future generations at the point we take on this debt burden, we harm younger people, we harm the poorest workers. we propose.
OO · OppositionI think authority but literally not a single mainstream economist has come out against Biden's infrastructure plan. The debate right now is not whether they should spend but how many trillions five or six. Similarly, Kristalina Georgieva, the chief economist of the IMF similarly said that it's confounding for us that in the last decade, interest rates have stayed historically low, but economic growth has gone up. It's just literally true that this is a good idea. And I blame the CS for this motion. The first thing I want to do is deal with the intuition that it will pass which received no response. And it's going to regurgitate these seasons of CG doesn't strawman them later. If we have budget reconciliation, Manjushri is going to keep saying I want bipartisanship so that he can win his districting and Virginia and then vote for us anyway. He has literally done that for all legislation. BVF six Republicans on our side, we just need four more. Remember, this helps Republican constituents for Taha's analysis as well. But finally, even if it does not pass, they can signal that you people aren't getting jobs because of the Republicans. Finally, their counterfactual is monetary policy. I just want to point out that monetary interest rates are historic lows, like where are you going to go into negative interest rates now? What are you going to do? Sophisticated monetary policy is not a substitutable counterfactual. But finally, I want to say in terms of their counterfactual, if it's true that corporate lobbying is this big, and your solution isn't to use a demand side stimulus, then you're going to do exactly what's worse for your constituents on opening government, which is deregulate the economy. That's what Bush did. That's what Reagan did. Because the way that you get these companies working, as Andrew said, thrive on this private sector economy is to deregulate these industries as much as possible, vis-a-vis the lobbying that they themselves talked about, which worsens all the harms on inequality and versus all the things in terms of economic outcomes. Before I talk about the economy, one extension from my end. The environment is absolutely crucial in this debate. A trillion of this is going towards green technology and environmental development. A, you will never get environmental buy-in unless you couch it within the language of infrastructure. If Biden says tomorrow, let's only spend on the environment, not even Democrats will vote for this, especially people like Manchin. But secondarily speaking, for four years, we've dislocated ourselves from the environmental debate, the point at which the US has engaged in unprecedented environmental destruction under the Trump administration. If you really want to do that typical world schools way up like DPM did, care about the environment in the long term, because it screws all of us, screws the economy and also screws other countries. We uniquely get that money on our side. They don't. The first thing I want to do within the economy is problem identification. And here I find this very interesting. So opening government conceals that companies are doing really horribly. And then C.G.R. in the POI won't the economy bounce back naturally? I mean, you have to engage with one of those, not both. But secondarily, companies are uniquely reliant on long term infrastructure spending. The reason for that is because the last time an infrastructure bill came through in the US of this magnitude was nineteen fucking thirty eight, which means our bridges are crumbling, our electric wiring is crumbling. So if companies rely on infrastructure for transportation, logistical support, then necessarily this is a good spending in the long term. The second thing I want to talk about is in terms of why we're doing this. There are two reasons why we want to have the stimulus plan. The first reason is to do with short term supply shocks. In other words, I concede to C.G.R. This was an artificial stopping of the economy. But what that meant was that when companies aren't producing anymore, what that leads to is them not having money to produce again a year later. The analogy here would be that if I close my store and I'm not selling anything, I don't have the money to sell next year in that corner shop store. What we do is that we stimulate the economy and resolve for the supply shock, the point of which we put in a shit ton of money in the economy. That was the first reason. The second reason that is a problem with COVID-19 is to do with debt arrears. Currently, there are two sorts of arrears that the average consumer in the US has a rent arrears and be mortgage arrears. Both of these were frozen during the COVID-19 pandemic or at least the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic. But these debts are haunting them. They are due in August, literally to the point of which these people are financing those debts or worst case going bankrupt. They can't spend on the economy. You need to put money in the pockets of these people in order to stimulate the economy and push the US economy forward. Before I deal with the third claim within the economic stuff, I'm really happy to take closing government. Go ahead. > POI: Yeah, obviously, there are many people with savings in the US economy, and there has been stimulus throughout COVID. Specifically, what you have to defend at all is a massive infrastructure spending at this point in time. No, no, I agree. But financing dried up like two weeks ago. Don't lie, right? Like, I know it's a bad motion. But don't lie. Like, like all of the COVID relief spending dried up two weeks ago. So people are in the looming debt crisis. I've already responded to this. I'm really sorry. The fourth thing I want to talk about within spending is that Taha uniquely shows you that the only point at which that unique, unique political incentives to raise taxes on the rich is when it's accompanied by a shit ton of infrastructure spending. Otherwise, the Republicans don't vote for this. Joe Manchin does not vote for it either. But secondly, let's concede to the argument. And let's say, you know what, deficit spending is going to lead to a debt crisis. That's when you generate unique political capital to also increase revenue generation. And you do that by taxing people such as Bezos, and hence reducing the inequalities that they talked about. The fifth thing within the economic stuff that I want to talk about is China. And here they had an interesting example, which was the demographic slide means that China is going to reduce in its economic stuff. A, no, that's why they're building foreign markets through the BRI. And two, their biggest advantage is in tech. So if you want to solve the technological gap, then you need to spend trillions within the technological sector. Secondly, even if the Chinese economy is on the verge of collapse 10 years from now, your allies don't trust you as an actor, which is spending correctly. The point at which you start gaining an advantage in the tech sector relative to the rest of the world, not just China, when your allies re-engage with you again. But secondly, note the environmental argument at the top of my speech. They don't trust you right now because you pulled out of the Paris Accord. So independent of just the Chinese concern and concern to the rest of your allies, you signal that these sort of things then matter. Finally, on the political lobbying stuff, the first thing I want to point out here is that they've conceded by not responding to it that getting Trump into office is a bad thing. What do we do? Two really unfortunate but fortunate things happened in the COVID-19 pandemic. A, what happened was that Trump led the presidency while the COVID-19 pandemic was happening, hence his popularity fell. But two, I mean, somewhat suspiciously, the vaccine was literally announced the day after the US president was sworn into office in the form of Joe Biden. Joe Biden has this unique opportunity right now to do something that no president has been able to do before, which is do the complete flip. He was the one of the- he was the COVID president. He was the recession president. The point at which I spend money on you is when you convince these people to come on your side. Why is this important? A, you move away from the ridiculous cultural issues that Republicans have made this about, which hurt minorities. Black lives matter is a hoax. Blue lives matter. Trans people are evil. You move away from that issue when you focus on the soup and potatoes issues that all people care about. How do I put food on the table? How do I get jobs? But secondly, and much more importantly, you move away from the narrative that this election was not won by Biden, because even if they believe that, as long as they have food on the table in a way that they didn't last year, they are much more likely to succeed. Panel, economically, all impacts in this debate on CO have to be contingent on our analysis. But secondly, even politically, we've shown to you, this is feasible to keep an absolute idiot out of office. For those reasons, I am very, very proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentIt's twofold. Firstly, COVID is unlike any other recession that occurs. Upon a critical mass of people receiving vaccinations being rich, there is likely to be an extraordinarily immediate recovery. And at the point where there is even a small risk that mass debt financing, or at least, you know, mass infrastructure payments and into the US economy at the point where it is after that recovery takes place, insofar as a lot of these government infrastructure projects can be quite slow to translate to the economy. And that was an extraordinary harm that probably did things like increased inflation, increased interest rates. But secondly, and far more importantly, the United States of America was the financier of the globe and any harm of inflation or interest rates increases that occurred in the US were felt doubly abroad, particularly with respect to developing countries who are the most harmful actor in this debate, who are the most, who are the actors who are the most likely to be harmed in this debate. I mean, three extensions that come from closing government. Firstly, why this is egregious for developing countries. Secondly, why this money is going to be spent extraordinarily unwisely. Thirdly, why the context of the inflationary risk that exists in the US presently is extraordinarily bad. Firstly, let's explain why this is extremely harmful for developing countries. Note that if there is greater demand for goods and services that exist within the US, which is what is required for an opposition bench to even win this debate, insofar as that only occurs at the point where these payments get through to people, then this probably leads to capacity constraints and causes for higher inflation. As our opening government point out, what opening government do not point out is that it is therefore extremely likely that the Federal Reserve is forced to increase interest rates, noting that the Federal Reserve acts independently of the administration that is in charge of the US of the day, meaning you inevitably get interest rate rises that occur. Opening government flag interest rate rises as things that occur. They don't do anything with it. What are the three harms of interest rate rises, particularly noting that they're going to be felt abroad? Firstly, any debts that countries have denominated against the US dollar, which was most fucking debts around the entire globe, they now find extraordinarily hard to pay off. Secondly, and more egregiously, countries now find it extremely difficult to borrow against the US dollar. Those two things were extraordinarily, gargantuanly harmful, because firstly, these developing countries were already under immense pressures from the pandemic existing in the first place. They've already gone into debt, had as much borrowings as they can in many circumstances to do things like vaccine procurement in the first place. It's extremely likely that these developing countries, who are the countries, note, that are going to take the longest to actually recover from COVID, will not have the capacity to borrow anymore. That will absolutely obliterate their economies. But the third extraordinary harm with respect to developing countries that responds directly to some of opening opposition's material is with respect to China. And that is to say that at the point where US interest rates rise, it is far more likely that developing countries now borrow directly against the yuan instead, meaning China's global hegemony over global finance generally isn't far likely to increase under the point in which these mass infrastructure payments and investments are made by the US uniquely. That was something that was particularly harmful. And note that that was something that was far more important than anything you've heard in the debate to this point, which focuses particularly on the US, which irrespective of directly what the US does, are probably likely to recover from COVID relatively reasonably, insofar as firstly, they already are doing such. But secondly, they have far more luxury and access to things like vaccine in the first place, at the point where we are able to uniquely point out, firstly, that becomes far harder for developing countries to actually do things like borrow and fund their own countries, but also pay back the masses of debt that they already have in a context where they can't pay back debt. But secondly, that these countries are more likely now to turn to China. But of course, that alone is a debate winning benefit. Second extension, why this money is likely to be spent extraordinarily unwisely, four things to say here. Firstly, the government is inefficient in its responses to demands and projects that it invests in won't necessarily fit individuals preferences, which eliminates a lot of the analysis that we hear from opening opposition. Secondly, though, note the scale of bureaucracy that exists in governmental payouts that exist, meaning that there is a long time before this money is injected into the economy actually comes into being and is reflected in the mass wealth people in the economy actually have. And that exacerbates the timing issues that I flagged in my introduction. That is to say, there's a huge injection of capital in the US economy, but that capital takes say two to three years to actually show up on the economy at the point where the government bureaucracy makes it quite slow for this money to pop out, then there is a massive hyperinflation risk that exists in the US that will of course raise the interest rates even further. Thirdly, I think the opening opposition case simply misunderstand what these proposed governmental expenditure policies actually look like. Firstly, there's obviously extraordinarily few incentives to fund minorities in particular, it's far more likely it was middle class people who make up the most of the US economy that they were caring about saving. But secondly, you can't just assert that a lot of this money is going to green industries. Sure, it was true that some of it was, most of it was just going to those industries through which most workers were employed, which in many circumstances were industries that weren't particularly useful with respect to things like the environment. Fourth reason this money is likely to be spent extraordinarily unwisely is I just think opening opposition should check out more fucking economists. They can assert all they want that no economist worldwide has any problem with this spending. But yes, of course, many of them do. Maybe they're only reading US economists who know the impact it might have on that country, but not the impact that it will inevitably have on developing world countries, which is extraordinarily harmful in this debate. Third extension that comes out is the context that the US is present in makes the inflationary risk so particularly harmful. Noting again that our opening government notes that inflation is likely to happen, but don't really point out the particular harms that exist with it. That is the context I've already provided, that this economic downturn and recession is not an outage to others, it was specifically caused by COVID in particular, which meaning that any sort of payments that were made in this way were probably going to be immediately harmful upon a critical mass of people being vaccinated or restrictions easing. That sudden explosion of economic activity that occurred, which as I've already pointed out, might take two to three years to actually be felt in the first place, probably means inflation exists. Why was inflation particularly harmful outside the reasons opening government already provides you? Two reasons. Firstly, it was extremely likely that investor confidence just falls because mass inflation in the US was a departure from the policy setting monetarily that has existed in the last several decades. But secondly, you're likely to get things like panic spending in the US, insofar as the value of individual savings goes down. I'll take a point from opening. > POI: So your first extension is contingent on our policy working. Your second extension about how it's inefficient is contingent on our policy not working. Which one is it again? Either of them defeat your case, right? So you could believe this money is going to increase the interest rates of the US government, of the US finances, and therefore have a massive harm. Or you could believe that this policy is not going to work internally in the US. But thirdly, I think we can actually straddle the line insofar as we suggest and already provide a framework that shows that developing countries are probably going to spend the longest amount of time actually recovering from the COVID pandemic, say two to three year gaps before they're able to get mass vaccinated. And secondarily, we're also displaying to you that it might take two to three years before the US actually feels its financing from coming through due to the bureaucracy that exists within the US, you know, governmental payments department. And consequently, if those two timings match up, then firstly, you haven't proved a benefit exists in the US. But secondly, a harm to the developing world exists. But thirdly, if the timing was to exist in the US doesn't stop the fact that the developing countries still have an immediate need to borrow and continue to have a need to borrow. But moreover, it doesn't respond to the idea that these countries already have mass debts that are denominated in US currency, which now become far harder to pay off. So obviously, both of those pieces of analysis not only defeat your case, but also egregiously harmful and can have the policies. For those reasons, then, because we're the only team that actually cares that the majority of the world is likely to be put in a harmful position, because we show that the US are unlikely to make particularly successfully, because the inflationary risk is uniquely harmful to things like investor confidence, which again, for developing countries, it's clear causing government to win this debate. Thank you.
CO · OppositionFour things in extension. Firstly, why is this necessary? And otherwise this, these projects simply will not happen unless we do the spending. Secondly, why we economically can do this, we're going to give you three structural reasons why United States, even if it's in a bad situation, can pull this off. Thirdly, why we will pull this off efficiently, scaling up all of the impacts of OO. Fourthly, why these impacts create more revenue down the line, which breaks the deadlock in all of the debate, since we create a better future based on this. I have three responses to the CG extension, which is about the developing world. The first is to say that there are already constraints on the United States lending to these sorts of places. Notice firstly, that structurally these places have the highest amount of risks due to structural problems, like for example, colonialism, they have warfare, you have instability, also currency problems in these sort of things. But also secondly, the people there are not the most educated structurally, you don't have the best workforce, etc. You also have other problems like crime and these type of things. But secondly, politically, this is a very big problem to invest in these sorts of places, because you're basically putting a lot of money with a lot of uncertainty in these sort of things. So neither Republicans nor Democrats do this sort of thing. Thirdly, to say is that you still have other actors in the world who are going to loan these sort of places that are not China, like the European Union, like Brazil, like for example, how do you say the IMF in these sorts of places. Secondly, your response, I think inflation is actually good. And they're basically tricking you in this particular thing. Why can it be good? The basic logic is false, you take up a loan, with this loan, you invest it into physical things that are assets, like for example, building roads, building hospitals, investing companies, etc. When the dollar price goes down, the quantity of the asset actually goes up, because now this asset is worth more dollars in this particular way. But also the cash flow for this, if you want to sell the asset, but also the cash flow based upon this also increases because its price also goes up. So you actually have bigger capacity to pay off the loans on their side of the house, they're basically tricking you. But thirdly, China is likely to invest in these places symmetrically, because the West has a lot of human rights restrictions that basically make these sorts of authoritarian regimes or corrupt democracies go to China symmetrically because they won't want to deal with this sort of shit. And China is giving out a really, really good bargain, because they can sacrifice short-term accounts for better these sorts of things. This extension goes down. Let's go to another extension. Why is this necessary? I want to note, opening the opposition, the only line when you say this is that these sorts of places are, it's hard for you to get capital for the companies to follow this sort of fashion. The structural reason for this is these projects that we're talking about, things like building bridges, things like building buildings and these types of things require a huge amount of initial investment in order to do these sort of things. Why is this the case? Firstly, because the risk of you building these sorts of places is very problematic. Secondly, the materials cost a lot of money, etc. But the problem is that when companies get together, they basically have to trust each other to pull money from themselves and do this sort of thing. Why do they don't want to do this? Firstly, they have fees costs and burial costs that they have to spend in these particular things, etc. Secondly, you don't know if one of your partners is going to go out of the equation at this point. But thirdly, you don't know if it's going to be profitable, or you're going to do this sort of thing because it's very long term. We solve this when investing huge amounts of money in this particular thing, because we're taking away this uncertainty. But secondly, we want to talk about uncertainty is that you do not necessarily know if this is going to be profitable in the long term. This isn't to say that it isn't profitable, but that there is sufficient uncertainty for you to invest in other type of projects that are smaller. But when you have big amounts of cash, you're able to take up this uncertainty to do this sort of thing. Thirdly, when government backing exists, it creates competition between companies to basically do the competition thing where they want to go in and get on these sort of things. But fourthly, structuring the places that we're going to invest, like Detroit, like the Rust Belt, these are places where there is a lack of investment anyway. So you need government spending in these sorts of places in order to get this particular thing. This proves to you why this policy is necessary. OG's only response to this is to say, ah, but it isn't politically palatable to give to these sorts of projects. Three responses. Firstly, it's bipartisan. Many people want this sort of thing because it caters to the interests of people. Secondly, this is an immense voter issue, right? Like if you have a fucking destroyed bridge or you have unemployment based upon this protein, people care about this sort of thing. So you're likely to capitalize. But thirdly, sometimes it's necessary for these sort of things for just your life going, etc. This proves why it is necessary. Secondly, why will we economically be able to do this first line of analysis? We can simply increase taxes, right? We can increase tax revenue. First reason. Notice that Trump actually cut taxes down and the economy went up based upon this particular thing. So you actually have four years of Trumpist tax cuts that actually create more revenue in the economy. Now, in this cycle, Biden can increase the taxes, which, by the way, he already did to do this sort of things. Secondly, notice that Biden is currently basically pushing out world minimum tax on these sort of things. Why is he efficacious to do this? Firstly, there is immense buying from the G7 and G20 to basically take away half tax savings in this particular thing, and they're likely to push this legislation. The importance of this sort of thing is if you take away tax havens and basically put it on a minimum, companies that are now located in these sort of places like Arden will relocate back to United States because they have much, much more certainty in these four places, they can influence more, etc. The only reason they go there is because of the minimum tax. That means that you're able to get more tax revenue in this particular thing. But thirdly, you have all the other companies that are resorting. Second reason, and I've always waited to say this, money printer go bird. Like notice that a dollar is, how do you say, the strongest currency in the world. The reason for this is there's massive certainty that the dollar is not going to die because everyone is using this. Notice analysis. The strength of the currency is based upon the belief that this currency is efficacious. The more we use it, we only ascribe it value because we're using it. This currency is associated with loans, with currency research. So it's not going to go down and we can push out. Notice United States printed out $10 trillion and it didn't have that big of an impact on the economy. The dollar is just like a little, little small thing. And this is factologically true. But thirdly, you can still get money from other loans, right? Like China can give you money, EU can give you money. And notice that you've always paid back your loans. Like you have been continuously doing this. So you're likely to receive loans because you're the best customer in this particular thing. This is why we can get the money. Open government. > POI: Infrastructure contractors competing for government contracts over promised deadlines and spending, which can be the tipping point for many projects not being worthwhile due to their actual income tax dollars and construction. This is not the case, firstly, because there are many companies that are competing with us. Secondly, as per your own analysis, they need the cash now. So they're likely to be very, very good in efficacious towards this sort of thing. So your own analysis flips your POI. Let's prove why this is efficacious. Firstly, notice that governments have expertise, right? Like you can get private sector people to work in your government. So you're likely to do calculations adequately. Secondly, this is the first time that it is done. So you have first time or advantage to capitalize on this particular thing. So you want to be efficacious. Governments has massive checks and balance mechanisms to search for things like corruption, to search for things like inefficiency to do this sort of things. Thirdly, likely the place you're going to target this is strategically selective is where you're actually going to be able to get your revenue back. Fourthly, like we have done this in the past, like remember the Hoover Dam and these sort of things. This is why you're likely to incentivize to have the ability to make this efficacious. Why are these benefits the most important things? Firstly, notice with unemployment, basically, the problem is that you have an entire generation of people, they cannot get to a point because they don't have necessarily the skills and these sort of things. When they work on this project, they're able to capitalize on these skills, they're able to sell this off on their CV, and they're likely to be more employed. But secondly, other businesses will drop off based upon these particular things, meaning that the asset price will go down and the cash will be increased on this particular thing, which means that this is an investment that will create more dividends down the line when it increases because people get more job opportunities and businesses prop up. See how it takes this debate.
CG · GovernmentTwo questions in this speech. Firstly, why will inflation occur? And why is that the most important harm in this debate? And then secondly, do government investments actually create benefits like the odd bench consists? Okay, firstly, on inflation, note, I think that OG spends a weird amount of their case talking about the disadvantages of spending and debt. But I think that this is probably deprioritized in this debate for the reason that US bonds are extraordinarily reliable, such that debt increases in debt can often be absorbed. That's not to say that they're harmful to the economy, financial risk do not exist, but just that this is an ideal but probably not the end of the world. What is the end of the world? What does have the most international implications? We thought it was likely inflation, we tell you two things I think really clearly at closing government. The first thing is we're the only team to actually mechanize why inflation occurs, which is as follows. Firstly, note that this policy occurs in the context of an existing recovery. It is one which like has already had some degree of stimulus. It is one which is already seen the US bounce back to an extent with positive growth rates. It is one that you know, obviously, once people get sufficient vaccinations, they clearly have incentives to like reopen their businesses. There is also actually just likely to be quite a lot of happiness about the economy reopening and people's willingness to engage in it. We think that you will likely able to do things like encourage people, you know, to go like do stimulus without necessarily even giving them money. But what happened now that you had a truly enormous stimulus, it is important to note that this is a substantial large scale stimulus, not just any stimulus, what happened now is that the immediate capacity constraints that all teams agree exists mean that the US economy is unprepared for this enormous growth of the money supply, and therefore you get inflation. Now what were the immediate effects of inflation, which are uniquely well impacted at CG? A few things. Firstly, we told you that inflation totally destroys inflation. The second thing to say is that this creates a cycle of inflation, because now what occurs is people know that the money in their bank account is decreasing in its value, and so they do things like panic spending. In the long run, that means you have less investment funds because people have spent it on short term items, that leads to a cycle of inflation. So, you know, the US economy is not prepared for this. So, there is a cycle of inflation, and the reason why it is so important is because it is a cycle of inflation. So, you know, the fourth thing to say, though, and I think that this is most important, is that interest rates rise, and there are two reasons why interest rates rise. The first thing to say is the central bank is forced to respond to the cost of living, which is rising and is likely a kind of substantial issue. The second thing to say is just that there is kind of substantial economic and political pressure on the central bank to respond to the cost of living, and the third thing to say is that the cost of living increases. So, you know, the central bank is forced to respond to the cost of living, and the third thing to say is just that there is kind of substantial economic and political pressure to protect people's savings. Like, obviously, you know, the middle class is significantly distressed when their savings decrease in value. Obviously, this is something which is a large scale political concern, and I think that that means it is highly likely that interest rates are eventually forced to rise. And that has a few problems. Obviously, in a context where these opposition teams have spent an enormous amount of their cases talking about the risks of consumer debt in the US, at the point where the US is facing the worst harms in this debate, but importantly, at CIG, we tell you that you should not just care about the United States, which is to say that an increase in interest rates on the US dollar had dire international consequences. As Sweeney tells you, to minimal response, this increases the cost of borrowing internationally. And this was super important, because it was most likely that other countries had sort of worse experiences with COVID, and they uniquely needed to borrow in a way which was far more pressing for the US's need to borrow or the US's debt or whatever. CIG's responses to this material are as follows. Firstly, there's like, that they're like, there are existing lending constraints towards developing countries. Firstly, this is at best mitigatory, we would still oppose making them far worse. But I think the second thing to say is just this is not how lending works. Like when you know, most debts in the international economy are done in USD, that does not mean they're borrowing directly from the US government, it might be the fact that they're trading with other countries in US dollars, it might be the fact they're engaging, you know, with US firms. So even if it is the case that the US government doesn't lend a heap to these firms, that just does not understand how the international economy works. But regardless, we would say you should not make those constraints worse. The other thing they tell us is that actually inflation is likely good, you know, because it might lead to growth and things like that. I think the first thing to say is this was totally unresponsive to the harms we tell you of increased interest rates, which lead to things like debt crises, which lead to hyperinflation. But the second thing to say is obviously, you know, even if it is the case that some small degree of inflation might work in the US, firstly, we think that this enormous level of stimulus probably pushes the US past that kind of moderate low level of inflation that people would be comfortable with, investors would be rational with. But secondly, this, you know, that only explains why it would be okay for the US, it does not respond to the international harms. So I think, at the end of this is very clear that inflation is the worst harm in this debate, it has the largest scale international consequences, or be prevented, I think, as the primary issue in this debate, I'll take a point from closing. > POI: Look, this is contingent on inflation happening on the first place, we give you four structural reasons why inflation will not happen or what happened to that scale. But what are your structural reasons for inflation happening? Okay, yeah. So there's a few things to say here. Firstly, if you get no inflation, then you probably aren't substantially increasing economic growth. So I'm not sure why you would support that. But I think the second thing to say is, we tell you very clearly at Sweeney why inflation occurs, which is to say that it is very likely, you know, that there is a sudden spike in the economy at the point where things open back up after a critical mass. And if you have pumped the economy full of money, without, you know, substantially increasing productivity or capacity constraints, that leads to a sudden spike in inflation, you can actually respond to those structural reasons. You know, I think it will probably be too late. All right, do the government investments actually create benefits? Because this is where opposition mainly claims are, you know, their case, I think there are three major benefits. The first one is that this is kind of the only way to boost your spending or to recover from COVID. Note that this largely relies on factual assertions about whether this is a good idea, according to economists, or about the priorities of the spending, we can also make factual assertions, the official projections of the US government suggested that with literally no stimulus whatsoever, there would only be a lag of about 1.3% behind the potential GDP of the US, which is just not true that that leads to mass economic collapse. But additionally, we thought that low interest rates were likely to be effective for three reasons. Firstly, because there would be more company investment, rather than just short term spending, because you're encouraged to, you know, finance projects in the long run. Secondly, because consumer confidence would be higher because it's not just viewed as like a stopgap desperate measure from the government. And thirdly, because we thought the market was often more efficient at allocating those funds than the government itself. Their claim is that interest rates are already low, but firstly, quantitative easing exists. But secondly, obviously, you can encourage investment through political means as well. The other things they tell us is that there will be support for minority voters. But I think that this is silly, because obviously, there are not substantial electoral incentives to prioritise minority voters. And even if there were, we would say the Republicans would probably not be a huge fan of that. But also their examples don't even make sense. Like, why is highways good for minorities, like they're often bulldozed in the minority community. It's a bit weird. The final thing we hear is that environmental benefits and spending on good infrastructure. Firstly, I would note that I think the examples provided by the op bench kind of contradict each other. Either we're doing political expedient investment in fucking Detroit, or actually helping the environment, these things don't super coexist. But finally, I would say that the US government does this uniquely inefficiently, as is explained down the government bench to minimal response. We prefer like the market and the investment market to do that, which they are already doing. At the end of this debate, investment, I think is the clear reason why inflation is the reason why CG.
CO · OppositionAll of the impacts of closing government are reliant on one asserted claim, which is inflation is going to happen. And then everything is going to shit the fan. Then we asked, what are your structural reasons as to why inflation is going to happen? And the answer, because of immediate spending. But this is not how infrastructure projects like this work. The way that CG imagined is working is basically by the science paper. And tomorrow, he transfers 10 million to companies all over the US, and everybody starts working. This is not how it works. This plan is contractors over the span of eight years, and is backed up by other projections as to, for example, the taxes that you're going to accumulate by reforming your current tax policy, which is one of the three structural reasons the Truman gives you as to why inflation is not going to happen. As long as they don't have even this immediate impact, I am unsure as to what I say, because the next thing they say is, because we basically pump a lot of money, we don't actually pump them into efficient stuff. And then if I just managed to prove to you that this is going to be happening in an efficient way, we also win over that particular clash. But notice second, member of closing government says, oh, actually, US economy is recovering, things are bad, things are happening, so you don't have the money. And then CG whip stands up and says, Oh, no, actually, US economy is bouncing back, things are going to going to become better, everything is okay. If that is true, then why wouldn't we invest in projects who wouldn't otherwise be invested in, in order to create jobs and all the benefits that Truman talked about, and notice no direct responses as to the particular positive benefits that we create of those particular infrastructure projects, and how they trickle down to businesses and working class members, because this is not like about, this is going to be medium class, like medium class people don't be don't build bridges, I think that this is fair to say. And the second thing is that all of the things that they say, oh, after inflation happens, there's going to be panic spending, and things like that, all of this, again, reliant on this idea that there is going to be inflation, which we kind of disprove. So apart from the three reasons that Truman gives to you, I'm going to give you two more just so you have like five versus one, and it's an easy call for you. Okay, look, the fourth reason for us apart from taxes, ability to take loans, and actually money printer Goldberg, right? Actually, the stock market of the United States right now is tremendously going good. There is a structural reasons for that not only that is a factual thinking the world that but the structural reason is that companies in the US actually, basically took advantage of the COVID situation fairly quickly. Big tech companies such as Google, Apple, and whatever were able to implement their strategies fairly quickly and to actually adapt to the current scenarios. Second of all, people wanted, wanted to invest in other stuff. There's also like, a lot of things happen in the store, stock market in terms of like, people just generally be more interested into it. So the trust over the stock market increased, and all of those things. There's also things such as consulting firms started consulting everybody on how to deal with COVID, which increased another part of the US economy of this is another reason as to why us is actually doing fairly good in terms of in terms of money. And I think that this overall trust is basically another very big reason as to why us dollar is going to continue doing a lot of good does removing any part of the inflation mechanisms or whatever. And for a fifth reason is basically that already a lot of countries have actually took upon loans against the US dollar because exactly of the COVID situation, which increased their interest to continue trusting the same US dollar, but also like generally, comparatively, if you have to compare countries that have taken nuanced loans versus country that have taken us loans already, retrospectively, there's 10, 10 times more of the first one, I think that we win over this particular clash. Before I continue, I'm going to take opening. > POI: Economic growth relies on people spending their income, your justification for spending is that you can raise taxes doesn't see a tax rise disincentivize consumers from spending invalidating your OSMAC. No, because it's important to understand who are going to actually, we are going to tax, we don't say we're going to tax everybody. We're saying we're going to tax multinational companies who are doing very well on the stock market. I pretty much explained that. Now, moving on to opening responses, because I think that this is fairly important. But before that, on the efficacy point, I almost forgot that because this is like, oh, bullshit, they basically give you two reasons, right? First is like, two, three is capital is going to come in slow, I already kind of rebutted this by saying that we're not going to spend all of the money on the project in one particular time, or even two, three years, but rather five, five or eight years, or even more. But more important, there's a political incentive for Biden administration to pull this off, because there are a lot of Republicans who are waiting on them to fail in order to actually, in order to actually call them out in terms of their inefficacy, and how bureaucratic they are and things like that. So you have a massive political incentive to increase oversight on our side of the house. Second of all, cooperation with the private sector and using their abilities, and even using the currently created blue dot network, and its expertise and know how and certifying projects is another good way to push your political agenda and also make things actually, actually better. So I think that on that particular stuff, but also in terms of the like, for example, if you're going into Detroit, Detroit workers are actually much cheaper than for example, California workers. So you're able to have a pretty good ratio between efficiency and actually how much you invest in the project in the first place. So I think we went on over the efficiency class as well. So in terms of opening government, I think that like, again, they still have the same argument about economy is going to go bad, we give you five reasons as to why economy is going to stay good. So in that particular comparative, so we actually win over and in terms of short term mystic thinking of the projects, I don't think that like you get you actually have an incentive to sell long term projects, such as eight years, because then there is an incentives for other companies and other politicians for you to say, Oh, my gosh, I have to be reelected in order to finish that plan. And companies who take advantage of that plan are going to lobby for you. But also, if actually Republican comes comes down to place, he still has the incentive to continue policies if they're good, and they're helping, such as like Biden, who continued a lot of Trump policies in terms of like stimulus packages and things like that. So short term mystic thinking didn't exist. Overall, they never really kind of compared with our benefits in terms of businesses. So we also win over that clash. Very happy to oppose this one.
empate bp_221 · This House Prefers religions that "center the self" to religions that "rej...
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): This House Prefers religions that "center the self" to religions that "reject the self".

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OG,OO) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=221, label gold.csv = "OG,OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: GOV T2: GOV T3: GOV T4: GOV
Voto majoritário: GOV (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_A maintained a consistent focus on the psychological utility of 'centering the self' as a tool for individual agency and solace in the face of suffering. DEBATEDOR_B struggled to provide a cohesive counter-argument, often drifting into meta-commentary about religious structures rather than engaging with the core motion, and failed to effectively refute the agency-based arguments presented by the opposition.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentFor a long time, the suppression of the self has been the foremost concern of humanity and their ability to be happy. We think religions that emphasize the self as something inalienable and something that ought to be preserved is something that will make people on the whole happier and exhibit more of the characteristics of centering the self are better than those that exhibit less of the characteristics that center the self and reject the self. What are these characteristics we think are very good? One, recognizing that there is a diversity of human experience that emphasizes all these experiences are valuable and essential. The soul, the feather-spun person beneath the flinch is the source of your divinity and that makes you unique and valuable. Two, the self and the existence of that self is positive and life is positive. That is, the existence of your individual experiences as unique is good and not temporary or unhappy. And number three is that the primacy of the self and the choices of the self we know today are good and are actual versus some greater obligation to an afterlife or to a God that requires self-sacrifice or the sublimation into a greater whole. These are the characteristics we think are good for the debate and more importantly what will be debated on. So number one, agency. First, I will do the counterfactual which is I will prove on our side we have much more of a diversity of experience and a respect for the agency of people. On our side, the conception of the self where the difference of human experience is special and valued is much more likely to lead to the acceptance of individuals who belong to sexual minorities excluded within the church for women who have the rights restrained within religion simply for the mistake of being born a woman. We think that the ability to equalize experience is much more likely to cause significantly greater acceptance for these individuals for three reasons. One, their differences are now highlighted as similarly a path to divinity and as a connection to God rather than one that is unholy and strays away from the pack. Two, it is more likely that people accept differences rather than curse it as a means of betraying the community, the leader and God, which is more likely an op because you are told that you have to reject yourself for some greater purpose and hence being more individual leads the community away from group solace. And three is that they are also more likely to find individuality as a way to interpret and practice religion on gov. So they see that individuality as something to cherish and as something that can be meaningful in allowing them to better experience their relationship with God. So this is personally preferable. It is important because getting more than just community acceptance, they are also likely to get personal acceptance of themselves and who they are, which is incredibly difficult and incredibly important internal harm to make sure that people are comfortable in their own skin and in their own lives. This is incredibly important since whatever benefits of religion op argues is incredibly inaccessible, if not actively dangerous to the people who need it the most. What does it look like on opposition bench? We think opposition leads to key repressions of agency. We think religion can typically be a highly oppressive structure a lot of the time and balance and the greater structure of it can be difficult. If the source of value on our side is unique human experience, as we say, it is more likely that religion values doctrines that maximize the choice of people because they are primary individuals rather than the imposition of authority to introduce order. On their side, one, differences are seen as a source of unhappiness and authority will take it upon themselves to do what is best for people to suppress this. Two, absent the ability to connect God from the self, it is not necessarily that you get it from meditating, but op will likely seek it out from other higher powers, which means that they are substantially more vulnerable to politicization, they are substantially more vulnerable to a single individual controlling the reins and using it for their own gain. So in instances where religion is coercive, you get three harms on op. One, certain minority groups on the color of their skin are more willing to be suppressed or experience suppression more because you view their individuality as an affront to God and something that should be expunged. Two, you defer a lot of authority rather than democratization on the ground, which makes it vulnerable to cooptation and politicization. This means that these religions are more likely to be used in the aid of authoritarian governments, they're more likely to be used to suppress people in the name of power. And number three is that you all experience internal suppression, which is super vicious and suffering. That some people will be individual and unique no matter what, but they feel that this part of themselves is something that is broken, something that is flawed because it makes them want to cherish themselves, but this goes against every belief that they have. They are born with preferences, they will be very different somehow. Everyone has something that makes them different from someone else. That means every person in the world that can experience some level of suffering and some level of despair because they can ever truly reject the part of themselves that they are born with and have no control over. Why should you weigh this argument massively? One, because it talks about vulnerable groups who have very little opportunity to fight back, who are most likely to put in positions of deep disprivilege and need the solace the most, but are at the same time removed from the solace. Number two, it has the potential to throw societies in upheaval and conflict because religions and op are most likely to descend into violence and suffering because they are vulnerable to a large leader who's comfortable in suppressing the individuality of people, leading to large-scale conflict and politicization. And number three is that this tyranny over the self cannot ever be mitigated because it is coming from you, something an external body does not have the similar amount of harm. You yourself are the one that experienced causing this massive physical harm and mental harm unto yourself and will go with you for the rest of your life. This is why we think a world on opposition is a world not worth defending. Second argument though, we think it is also easier to convince communities to come together and help the most vulnerable, help the poorest in the world. Our counterfactual being centered on the self doesn't mean that op is centered on other people. Indeed, we actually reject that and say our side makes people better for other individuals. Three reasons why. Number one, if human suffering is unimportant and is temporary, it is much easier to justify deprioritizing the wellbeing of other individuals in the name of justifying their spiritual happiness, despite the fact that they are suffering on the ground. Two, especially when your individual life is an illusion that causes unhappiness and your struggles are unimportant, it is easy to sideline their issues by calling it a necessary part of human life. So not just saying that it doesn't matter, but that it's obligatory that they suffer. And three, assuming the desire to do good was the same on both sides, which we categorically deny from the first two premises, the manner in which you do good is also worse, right? There are more likely to support interventions that impose on people. So, two, kitchens that alleviate some suffering now, but keep people locked barely above subsistence instead of consulting people for what they actually need, like building schools, building roads, building hospitals, based on the real lived experiences. I'll give the fourth mech after I take the away from CO. > POI: The action of the self means that you believe that differences are incidental. When you center the self, it means you value those differences being something that is fundamentally part of your human experience. And yet, since these differences are incidental, they must be removed. They're clearly unimportant to people. They're clearly unimportant to you and can be removed. So even if they are incidental, that makes things even worse, as opposed to something that should be expunged from people. Fourth mechanism. It's easier to relate to others because even if experiences are unique, you can find some broad themes and acknowledge that they have a self that is just as dignified as yours. Whereas if on the up, people are all the same and there's no underneath the person, right? There's no nothing underneath the soul that gives them that uniqueness, then it is not sufficient to see them as worthy of dignity. Hence, why is this really, really important? Number one, religion is the largest charity in the world and the largest outpouring of aid that humanity has really ever seen. So we're just like losing out on a gigantic amount of aid, gigantic amount of resources to uplift people out of poverty, particularly because of the structural reasons saying that the suffering is indeed necessary and important to keep in place. Number two, they're also most likely to target areas of poverty where no one goes that have very few people to support them because they still see these people as worthy of uplifting in order to unlock their choices and make individuality available to them. But number three, I also wanna point out that it's not just physical spirituality, but physical health, but also spiritual health that allows people to experience solace and happiness in ways that they could not, especially in particularly oppressive places or places where they feel the most amount of suffering. At the end of this speech, unambiguously, categorically, the center of the self is precisely why government is the center of this debate. Affirm.
OO · OppositionWe believe that the framing and characterization of how this narrative works in OG is a bit convenient. The first thing I'd like to posit is, this narrative is independent of other narratives that operate in the world. For example, there are lots of other narratives that operate, that promote a sense of self. Things like capitalism, things like other reasons, like basic biological needs, where you want to earn more money to live a better life. All of this exists devoid of religious influence. What is the reason for this influence? Because this is dependent on drive power, i.e. maximizing your ability to control resources, maximizing the output that a society generates in order to create lived experiences for those who've captured power early. This debate then happens in a world in which these natural drives for self-preservation and importance already exist, but counterbalances that with religion that says maybe this narrative is not important. So the first thing I'd like to posit is, having multiple narratives is in and of itself a win. The first reason for this is because different people end up having different degrees of success in life by virtue of a plethora of reasons that I'll get to in my second extension. But I think this is intuitive enough. Some people are born rich, some people win worlds, some people don't end up in semis. What the point of this is, is that when you get individualized success, you can still get happiness by subscribing to particular amounts of narratives that exist in the world that tell you that individualized success is important versus some people who don't end up winning the capitalistic zero-sum game and fall at the bottom, can subscribe to religion and therefore get contentment out of this. If you look at the world empirically, the richer you are in a lot of cases means you're more educated and you've opted out of religion to begin with. That's a good thing because that allows you to subscribe to that form of happiness. So the first and most fundamental attack to OG is, this is a narrative that challenges existing narratives, that maximizes accessibility of narratives to a greater number of people, and therefore distributes the quality of life more equally. Let's say this is not true. The rest of this case will assume that this is not true, even though this is good enough to beat their case and why the alternative narrative is good enough to begin with. The biggest case they say is, we need to maximize agency by accepting women and minorities within, but understanding differences of self. Before that, I'll take CG. > POI: Well, it is true that narratives like capitalism are also individualistic. The kinds of behaviors that they privilege from individuals and the kinds of individuals that they hold up as icons are different and that has different consequences for the way we view ourselves. And the argument is it's beneficial to have different narratives that different people can subscribe to. It's unclear what all subscription from all people is likely to be homogenous. The first response to acceptance of different people, which is differences of self. The first thing I'd like to point out is, it is unclear why the way in which this acceptance happened is structurally explained in OG. I.e the way you ascribe, what your interpretation of yourself is, is often basis religious leaders or the way in which this religion is interpreted. The first thing I'd like to posit is, the definition of self can be prescribed. I.e you are born a man, this is yourself, and this is what the rest of your life should be. It is unclear why you are trying to change yourself. Yourself is important. So the interpretation of that can stop the most important minorities that they're trying to protect. The second is you are often blamed for the choices that contradict religion because you see it as an individualized choice that these people actively choose to make. Principles like homosexuality is bad in religion came much before these complex doctrines of self materialized in the world. So things like you choosing to be gay is seen as an attack on religion that is more likely to be flipped against you because yourself and your choices matter. The comparative is, when none of these experiences matter, you're more likely to just be like, yeah, let them fuck another guy, who cares? Because it doesn't impact the way in which they should be deemed as moral entities. But secondly, you also disempower religion to the same extent where you say that their definition of yourself matters less. The entire human experience matters less. So the ability for these religious leaders to influence you also comparatively reduces. If anything, we accept the minorities more on our side. First positive material, escapism. We believe the vast majority of the world is predetermined. There are lots of reasons for this. Number one, lottery of birth. You don't choose what kind of family you're born into. Number two, IQ. Number three, your interactions, who you interact with and your set of legal experiences often determine what your free will is in the future. Number four, even if all of this is not true, just pure randomness of the molecular atoms in your brain that influence what your ultimate choice or life will be. What this means is you often don't end up choosing the ultimate experiences that you go through in life. Why is this particularly important? Number one, this is premised on the fact that you are prioritizing all of these experiences on Gov. At a point in time when certain people are privileged and they think this privilege needs to be maximized because their set of experiences matters, there is less of an incentive to give up these kinds of privileges because you realize your individualized experiences also matter and therefore you need to maximize your connection with God. So you do things like donate a million dollars to building a mosque because that was the capacity you were born with rather than thinking it's just less important to begin with. The second is the worst case of this is a lot of people are oppressed and end up suffering. The best case of this is you just undergo randomness. So some people end up with good experiences. Some people end up with bad experiences. There are two major harms that operate out of this. Number one, you blame yourself for not doing enough to be religious. I.e. you often don't interpret the structural barriers when you think about yourself all day. We see the same problem with capitalism. It's a very simple parallel. When you think from an individualized perspective at all times, you always try to compare the next day to the previous and try to see incremental improvement at different points in time. So when you fail because of structural barriers that are beyond your control, you blame yourself for that failure rather than blaming external actors. Number two, you also are further harmed when religious actors exploit this and tell you that no matter how much you do, the uncertainty of what this relationship with God is like, which is important in God's world, means they can coerce you into continuously doing more and more every time. So the more you pray, the more they say, donate more. And you are further put into a cycle of exploitation where what you are as a self and an experience does not matter or there is no end point. Ultimately, what this means is even when you do things, like try to discover yourself, things like anti-religious choices, you just feel worse because that choice is something you subscribe into. Ultimately, this means all of these people live in existential crises because they didn't choose where they ended up in. And therefore, they also suffer by virtue of that experience. And therefore, they feel bad that the narrative they're fed to all societies is the fact that this experience matters. The comparative is on our side, very simple. Number one, you just ignore that these experiences matter. So even if you don't get the best outcomes in life, which happens through randomness, you're at least content about it. And therefore, the net unhappiness, which is prominent across the world is reduced. The second is you also prevent exploitation by religious groups on the most vulnerable. That I think is important. Lastly, and more trivially on social change. I think it's also important for majorities to realize that they themselves and their wealth capture does not matter. Okay, sorry, I didn't know my time was up. But the point is, it's just better for people to experience life, not through randomness, but and be unhappy through it, but through contentment. And we're very glad to oppose.
OG · GovernmentI first wonder about this other narratives exist argument, because this only one stance will take over Number one, I can name equally as many narratives that focus on self-sacrifice for the greater good of a community, nationalism, family, so many other things that make this balance of whatever incredibly useless. But secondly, even if you didn't think that was the case, I think especially where people have religions as their primary motivator for the ways in which they determine their behaviors and the way in which they view life, are where people are far most likely to be vulnerable. I think the question from opening opposition is how do we make it so that we don't have to I think the question from opening opposition is, they don't really explain the degree to which coercion occurs, whereas I think David was far more structural in explaining why A, if you value every single individual human experience, therefore the source of knowledge of religious freedom and happiness ought be the individual rather than some greater structure around you and imposition of the choices of that structure, because they are not a greater source of moral authority in so far as what makes you holy is your direct connection to God rather than needing some kind of mediator in the middle. But secondly is, in so far as that increase the amount of choices that you have, for people that are especially vulnerable, this has two benefits. Number one is if religion is the main motivator and influence in your life, it makes it much less likely that these figures are going to be more oppressive. Either you don't feel like they actively impose ideas upon you, or even when they do, you don't necessarily have to subscribe to them in so far as you also believe that your own struggles, beliefs and ways in which you connect to God are equally as valuable as whatever the recommendations ought be. So for the most vulnerable individuals, that's where they're more coercive. But secondly is, and this responds to their point that things like homophobia existed before these kinds of set of the self things, which this motion is not a retrospective, this could easily equally apply. But secondly is that even if homophobia was an aspect of that religion, again, it is more likely that even if the community around you believes in these kinds of things, that you feel like your own personal experiences and your own source of moral authority is sufficient in order to say that it is wrong, that your direct connection to God and your sexuality is key and core part of that, rather than saying they are correct and I must accept and internalize the degree of homophobia that exists within my religion. But thirdly, I think what they do not mention is that all these other narratives do not answer an existential question. I.e. capitalism might tell you to work hard to stay alive, but it will not tell you why you are alive. And I think that is the unique nuance of religion because it explains what is the reason for your purpose? Why are you here? Why are you on this earth? And I think the problem with opening opposition is they ignore the degree to which personal solace matters so much to the various people that they cater to, such that absent all the agency, political, donation arguments that exist within this debate, the most certain benefit here is that it is much easier for people to connect to a life in which they believe their own personal experiences that they go through every day whereas Sajid says, we are in such a deep personal reflection of why you are on this earth and maybe God put you here for a reason, et cetera, as opposed to thinking that every single day of your life on this earth is unimportant and unnecessary. And the important thing to note here about the comparative opposition is that oftentimes what they do is they connect this to some greater spiritual purpose, like an afterlife or a God that is either incredibly impersonal, especially when your own personal experiences and humanity is ignored or so far in the future that you will never get to experience it. That's incredibly important because for a lot of individuals, when their life isn't so good, when their material experiences of the people around them, as Sajid says, are not very good, oftentimes religion is the only thing that's convenient in purpose. Firstly is even in bad experiences, oftentimes it is religion that gives a sense that you were not left behind, that there's purpose to everything that you go through. Like when you have a family member that is sick and gets better, you feel that maybe God had intervened in that manner because God values your own individual and personal experiences as well as the fact you can interpret and reflect on those experiences in a manner that makes your struggles and connections divine, which is much more likely you feel that your religion has an everyday purpose in your life, rather than some arbitrary and abstract purpose in all honesty, as yet to be defined when opening up as a struggle. So that's incredibly important precisely because I think it is the most accessible benefit in this debate, absent of all the other environmental factors that might exist as a consequence. But the second thing to note here is, I think David argues quite concretely, why is it we get people to rally together in such that we think human experience is valuable, that human struggle is like, and we should remove human struggle and ensure that they are recognized as important and as valuable, and that you can connect to other people, you're more likely to get donations, but also reflect the kinds of agency that they experience. The important thing about this is that in so far as opening up this case relies on an incredibly worst case scenario of you fail, you don't do well, you don't have a good material life. Not only do we expand the number of people who no longer fall under that category, because more and more of them are being taken out of poverty and given the means to do so. And so far, I think it reflects their choice on what they actually need in their life. But moreover, I think this is the most material benefit we can accrue in this debate, versus all the other arguments coming from opening opposition, I don't think are nearly as important. I'll take the POI from CO. > POI: Yeah, a higher purpose is often couched in the material world through obvious virtues and valuable things, such as giving to charity or constantly engaging in charitable action. We probably get more material benefit to those in need on our side of the house. So my question is, why do you think that solving human struggle is valuable if it's unimportant and humanity is unhappy anyway? If not, rather than trying to strive for some greater other purpose, then again, as yet to be outlined in opposition bench, and notably, you need to believe that the diversity of human experience is a valuable thing to begin with in order to attain that kind of benefit. So it's unclear to me why that benefit falls on your side of the house. Last thing I wanna do is like respond to the PR coming from opposing opposition, because they say that differences, instead of being valued and special, are instead incidental. There are a couple of reasons why that is worse. Firstly, these differences will oftentimes lead to worse quality of lives for people when they are discriminated on the basis of these differences. In so far as we believe that these are incidental, unimportant, it is much easier to attribute the fact that it is maybe their own fault because these differences don't matter, or the fact that we're ignoring a lot of the very real and genuine struggles that they have had in order to ensure that they get little to no reparation in the future. That's important for a couple of reasons. Firstly, both in terms of how we react to these differences, it is much easier to make up for and ensure a greater amount of accommodation. In so far as you recognize that these differences exist, that they matter, and they do not try to obfuscate everything in some vague sense of equality, and therefore, if everything is all right. But secondly, is it particularly for these individuals, when they recognize that part of the divine process is some kind of struggle, that these struggles are important and valued experiences, rather than things that everybody goes through equally, that even if they have lived harder lives, they still are going to be seen as equally as other individuals, that instead is celebrated as a divine and holy purpose in their path to salvation, is much better and gives more likely comfort and solace to these individuals. So to the degree to which we're able to both materially provide for them, and at the same time, give them some sense of comfort, it is when you recognize that these differences exist, that diversity matters, not when you say these differences are incidental and not meaningful in whatsoever form. I'm very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThe biggest assumption on opening government is that because you have a religion that centers on the self, somehow magically all unique experiences are going to individualize to the extent to which religion becomes all inclusive and caters to everyone. We tell you that this is A, a massive assumption and B, massively convenient. I'll explain structurally why. Because what you need to realize is this obviously operates in a world that exists today, which is to say that vast majority of religions came about in either before Christ or after Christ in the sixth centuries, first century and along those timelines. In those timelines, it was necessary for religion to do two things. Number one, establish social order to a set of principles that were then endemic to their time. And number two, it was also important in order for a lot of people to capture power and rule over particular groups of people and so on and so forth. Which means that the hierarchical structure that religion has and generally operates under is important in both sides of the world structurally because of the way in which religion operates. Now, the question is, how is it then relevant for the center of the self experiences and so on and so forth? In center of the self experiences, you have choices, experiences, struggles and connections to God from an individual perspective that are important, right? But nobody necessarily is essentially born an expert of religion, which means that generally speaking, when it comes to like seeking religious help, seeking religious advice, you still go to people for religious, so priests, mullahs and so on and so forth, who are on top of religious hierarchies and so on and so forth. But what is unique to this particular experience of choices and so on and so forth is that you value these choices to utmost importance using religion as the litmus paper to judge all of these choices. What do I essentially mean by this? If you are then an individual who wants to choose to be an alternative sexuality, you ask yourself, would religion allow this? And the answer to that is no, religion wouldn't allow this because religion subscribes something else. In order to establish your connection to God, you need to be of a particular sexuality for that connection to be established. For opening government's argument to come into play here, they have to advocate for the non-existence of all forms of religious scriptures that came about in the world in one way or the other, which we think is quite impossible in this particular instance. What is then the comparative on our side? The comparative on our side is individual choices do not matter as much. What does this mean? This means that your spiritual connection to God generally and the fact that you have an afterlife and so on and so forth are things that matter more generally. Why is this that important in those particular cases? Because your ability to judge someone else for their individual choices goes down the point at which you do not think individual choices matter as much as you think it is. But yes, under our side, yes, you still think it is possibly a sin and it is something that is an aberration from religion. Yes, but you do not put as much importance to this as much as you do in government's world. Why is this then bad in terms of impacts? Because it opens a pathway for exploitation to a large extent, not just from rulers, but priests and so on and so forth. How does this happen? This happens in two ways uniquely. Number one, because priests and so on and so forth, because hierarchies emerge naturally within the human existence anyways, they also prioritize their own individual connection to God. So I, as a priest in a particular community, also prioritize the fact that I need to maximize my relationship with God to the fullest extent. In order to do that, what I will do is make sure that my congregation, my followers are also following religion to the particular letter in that particular instance, rather than in a comparative under our world where you reject the self and your own connection to God is not as important, but rather a general wellbeing of individuals is more important because life now matters less more generally. In those particular instances, you open up a doorway of exploitation. So exploitation that opening government claims under their side actually happens worse under their side because then they can say, ah, but given that all of your individual choices matter and all of these things matter so much, you need to follow my word and you need to follow my word in a way such that it is important for, like it is important for you to then maximize your happiness under religion. And that's quite important in this particular case, right? Because then you allow... But secondly, generally speaking, your ability and the way in which you see others changes, and that is particularly important. Why do I say this? If individual choices are important, individual agency is important and so on and so forth, you see as a Christian, I'm making Christian choices. And that is very important because my individual connection to God is very, very important. In those cases, you judge anyone who is not making those Christian choices because these are of utmost priority to you. You believe that making Christian choices in this world is the most important thing for you and for everyone within your congregation, which opens up a pathway for, A, otherization of different individuals who are like generally minority religions, but B, otherization of individuals, even within your family. So if you think your son or daughter is probably becoming someone of alternative sexuality, then you start suppressing them and that's horrible. Before I move on, I'll take one from closing opening. > POI: So even if hierarchy is bad in the abstract sense, what you've yet to prove is that given that hierarchies do exist in either world, why if I'm doing what the hierarchy tells me and that makes me a happier person, why that's an intrinsically bad thing? Okay, that's an intrinsically bad thing mostly because we have accepted generally within this debate that religion is, it generally gives you certain horrible ideas because of the way in which structural religions have come about. So for example, vast majority of major religions in the world, 6 to 6.5 billion people, maybe even more than that exist within religions that came before 6th century and before, which means that that is quite horrible in general in this particular instance. That is why it's important for you to reject the self and the hierarchical teachings coming in are not as important, which means that in a way, because you're rejecting the self and because you're rejecting that this life is something that is way too important, you're able to then abstractly find happiness in other sources. And this is where Sajid's argument becomes very important. In a capitalistic world where you don't have a lot of control over a lot of things, and this is not just restricted to material wealth, this is also restricted to things like religiosity. Vast majority of us, if we look at it from a religious lens, even religious people commit a lot of acts of sin throughout their lives. In those circumstances, if they then come to assess their life as to, oh, what about my individual connection to God? You end up in a self-deprecating state where because you did not have enough money, you did not have enough time to pray. Because you did not have enough money, you did not have enough ability to contribute to religious charities, religious beliefs, and so on and so forth. That's why you go into a self-deprecation mode because people who have power always have captured more important places by the end of things like contributions, by the end of things like capturing positions of priesthood and so on and so forth. In those circumstances, a rejection of self uniquely allows you to then tell yourself that, look, I have made sins in my life. I may not have been as rich or even middle-class to a certain extent, but because this life is not as important, I can prioritize something else and I can get happiness from something else. This is uniquely important in this particular instance because things like nationalism and other collectivistic identities do not uniquely allow you to access happiness from these things. Because even things like nationalism and so on and so forth are tied to some form of collective material goals, such as economic growth and stuff like that. This is a unique form of identity that allows you to abstract yourself, put yourself away from the material life that you have, and then get happiness from outside. And that happiness is the true form of happiness that you can get. Under our world, you have less religious exploitation, and under our world, you have happier individuals. Incredibly proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentI'll be damned if we lose to that case from opening opposition. Our position on closing government is quite simple. Despair is worse than suffering every single time. And people need to believe that they can change their lives regardless of whether or not that is the case in order for them to attain happiness. There are other factors in this debate. Of course there are. There are other people who can impact your life. There are other economic forces that can impact your life. Of course there are. But we think that the most important thing in this debate is how you as a person who's facing suffering, who's facing tough odds, views yourself in relation to others and how you view your life. That is the single greatest margin of change we can make for billions of people all around the world because all of the change that we want is happening far too slow. And in the meantime, people need a reason to be alive. There are several premises to our extension. The first premise is many people suffer right now. Fortunately, OO gives you all the mechs for this. So I'm going to skip it. But the reasoning is quite simple. Yes, deterministically, there are reasons why people are given a poor lot in life. There are systems like capitalism that include and exploit certain groups. There are immaterial differences that nonetheless get privileged for historically contingent reasons. All of that means that millions or billions of people will continue to suffer. They will continue to starve, not have clean water, not have clean sanitation. They will watch their children die from disease and nothing is going to change, at least not fast enough. Second premise of the extension then. Why do we afford people some level of agency and why is that agency good? There are four mechanisms for this argument. And what we're going to do is be as comparative, specific and exclusive as possible, engaging with the best form of OO's analysis on all of these claims. But briefly, what do we do on our side? We tell you that even if your condition is bad, your individual contribution to life still has matters. And I think an example of this is Hinduism, a religion that has karma, which says that what you put into this world will come back to you in some form. And if it doesn't come back to you in the form of other people treating you well on this earth, it will come back to you in the form of a future life where you can reincarnate and have a better life in the future. Simultaneously, it tells you that if you're in a bad situation right now, it's not your fault because that's the consequences of a past life that you could not meaningfully control. But what matters is whether you benchmark yourself from where you are and make a difference in this life, that's what's going to matter. I'll mechanize why this is what religion will look like, but I think that is the most prominent example. Four mechanisms. The first one is you give people an internal locus of control. That is people now have a sense of control over their life and religion tells you that you can do X and that can improve your lot in life or in heaven. Whereas on their side, you necessarily have to be agnostic to what religion tells you to do on this earth. And so you don't have that same sense of purpose and belief that change is possible or that change is good. So yes, they're going to say this could be bad because religion is going to give you bad things to do, right? That maybe you're not going to do the things that are the most helpful for you, or maybe you're not actually going to be able to achieve those things. Our claim on this point is quite simple. Just the belief that doing something has the possibility to help is enough. In the same way that standing up and smiling can improve your mental health, regardless of whether or not your back condition gets any better, or you have to go back to working an eight hour job, in that very same way, just taking the first step puts you in a mental frame that you are in control of the situation and our brains are programmed to shut down when we believe that we are helpless and unable to control our situation. This is why we are concerned about learned helplessness in babies who don't get to engage or move around because they feel like they don't have control of their circumstances. And even at the age of one or two, it can have a dramatic impact on these people's brains. The same is true for human individuals. Second constructive claim. This changes your frame of reference. It tells you to benchmark versus where you are and where everyone else is, or instead of doing that, it tells you to benchmark from where you are. Here's where we engage with OO who says there are other individualistic narratives. We completely agree. And that is the reason why we need to differentiate here. Their example is capitalism. Capitalism does tell you to be individualistic, but in very different ways. It is a meritocratic system that judges you based on your contribution to the economy. And so how much it caters to you and gives you a fulfilling narrative is directly proportional to how much economic weight you bring to the table. But per OO's analysis, those things are contingent. They are arbitrary, and not everybody gets to win under systems like capitalism. So when you don't become wealthy, when you don't attain your economic goals, you tell yourself I've failed in life and you compare yourself to other people. And given that narratives like capitalism exists, it's very hard for OO to convince you that your suffering is not something you should be worried about because capitalism is still going to be telling you that you should be worried about it. Religion is different in two key respects. The first one is it's a community-oriented system. So it specifically relies on what you bring to a community, which typically is less based on immutable characteristics and that you can contribute to a community in many different types of ways that depend on your specific characteristics. So you can be a good friend to people. You can be charitable. If you're wealthy, you might donate, but if you're poor, you might just spend time taking care of the children of your friends or your family members. All of these are meaningful ways in which you can contribute. The second religion is different is that it directly has the goal of proselytizing and getting as broad a reach as possible. And so it tries to be favorable to the poor since that is the majority of people. That is the reason why Catholicism says it is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than it is for a rich man to enter the kingdom of God and emphasizes the good works of the poor, even though the law in life that they were given is so much worse. This also then can directly engage with the hierarchy claims that we get from OO. A, if there is hierarchy, this is true on either side of the house, but now if you don't care about your life, that hierarchy is still going to tell you while your life is like kind of not that important, you might as well serve the interests of God. And that hierarchical structure still applies. But B, and more importantly, the warrants I've given you are reasons why the hierarchical structure of religion is still more inclusive in terms of what it tells you to do than the things that other systems like capitalism might tell you to do. And final engagement with this argument, it doesn't really matter what it tells you to do. It just matters that you assign value to it and that makes you happy. The POI just did not get a sufficient response. Third mechanism, people can actually make change in their lives and the lives of others, and that's a real benefit. So even if it's true that like determinism is there, even within determinism, what belief systems you have does preset what kind of outcomes you're going to get. And our claim is when you believe that you can make change, you take those additional steps, right? You actually make effort to contribute to your family, to your community. You try to edge up a little bit better and a small number of people actually agitate for change and try to change the world. And that can have really meaningful impacts. Before that, I'll give closing a shot. > POI: Obviously, this is dependent on your understanding of what it means to reject or define the self, but obviously that changes on the comparative. What do religious structures do on your side? I'm about to get there, but really quickly on this point, I think that when people agitate for change, it A, gives other people hope, but B, actually does create change. And even a small number of people trying to change the world because they believe it will help them get closer to God or make a difference, we think has a huge impact that Brian will weigh in the next speech. Why is the counterfactual worse? A, other individuals' narratives are still going to dominate the analysis from before. B, you might say you should just care less about your suffering. Here's why we think that this is not enough to overcome our case. The first reason why is just despair is stronger than suffering. People can adapt to suffering and that they can re-benchmark where they are over time and find a way to live with it. But also the margin of change in just forgetting that that suffering is happening is very, very hard on your side, not just because of other narratives, but for two additional reasons. One is that suffering has a physical element. Is that even if you don't care that your position sucks, like if you're hungry, you're starving, you're going to feel that pain either way. You can't really change that. And two is that suffering is a relational element. Is that even if you don't care about the fact that you are suffering, if your kid is suffering, you're still going to feel pretty terrible about that because they might not have the same beliefs as you. So what matters is that you believe that you can try to improve your condition and doing that still makes you a good person, doing that still assigns meaning to your life. At the end of the debate, change is going to happen slowly, but even when it comes to change, we get more of it. If we don't get that change, then what's most important is that people feel like their life has meaning. And for billions of people for whom change is too slow, they continue to trudge forward. We are exceptionally proud to propose the motion.
CO · OppositionWe need to look for God in the machine, the structures which disseminate God's words for good and evil. We will talk about religious structures and why they are far superior under religions which reject the self. But firstly, three things to say. Firstly, as this has prefers motion, it's not retrospective, but it's just a general assessment of how this kind of belief changes a religion, what they teach people, but also the kind of structures which inform it, i.e. whether a religion with this doctrine is better than one without. Second thing to say is that, as you can see in the rest of this debate, oftentimes our understanding of what it means to reject the self or to center the self are based off of subjectivity and the connotations and the teachings and the interpretations which are foisted upon us or at least engaged to us by religious structures themselves. As a couple of examples for this, I think you can say that, for example, OG's idea about direct connection to God, you can say that that could be dependent on a mediator like a priest, or you can say that it's direct in and of itself, but that depends on what you understand rejecting or accepting the narrative to mean. The idea of differences, whether they matter in a moral sense or whether they should be something we should value, et cetera, all depending on how you internalize the rejection of the self in and of itself. I also think that the idea from DLO here on like gay people being accepted because of their choices like that is also dependent on what kind of structures the religions have and the incentives they have in terms of how they portray this belief towards people. The third thing that I want to say, and this is to do with closing government, is firstly, I just don't understand why we can't have agency and choice on our side of the house. That's not what this narrative is presenting to us. But secondly, I think that even if you don't have a sense of your internal perception of experiences being valuable as something you should strive for, that doesn't mean you don't fight for other kinds of purpose, which is to say religion oftentimes is based on the idea of morality and virtue. I think it's actually better in a lot of instances if someone is fighting for justice for themselves because they believe it is just rather than the instrumental benefits that they will get from it. Now, moving on to the extension, a couple of things. Firstly, why does this narrative form religious structures? Firstly, it's extremely strong because it forms the basis for all future doctrine, i.e. as a moral question of religion and the theological questions of your relation to God, you first must have an answer to the question of human experience, which is to say whether your lives are valuable or not. Secondly, I think they form from their nascency. Even if they don't exist in such defined terms at the inception of religion, the fundamental question of humanity, i.e. why do we exist, is one which religion seek to answer because science cannot. Therefore, this was a necessary part of the answer to that question in the initial stages of religion's formation. Thirdly, in terms of belief. Individual believers, when their religion was in the minority oftentimes strongly believe in the doctrine of that religion and form the structures of religion on that basis. And also this incentivization leads to two things. Firstly, you would get internal disagreement if you went against the message of the religion in terms of the structures, but also external criticism for being hypocritical if you set up a religion structures in a way that was antithetical towards the belief systems about that religion. Therefore, the belief system, or like this specific belief, is likely to form the basis of the structures of religion. How does it change religious structures? We would propose to that it becomes less hierarchical and it has more checks and balances and more accountable structures within religion. What are the reasons of this? Firstly, you have less incentive to seize power as a believer, as an individual member of the church, whether that be a priest or an Imam, et cetera, because you yourself don't believe that that experience of power will be something valuable in and of itself. Secondly, there's a conceptual translation here, which is to say, when you center the self, you center the idea of struggle and overcoming. It positions an ability for someone to be superior over others as can be pointed to, i.e. myself and my experience are better because I've seen more of the world or I have a better connection to God, et cetera. It's necessarily a qualitative thing that can be differentiated within people and also differentiated along levers of power, i.e. your ability to portray yourself as being that individual is not necessarily tied to your actual being of that individual. You also have less legitimacy then, therefore, if you were to try and seize power on our side of the house, because no one human experience is intrinsically valuable. No one understanding or interpretation of religion is intrinsically better, and therefore, greater experience is an overall better thing. Thirdly, I just think epistemically, you're less likely to tie into one individual's belief about what a religion is teaching you, i.e. like an individual priest or Imam, because you don't believe in the speciality of their experiences any more than you would believe in just the general understanding of things. Therefore, overall, it seems to be the case that religions are going to be less hierarchical in their structure, because the ability to seize power and hold onto it and not relinquish it is much, much decreased on our side of the house. Now, hierarchy. For the reasons outlined, religions developed to be less hierarchical, yet more councils and fewer popes. You get fewer priests being told what they must be teaching in their sermon on a Sunday. You get less individual priests not foisting their individual beliefs on their flocks. Therefore, you have three key impacts. Firstly, more checks and balances, because elite capture is extremely difficult under our side of the house, because you're less able to do things like manipulation, like acquisition of power, and the ability to do things like massively increased tithes when the harvest hasn't come in properly, the ability to hide scandals of abuse, and that kind of thing. You instead stick to things like altruism and virtue formation as the premises of your beliefs. Secondly, you get less rigid doctrine, because there's less power or incentive to have a set belief structure, because your self-understanding, your individual understanding, ought not necessarily take primacy within the larger religious structure, which means three things. Firstly, you get more liberalization over time as the trend of humanity liberalizing is now allowed to coalesce with the religious trend that is hamstrung on their side of the house. Secondly, you can get more personalized belief structures, i.e. individuals can attune their own beliefs based off of their experience of their life, based off of the holy book, or what they themselves believe to be their interpretation as being more correct. It's more flexible, and therefore gives people more fulfillment. And thirdly, you get less manipulation of doctrine towards the negative ends of individuals within it who attempt to seize power, who want to swing politics, or do other things like that. And thirdly, you just get less authority in and of itself, right? Because individuals' ability to pick and choose either whether they want to be a member of religion, or the degree to which they enter into that religion, or the degree to which they can pick and choose some beliefs, but not others, and get homeostasis between different religious beliefs is much, much higher on our side of the house. Before I move on to the weighing of this, opening government. > POI: If morality is now at the basis of meaning, don't religious authorities still rise rather than one where religions overall think that individuals have more say over their connection with God? Ideally, when religions respect choice, no matter that morality, it can't impose. No, no, no, because the whole point of it is that you don't have individuals seeking out power. So yes, individual religious leaders might want to portray morality or improve morality in the grand scale, but they don't believe that their interpretation of morality or their interpretation of the religion should be the one that takes primacy, and therefore they don't seek out that individuated power. Two elements of weighing along the rest of the debate. Firstly, most people do not engage with theological doctrine for most of their life, or at least specifically disbelief. Absent a justification of this from the rest of the debate, they're losing. Alterations exist, but they do interact with the structures of the church themselves, whether that means they're being tithed more, or being abused or manipulated. And notably, people outside religions are affected as well, like secular women or queer people being decided their rights by religious lobbying. Notably, the people who are the most into religion, i.e. the people that are impacted by the rest of the debate, are the most prone to abuse and manipulation. So on scale and vulnerability, we're weighing there. But secondly, these beliefs as an axiom can be spun by incentivized powerful individuals to mean a number of different things. Look at the top half clash, right? Does rejection of the self mean altruism? Does it mean vulnerable people suffering doesn't matter? We say that better religious structures means that you're more likely to get better interpretations and teachings of these beliefs, i.e. their actual impact in the real world on our side of the house uniquely. This beats top half, but particularly OG who are particularly hung on that comparative. The basis upon which you should adjudicate this debate is on which side do religious structures get better? Because of the instrumental benefits that gives to the largest amount of people, but also to the degree that it changes how these religions teach their beliefs in and of themselves. I'm exceptionally proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentIt's quite telling that when OO tells us that suffering is inevitable, their only escape from it is just to ignore it, which is the framework that those in positions of power have wished to indoctrinate people on for the last hundreds of years. So I'm gonna talk about two things in my speech. Firstly, I wanna talk about why it is that in the context where it is true, that suffering is inevitable, the solace that you can get from centering yourself through religion is a priori in this debate. Secondly, I'll talk about why it is relevant, even if it is relevant to improve material condition, the only mechanism that is given to you in this debate is when Dvesh explains to you how agitation for change can actually lead to us living better lives. The first thing though I wanna talk about is the solace that you can actually gain from religion, because I think this was the biggest gap in opening government's analysis. They flag an argument about agency, but if you really look at it on flow, it's more so an argument about politics. Their only real line of analysis here is just that because you feel that everyone is special and that you feel that you are special, you should feel good about it. What Dvesh explains to you uniquely here is two things. Firstly, that the internal locus of control, that the sense of control is intrinsically good to you, but also that practically speaking, it is taking the first step and feeling as though you have control that can oftentimes lead you to have much more control and positive outlooks in your life. But secondly, it's also about the frame of reference. The fact that the other teams in this house try to compare centering yourself or centering your soul to things like capitalism, it's just an example of how they don't understand how it is that these types of religions can allow you to view self-improvement. It doesn't just come through the ways like charity that opening government talks about, but it comes through every little act that you can take to improving your lives or improving the lives of those around you. And when it looks like you improving on what you previously were in a position of, it is the easiest way in which you can achieve happiness, not just escapism, right? The first response that we get from opposition is that they say, ah, but maybe religion is bad. And so if you're coerced to doing bad things, then you are probably going to lead a worse off life. I wanna point out three things here, right? The first thing to point out here is that their only line of analysis here is that religion is bad because it is old. They don't actually explain to you why it is intrinsic in the reasoning why behind religion telling you to do things is always going to lead to worse outcomes. I have two reasons why this is probably not true, right? The first reason is that religions do have incentives to change, right? Especially ones that tell you to center yourself because these tend to be religions that want to proselytize and extend their influence. But secondly, note that religion is also becoming far more individualized. And this slightly deals with, but I'll also deal with more so about the hierarchy argument coming from closing opposition, which is to say that because you have a much more autonomous decision around your individualized experience with religion, the choices that you make in your view of what connects you to God is ever shifting and it's always improving to benefit individuals. At the end of the day, even if all of that is not true, the solace that this grants you, irrespective of what decisions you're making, it's also something that we would say outweighs any material harm that they could talk about. The second thing that they suggest is, perhaps this could end up starting religious conflicts or starting wars, right? I want to point out three things, right? The first thing to note is that this isn't a retrospective motion. So you can't just caveat to say that the status quo was really bad. So we have to defend the crusades on our side of the house. But the second thing to note here is even if you want to talk about this historical comparative, I would say that this comparative better looks like on your side when oppressors are allowed to do the fullest extent of their will, because there's no agitation to prevent further suffering when individuals have internalized that suffering is a necessity within their life. But even if it is true, even if it is true that this conflict will necessarily happen, I would argue a lot of the conflict that they talk about has tended to become agitation for good as history has progressed. Lastly, then I want to deal with closing opposition's argument on hierarchy, right? The issue with their argument is as such. They point out things like how fundamental control and abuse of religion can be bad. But the issue here is that this control and abuse of religion comes as the leverage of power. So the question then is, given that historically there has always been power imbalance and that people will always use whatever mechanisms they can to abuse this power and get themselves like selfish benefit, how then can you solve it, right? And the real way that you can actually get around this is when Depeche explains to you why the agitation of change is much more likely on our side. The comparative then becomes when you have the motivation, not only to improve the conditions of your life and follow, but also follow the most visible cues of improving the lives around you, you're most likely going to be able to shatter hierarchy in the same way that we see that religions that center yourself have gradually progressed towards becoming more individualized. But the biggest problem with both OO and CO is that there's literally zero reasons given why it is that on-net hierarchy is an intrinsically bad thing, right? We can see that there are no checks and balances, but then what? If people think that their lives are improving and feel more satisfied in their lives, we still win, right? Saying that religion is old and sometimes has traditional values is not a mechanism. We've mechanized why religion has the incentives to be inclusive and therefore will inevitably evolve through time. The mechanism here being very unclear is very important, right? Because if human experiences matter, then people are more likely to challenge hierarchy. They can see their acts on the earth and they're connecting them to God. So even if they disagree with their church, they can still push back. This is why the founders of Protestantism still believe the revolutionary action was God's will. Comparatively speaking, hierarchy still forms on their side, right? Even if your life doesn't matter, someone has to A, bring people in to convince them of a narrative that convinces them of that, and B, tell people what to do if they aren't spending time caring about their lives, right? Usually it means spending time serving the church instead of serving yourself since you've already been taken care of, since you're apathetic to your suffering, but the church will help educate others of the exact same thing going on into the future. I also think that this is a perfect transition to the second claim in my case, which is just that, why is it that even if it is relevant to improve material condition, that only ever happens on our side, right? I think both sides agree that material conditions, irregardless of your religious orientation, are likely going to affect you, right? And Devesh explains to this, that escapism isn't enough to deter this claim because physical suffering is conditioned on like nothing, irrespective of your mental state, but secondly, even if you don't care about your personal physical suffering, you still care about those around you. I think opening government's only claim here is that on the macro levels, things like charity can potentially help people. What I think is really important that Devesh pointed out here, is that people in positions where they seek to prove themselves naturally happens within the ecosystem that includes things like capitalism and politics. So in this comparative, when you're agnostic to suffering, you will never decide to create change, but when you care, you can feel as though you have a purpose to improve your lives. And naturally this takes progressions. Sure, for some people, this may look like incrementally improving your material sides of your lives, but for people who are in positions where they can create more change, this can look like groundbreaking movements where they want to improve the lives of those around them because they feel as though this is God's purpose, especially considering the fact that Devesh explained to you why it is relativistic to your position, what you need to do for the church, and we've got no response from closing opposition. At the end of the day, the three reasons why we outweigh every other team is firstly, we get more change, which is objectively good by everyone's metric. Secondly, if change is the wash, it is more important to focus on being happy. And thirdly, in terms of being happy, despair is even worse than suffering. You can't really change suffering, but you can add meaning to these people's lives. I'm very proud to propose.
CO · OppositionWell, the story of religion is that of beauty and the beast. Faith is beautiful, but hierarchies are bestial. The first thing I'm going to do in this speech is toss out the closing government case. They broadly focus on agency and the way that people can agitate for change once that is doing so. They have three broad mechanisms. The first of which is that you have this internal locus that you control, and the third of which is the ability that you believe that you can be the cause of change. We say these are similar enough such that these responses will deal with all of them. One, what's crucial is that the comparative of this debate is not the denial of free will in and of itself. It is to say that your individual experience is not important, but you can still have control over it. Note crucially, because religion wants you to do certain things and engage in certain actions, it's often actually going to say you do have a choice, but there is a right choice. That's often the pinning of value, which is within most religions. Therefore, these two mechanisms, which are crucial to most of their case, are not probably comparative. Secondly, crucially, I think on either side of the debate, people believe internally that they are in control of their own lives, that they have free will. Because think about the very way you ask a question when you're making a decision. For example, should I spend more time on OG or CG in this debate? The very idea of that question, presume the ability for free will that I can choose which one of those two things I will do. The very way we think and rationalize in making decisions, is just that we presume we are internally in control of our own lives, we have the ability to make decisions. Therefore, this is non-comparative. But third of all, and this is crucial, Dylan pointed out that we have people budgeting for change for better motivations on our side, for ideas of higher purpose morality. We say this is important because crucially, closing government don't say, that change is always good. If people believe that the ability to change the world, they may do so to gain control of a society which they shouldn't have control over. We say when you're doing it along moral lines for higher purposes, the change is more likely to be good. In more instances, therefore, if we even get less of this, we say it's more positive on the long run. The second mechanism they do is that you don't care about your life, therefore you're exploited. I'm going to weigh off here. Because crucially, we reduce the capacity to exploit people in other ways. Because first of all, it's less rigid text. So you're able to insert yourself and then negotiate with the kind of statements and the religious doctrines that are being put out with you. So you're not gonna be as easily exploited because you can kind of choose what action you want to take within the broad faith. And secondly, because it's less hierarchical, you don't defer to authority. You don't have the corporate capture you, the checks and balances. And that's the crucial part. Because secondly, even if the capacity is somewhat even, we reduce the incentive within religion to exploit. Because ultimately, non-religions are directed by virtue and councils where they're not all bribed and bought off and you can just buy off one Pope far easier on government side of the house. That is when you have faith that is not being used to exploit and to manipulate people. That is when you have faith which is genuine and is not exploiting people on the ground we have beaten. First thing, it's on agency. I'm going to rebut this. We point out in the POI that the very valuation of differences in and of itself is what makes you differentiate between people. If those differences are incidental, you don't care. The response to this is, yeah, because it's unimportant, we're going to attach some importance to it. Obviously, that's very hard to do within the faith where you're saying this is the self and characteristics and identity within the self is unimportant to then go forward, but my decisions were right and these are other. And this is the best part. The second response here, the parent identities on government bench. Because crucially, the people at the top of the hierarchies, they say my individual experiences is what is important because they relate to people. They can only use their own individual experience to prove this. Meaning you get very, very majoritarian identities being expanded by faiths. This is what we've seen historically through Christianity is what continuing in the status quo. So crucially, then you dissuade those unlike you, meaning ultimately you do get less, you do get more targeting of minorities and so on on their side of the house. The second broad case is that you will help others because their experience is special too. Note this first response to the first part of the case takes us out. Anyway, I'm going to just trade this off because crucially, as pointed out in the POI, if people are living according to higher purpose, this often looks like things like giving to charity. And if they're spending more time on this, this probably just trades off. The idea that, yeah, sure, you may have more motivation to help people because you believe they're special, but on our side, we have a motivation to help people because we believe it's what we're meant to do within this material world and therefore these things trade off. What are the responses we hear to our case? I just want to toss these out. The first is that there's still morality existing. So you get hierarchies as people just expand other people's things. Dylan responds very clearly that you don't seek out the power though. So you don't try to create a hierarchy within your religion, even if you are making moral statements. And the best part about this is, is that the reason why you do not create a morality, you do not try to create a hierarchy when you're calling out different moral claims, is that doing so would be a contravenience over... Morality is probably somewhat centered on rejection of the self. If the self is unimportant, you should not say be lustful or have huge... Should be at the top of this. That is... Contravening that very morality is something you are unlikely, in fact, not able to do anyway. Secondly, the up, good, which posits incentives to change over time. Sure, but you have more elite capture, meaning those incentives are reduced and also have more rigidity, meaning it's harder to change with the times you obviously win this comparatively. And third of all, the leverage of power, the idea that anyway, religion would have been used as a leverage of power. It would have been tried to, but we are clear. You have less ability to use religion as leverage of power because you have checks and balances. You have open interpretation and you have less deference to authorities. Dylan's case clearly lands. Before I weigh this all... Opening government shooting. > POI: So if it is the case that both narratives can be subjectively interpreted, then your side also can't make assumptions ... No, no, no, no, no, no, no. Because if I take power, I'm saying I matter more than you. Crucially, if no individual experience matters, that is what's crucial in terms of deferring out a communitarian kind of rule. Obviously, there will not be no hierarchies because humanity is hierarchical. We have far reduced hierarchies on our side and you have better ability to engage with it. What does this do? It takes it over OO and they talk about exploitation because they posit one narrative which allows you to exploit people. We talk about the very capacity to exploit people and the way that people engage with those narratives. But we also crucially mechanized the idea of where the incentive to exploit people and how that becomes comparative. Meaning if this debate is about exploitation, we should be more persuasive than opening opposition. But would I also talk about escapism? And I think we're crucial here too. Because crucially, as the Deputy Prime Minister points out, there are other kinds of similar narratives. So this probably helps, but doesn't overcome the crushing world around you. So crucially, it makes OO quite marginal in the way that they delivered their own case. However, we have the best path towards escapism, towards accessing the good life. Because you are able to attach your own experiences, even though they're not important, because obviously that's just the way you think, to faith. Because it's more open. Because you're able to have the fulfillment and make your faith somewhat close to you and be able to relate to it easier rather than when it's about set identities. Meaning we access that escapism more. This also takes it over OG when they talk about agency and vulnerable groups. Because it comes in analytically prior and flips it. The incentive to discriminate. The ability to discriminate. That is where Dylan comes in before the opening government case on the analytical chain and flips it. But it also is easier to connect to the faith. The Deputy Prime Minister talked about the ability to connect to faith. We obviously flipped that when it's easier to connect to it individually when it's got less sect doctrine. So you're able to place yourself within it more. Panel, the story of religion is that of the beauty and the beast. Faith is beautiful. We maximize it. Hierarchies are bestial. We reduce them and their power. Thank you.
empate bp_222 · This House Prefers religions that "center the self" to religions that "rej...
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Motion (tema debatido): This House Prefers religions that "center the self" to religions that "reject the self".

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OO,CG) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=222, label gold.csv = "OO,CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: DRAW T2: DRAW T3: DRAW T4: DRAW
Voto majoritário: DRAW (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B provided a more consistent and logically grounded framework regarding the psychological utility of 'centering the self' for marginalized individuals. DEBATEDOR_A relied on anecdotal claims and failed to effectively engage with the core mechanism of how religious indoctrination functions, ultimately resorting to a weak argument about coercion that lacked structural depth.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentPeople matter. People from all walks of life need to believe that all of this has meaning, that they are here for a reason, that their experience has achieved something, and that they are valid. Well, that's what we support on side-opening government with these religions that tell people to center themselves rather than to read. Three points of setup before moving Firstly, we think centering the self is not about selfishness at the expense of others, because obviously when you believe that all individuals have meaning, when they are all capable of forming relationships with God or gods or whatever so-called spirituality they believe in, you obviously have to believe that other people's experiences are also valid and important, is not something that you can actively reject and undermine. Secondly, we think the number of people in each world who are religious is likely to be fairly symmetric because of other pressures like cultural norms, like religious expectations. We think this is a debate mostly about the quality of religion rather than sort of the quantity of belief. But thirdly, we think the metric for this debate is that we think religion is broadly a pretty good force for a lot of people's lives, it helps people get a lot better. We think that is what we're defending. Otherwise, I will make three arguments. Firstly, why religions that tell you to center yourself are far more accessible and far more easy to opt into for a huge number of people. Secondly, why when people do opt in, their internal emotional resonance and experience of spirituality is far better in our world. Thirdly, it's harder to weaponize religion until you center yourself by bad actions. And we think the metric here is basically that people often form incredibly meaningful connections based on their spirituality with the world around them, often in times when they have very little else, when they perhaps live in poverty. We think it is good to give people the option and the easy access to religions that are broadly speaking pretty good. Four main reasons as to why we think we get better accessibility are as follows. Firstly, every single person around the world, no matter what circumstances they live in, has subjective experiences that they can draw meaning from. Not everybody can align with objective doctrine. For instance, if the Bible is pretty explicit that if you are gay, that is something that you cannot opt into, and that's the fashion, that is obviously pretty bad. But everybody has experiences of the subjective. Everybody has different beliefs about what is sacred, what is meaningful, what brings them closer to God or the gods or whatever equivalent spirituality they believe in. Every single person, by default, has access. That is something that the opposition bench can never claim, because inherently you have to believe that you serve some greater purpose in some more specific controlled fashion. That is far harder to access for the vast majority of people, particularly people, for instance, who don't align with traditional sort of gender nor cultural norms. That is something that is quite bad. And I want to pre-empt here that some opposition teams, well, it gives people a sense of a greater purpose, and that is quite meaningful, particularly for people who don't have a lot going for them in this life. But we say that it's especially important to make it as accessible as possible for people to believe in religions. Even if they don't necessarily have the best material conditions, it is still meaningful to give them a more spiritual and more deep and meaningful connection there. We don't think they necessarily need to believe that there is a better life for them when this religion provides them happiness in the immediate. The second reason for why is that there is simply a broader range of beliefs that are acceptable, because there is no concrete correct way to believe. There is no one there to tell you what you're experiencing is invalid. You are not actually a true believer in this religion. That is obviously really good, because it is much harder to be challenged, for instance, on the basis of whether you are a true believer. It is harder for people to attack what is often a very core facet of your identity, which is incredibly emotionally devastating. Thirdly, this religion just has a better image to people who aren't already believers, right? Because when the religion inherently believes that people matter and people's values and experiences are important, rather than outright rejecting them, that means it is perceived as a less cruel and cold and callous religion. You're far less prone to, you know, get rejected when people try to opt into it. You're far more likely to be interested and at least open to hearing some of the ideas of that religion, which can enrich people's life and experience meaningfully. But fourthly, it's just less miserable, right? If you're constantly worn down by the expectation that you should be sacrificing because your individuality doesn't matter, because there is no value in the self, you know, that is just an incredibly oppressive lifestyle to live. I know that's particularly bad for people who can't really opt out of religion because of things like familial expectations and cultural norms. If your religion is actively making you miserable by telling you that you as an individual do not matter, we think that is particularly bad. That is likely to lead to people to feeling hopeless, to feeling depressed, to feeling lost. That is the biggest difference in this debate. We make religion far more easy to opt into. We make it far less miserable once people are in there. We're moving on to the second point. Closing. > POI: Do you support religions or do you think religions are a bad thing? Which of the two is it? As I pretty clearly state and set up, we support religions. We would just support religions being better than, you know, oppressive, you know, suffocating religions. I don't think that's a particularly effective way of life. Second substantive argument on internal emotional resonance and why people believe in more meaningful ways. Three reasons for this. Firstly, they are validated for what they have been through in their own personal life and that means that people from all walks of life are able to opt into religion. They're able to come to a more sensitive and more deep and meaningful and nuanced engagement with their spirituality. That looks like, for instance, being a, you know, for example, a gay Muslim and being able to believe that this offers you some unique sort of spiritual connection to your particular religious beliefs. That is something that is exclusively available on the government. Secondly, it doesn't deny people their suffering by telling them that it doesn't matter. And it's incredibly, I think it's just incredibly harmful for people to have their problems trivialized and telling them that not only is your suffering something that you simply have to endure, but something that is actively justified because, you know, you'll be rewarded in the next life, for example, or because it doesn't matter at all. Obviously that is incredibly demeaning and demands a huge sacrifice and burden from people that we just think has no real payoff or benefit for them. We think it is obviously pretty bad to tell people that when they live a life of misery, that they actively deserve it. We obviously, we can remove that from people's individual experiences ascent and consider it important. Thirdly, we just think it's a more empowering narrative because it suggests that you have agency over your own life, your connections, the way that you opt into religion matter. You are in control of your own destiny rather than, you know, subject to the, you know, the whims of a cruel universe. That is something that is incredibly empowering that makes people feel far less miserable about their life. That is why people's internal emotional resonance and the way they are spiritual is far better in our world. Finally, let's talk about this is why a world in which religion says the self is better, is harder for people, bad actors to weaponize. We think the counterfactual here, as I've already sort of implicitly alluded to, is that there's a focus on sort of, you know, maybe there's meaning in the next life or there's some greater purpose for you as an individual and yourself in your own experiences matter very little. But the problem with that, the problem with that is that that great, even though it's like the opposition to in this debate argue, well, that greater purpose is meaningful. I can't control how that greater purpose is decided and how it's manifested. We say it is determined by the religious powers that be that are often fairly heavily included with things like society and politics in ways that are quite harmful for two reasons. Firstly, as I already flagged, it's often politically intertwined. If religion is used to motivate and rally voters, it's used to justify conflict. For instance, look at the religious narratives between, for example, the conflict between Iran and Israel. Obviously, it is incredibly bad when centralized actors are able to take control of this narrative of what spirituality actually means. They're able to weaponize it to make people more violent, more hostile, more willing to reject other religions and say they are wrong. But secondly, we just think inherently othering narratives saying that if you, you know, individuals and their own interpretations do not matter, it's easier to say, well, if individuals don't matter, then their interpretation is wrong and therefore they are lesser than people, they are less than me. That means it's far easier to other them and make them the enemy. At the end of this speech, it's pretty clear. People matter. We should make them happy. We should make them believe that they matter. That is why we propose.
OO · OppositionFirstly, OG rather is out because this motion is not this house regrets organized religion. Wouldn't it be great if everyone could believe whatever they want? And then like, everyone will go to heaven. Everyone will think that it's okay to be gay. And that's great. Christianity is something government defends because Christianity tells you you matter. Your choices matter. They will determine what happens to you in the eye. And we as Christians are very interested in what gets on. We defend things like Buddhism, where everyone is part of this whole wheel. And everyone, my knowledge of Buddhism is slightly rudimentary. So apologies if I misrendered it. Everyone is less important. What happens to you is of less importance than in general of removing suffering, of you just having the right way of life, but there's much less pressure to conform to that. I think this undercuts the vast majority of the material they want to talk about under their side of the house. First question, under which side do people feel better on this question about whether or not you can have your subjective experiences be good? The info slide says your experiences are special, but special just means of special importance and not necessarily good or bad, right? It is important that you get the correct, like you have the correct experiences in order for you to be saved in order for you to go to heaven. But for that to be a thing that you spend a lot of life worrying about, it must be the case that you could not go to heaven. Otherwise no one actually pays a lot of attention to this question, which means that for some people, it must be possible for them not to go to heaven. That is why religion still has a large amount of power to prescribe what is the correct way of living. What is the optimal special experience with God under their side, which means that I don't think they get access for the benefits they want to talk about. By contrast, I think we get some more level of inclusion under our side when it is less important, right? Because it could still be the case that we deem the thing that I participate in to be an evil under our side, because there still can be a prescriptive view of what is good or bad for the world, even if it's not good or bad to me. The extent to which I personally feel like I am a bad person, because the thing that I do directly ties to consideration of what I'm like, whether or not I will go to heaven or hell is much weaker. So individual sins are much less likely to make people question whether or not they actually fit within the religion. So people who differ slightly are much, much more likely to be able to access belief and much harder to discriminate under our side of the house. Secondly, why do we like religion? We like religion because it makes people happy primarily, and it makes an awful lot of people happy. I think there are two reasons that it can make people happy. Firstly, a sense of community, which is probably symmetric or something we will win under our side, because you're more likely to care about your neighbors, believe they're important, rather than to be particularly selfish, like spying on them and check whether or not they conform to the priest's instructions. But secondly, and relevantly, is it as a way of making you feel better when things otherwise are going badly. Because religion sure can be like an extra cherry on top if I'm happy, but it's much more important to make me believe my life's all right, everything will be fine when I really am in tough circumstances. Here's the problem with opening government. It is not clear why being told my suffering now is special will make me believe it, right? You could tell me that like the fact that I broke my foot is actually a wonderful thing for me. I don't fucking believe you. I can walk for several months. It sucks. So I'm not sure they actually get solvency. Why do we think comparatively it is much easier to believe that this is of less importance than to believe this is something that is actively good, which is something they're committed to under their side of the house, because like the way the world is, is special. And often because we try and prioritize the narrative that you need to achieve going to heaven as a thing, often these things get framed as tests or things you should actually celebrate in your life, because that is how you're going to prove you're going to go to heaven. That's, for instance, what happens a lot in Abrahamic religions. Firstly, it is easier because that is the way people currently behave. When bad things happen to me, my predisposition is to try and avoid those things, not to think about these things, but there is a real psychological limit to your ability to gaslight yourself into believing that pain or hunger is the thing that is actively good for you. So we actually have a narrative which coincides with the way that people generally tend to overcome these things. Sure, it might be avoiding the problem. We don't really care, given often, and we'll talk about this later, the thing that they tell you to do on Gov is not solve this circumstance, go see a doctor, but rather you just live with this and keep praying because that's what God told you to do. But secondly, because when there's a correct way to deal with this, that's just an additional layer of stress that makes people even more unhappy, right? When you're poor, you're worried, is this some sign that God does not particularly love me? Rather than believing this is just some symptom of a global system where individual behaviors are very unlikely to cause it, so people feel better. Secondly, religions are substantially less oppressive and are much more likely to actually appeal to poor people. Government might say, although they haven't so far, that when you're told that your individual circumstances do matter, the fact that you are in poverty is much more of an immediate harm and you're likely to see it as a religious harm. But we think this is not the likely way that these things are going to go because religions tend to like the status quo to an immense amount. Firstly, because when people are poor, they're much more likely to believe in gods for the reason I told you, that religion is less important to yourself at the point where you're happy. Secondly, because the most powerful religions, the ones that have the most impact, are usually the ones that have large amounts of state support and therefore are set up in order to preserve the state. But thirdly, because religious leaders are often able to make themselves wealthy because they're local celebrities, a lot of power over people, which means that they like the fact they are able to extract money from poor people. I'll take closing. > POI: Yeah, in Buddhism, people often say that if you do bad things, you're going to be reincarnated as a cockroach. Why does that not similarly scare people into behaving? Like, to the extent that that might be true, that there is a reason why Buddhism conforms to the government side. So maybe Buddhism is not the best example of an opposition religion, but we would say that if it did not tell you that fact, if it just said we care about other people, we care about the world, that would actually be preferable. I don't get this POI. To be clear, this suggests that when religions say your experiences matter, they are more likely to tell you that these things are actually good than tell you they are actually bad. So the religion under their side will not be an organizing force for making people's real conditions better. For sure, it is not the case that we are any better, right? It is still the case that organizations in our religions are still going to have incentives to support hierarchical structures and hierarchical societies, but people are still going to be intrinsically selfish under both sides. Religion never has so much power over people, and I think it's something both top half teams have conceded, that you're going to believe it's okay for you to be poor, it's okay for you to be hungry. The difference is that when you particularly are worried about what will happen to you and very concerned about that, your ability to be threatened by the religion to say, God will abandon you if you behave a certain way, God will send you to hell if you behave a certain way, forces people to conform to the status quo, which means that they are less likely to improve their own selves, to do what they perceive to be the most important thing, to improve their own lives under our side of the house. What are the impacts of these arguments? Firstly, people probably do things to improve their own lives, often things like advocating for better circumstances. They are happier under our side because they're less likely to see the conflicts between their own intuitions and their religion. But secondly, it's less easy to pressure people to things like frivolous donations that in many cases just constitute taxes on poor people that are wealthy. Hire up people very wealthy because it's much harder to persuade someone if you can't tell them they're going to go to hell to part with large sums of their cash. But thirdly, people are much more likely to push for change. This probably moderates the religion because if people don't believe them and you can't enforce going to hell as a way to force them to believe you, you're now much more likely to become more moderate, to push for or support poor people in your advocacy so that they keep coming back to your church. In the long run, this means that you're more likely to get some minor reforms in government, you're more likely to have wealth redistribution, you're less likely to have regressive taxation. Very proud to oppose.
OG · GovernmentFor poor minority communities, when they face substantial suffering and misery, the far more accessible narrative is not to try and convince those people that there's some greater purpose here, that you know, your life isn't that important. There's something bigger out there that you're kind of missing the picture of. It is the far more resonant narrative, which is to say, no, your personal experience does really matter. To tell each and every individual that despite their suffering, despite their misery, their experiences are no less important and no less meaningful to their connection to God than anyone else's experiences. Side opening opposition seems to think that if you are poor, and like, are suffering, what this does is gaslight you to think life is okay. No, what it does is allows you to focus on what actually makes you or gives you meaning in life, whether that is your incredibly close relationship to your child, whether you look back at your friendships and your post romantic relationship, and think to yourself how much meaning and how much hope that gives you in that life, whether that is your conscience and your morality, thinking to yourself that you gave what little you had to try and give your children the best life they possibly could have. By opening opposition's own mechanism in the state, that individuals fixate on what gives them hope, what gives them meaning, that is why they will always turn to the positive personal experiences that each and every individual has, regardless of how much suffering they face in the world, that is what they will look at and say, this is what makes me a religious and pious person, this is what gives me my connection to God, this is why I still continue to live this life, despite that suffering, that is why always biggest harm in the state of, oh, we gaslight people into suffering and being okay with that suffering is clearly outrageous. What else does someone give up? Firstly, they explain that religions are going to be prescriptive under both sides of the world, congratulations opening opposition, that is why we gave the argument that it is easier to weaponize, it is easier to create societal narratives when they are religions that do not focus on the individual experience, and instead say there is some greater good or some greater meaning out there that individual experience doesn't matter. Why is that true? They give the example of Buddhism, which is a slam-dunk-for-side opening government, because it is Buddhism that asks the greatest sacrifices upon individuals, it tells monks that they need to rigorously follow hundreds of rules and you need to follow across your life you ever want to achieve a meaningful reincarnation. It is one of the most dogmatic religions in saying that you have a certain right way of conducting that life, that there are certain better and more objectively correct metrics that individuals ought to be following. If you do not, then you are a less pious person. We say that it is explicitly Buddhism, that is not the happy individualist kind of narrative that side opening opposition seems to think it is, it is one of the most brutal religions being incredibly fervently dogmatic. Look at examples like Tibet or Sri Lanka, we say it is actually Christianity. If you want to use that example, that is the prime example of a religion that is far more tolerant. There is a reason why there are so many denominations of Christianity, there is a reason why there are so many totally inconsistent narratives that Christianity has under its broad church, that is because Catholicism and Christianity are religions that obviously still have a hierarchical nature and still are organised religions. Well done. They are far more individual though, they therefore have far more tolerance to allow individuals to be able to access personal narratives. The big mechanism they do not respond to from the prime minister is one where it is far easier to politically weaponise, far easier to say that it is okay to sacrifice certain individuals for some other good, some other religious purpose in life. That is one that directly often explicitly targets minorities by telling those minorities that they are specifically not making the right decision and not making the sets of sacrifices that they ought to be, but explicitly it is one that is so much easier to weaponise, particularly by local religious leaders that are seeking further publicity, seeking further funding, seeking further power within their religious organisations. They are often the most fervent in utilising the fact of their control of what is that greater purpose to make individuals sacrifice more. We say that ESL is incapable. I'll take a closing. > POI: So, I may be ESL and an idiot, but please explain to me your mechanism of coercion. Why on your side of the house somehow magically you have more coercive power than tangible material consequences and impacts? Please clear it out for me. I'm not entirely sure what this POI is driving at, but to be honest, it's just like personal experiences exist to people. Presumably religion has incentives to include as many people as possible because that is how it gains influence and power in society. To the extent that there are a broad church of personal experiences that individuals have, that the church is more willing to give leniency of which personal experiences give individuals hope, which personal experiences make that meaningful connection to God, then some greater narrative which needs to objectively be tied to some metric that all individuals can follow. Otherwise, their sense of personal self-sacrifice doesn't matter. What else does side of the opposition tell us? They tell us that God will be more punitive, that there are greater power for external pressures, but we've already explained why the opposite is true. Why it's harder to coerce individuals who believe that their connection to God is purely personal or at least somewhat personal. He's less capable of influencing or shifting them to tell them that their relationship doesn't matter. But secondly, opening opposition says, look, what happens here is it's easier to moderate these religions. It's easier to hold them to account, but the opposite is true because your religion by necessity needs to tell individuals, it needs to be extreme enough to tell individuals that their individual life does not matter, that there is something greater outside of that religion. This is one by default that lacks moderating capacity of saying that individual experience matters, whereas ours is not true. Ours can say that both individual experiences and some greater sense of purpose does also matter. And it is deeply unclear, therefore, that ours is not far more capable of moderating that force of saying, yes, personal experiences matter and you should focus on the personal experiences that help others that are less selfish and are more inclined to, for instance, build on your family connection. Finally, what else can we give in this way? First, I want to explain that the opposition also has a capacity problem because they never really explain why, for instance, the most privileged people are just not the most capable of achieving whatever greater purpose or whatever sacrifice that they want from individuals. It is always the wealthiest individuals. It's always the individuals with the greatest social status and the greatest political power that are the most capable of claiming the narrative. We are being the most selfless. We are being the most capable of accessing this greater purpose. That simply means that the people who are the poorest, who suffer the most, the least capable of claiming that narrative of, I did this self-sacrifice to achieve something pretty good. We told you at the end of this day, we have a closer, more genuine connection to God and we have more individuals that are part of that community that share your emotions and your suffering. That is why we clearly take this.
OO · OppositionI'm going to break this debate down into two very intuitive themes. The first is internally, does it make people happier or sadder? And the second is, how does it change their actions to make other people happier or sadder? So first on happiness, right? Our claim is that it's way, way in my search, conceive of yourself as an insignificant speck of dust floating in a beautiful universe that you feel like you have one life and have to prove yourself and do God proud in order to make it good. And the first instance that we give you is that in times of great difficulty, being told that religion is all about the self is incredibly harmful. I think she has a reasonable line here, which is to characterize self-centered religion as being very, very validating and self-selecting and that you can self-select into like the kinds of narratives that you prefer. And no one can tell you what to do because you're independent, right? I think that the main response to this is that unfortunately this debate doesn't happen in a vacuum. Fundamentally, human beings are social animals and religion itself is also highly communal. What that means is that connection to God exists on a scale and there are comparisons to one another. Perhaps because there are Bible study discussion groups in which you talk about what you've personally done to make yourself closer to God and note crucially like independent of religion, human beings are competitive. We want to be out for performing each other. We want the approval of our priests. And for those reasons, you have the constant pressure to perform. But second of all, it's also just the case that you can't non-align and lionize people who have done very, very well, which means that you are enshrining certain traits, certain traits, such as being a very faithful and obedient and passive wife, for example, or if you're a self-sacrificing man, you can make his country proud. All of these things tend to favor power, favor the establishment and make you much worse off and form the minorities O.G. wants to talk about. However, I do think that there is a claim on CG potentially that is better, which is that, you know, in times of difficulty, you can benefit from individual connections to God because you gain support and the strength that you need because you feel inspired and that you can push this difficulty and gain more from it. I think that even though that sounds good, it's inherently actually extremely harmful. The reason for this is because it makes your happiness and your comfort on being able to get something out of it or on feeling strong and on feeling able to push through these things. And the problem with that is twofold. The first is you often can't access the kind of underdog stories or the arcs that are nice and justifiable. And the problem is when you're going through really, really difficult shit, you form expectations of what you want to achieve. You think, OK, God has cost me a God. I've lost my wife. I've lost my children. But that's a test from God. It's because I was a bad man in these ways and I can still get them back if I do ABCD other things. And the reason for this is because people aren't perfect machines. Oftentimes, we interpret religious narratives through the context of our own lives, which is what this debate does. And that means our own hopes and preferences get imposed onto the way religion behaves. So we assume that that's sort of things that God wants. But ultimately, these are outside of our control. Economic circumstances are obviously independent of us. There are some random chances of fate that mean that we could lose certain things, like we could just be wrong. All of these things, life goes very, very badly for most people and experience a good deal of suffering. But the second main thing here is that I also think the feeling of strength and having God with you is really inaccessible. And I think that this also beats Uji's claim on bringing more people into religion. Because I actually think being like, I can benefit from a personal connection to God is really, really, really difficult when you're not actually raised to be religious as a child, because you're told like there is this God out there and then you can benefit from a connection. Like, what is this connection? I don't feel it. I don't see it. Whereas on the comparative, I actually think that self-rejecting religions are way easier to access. The reason for this is, what do most of these religions look like in the status quo? Oftentimes, they center around nature. They look at underlying rules about the world. And the reason for this is because the natural foil to being centered around the self is giving up the self and breathing and being, trying to let your consciousness fade into the universe. And that's pretty beneficial for two reasons. The first thing is, I think that the world around us is quite beautiful. And it is possible to just walk outside the door and see a tree that is beautiful and green and gain happiness from that. But the second main reason is crucially, it's especially effective in times of pain and difficulty. Because literally, like, these religions impose exercises, such as meditation exercises, let your mind expand, letting go of yourself. That literally reduces your anxiety, stress, and depression over time. And I think that that differs from processes of talking about guilt, for example, and confession, which rather reinforces your sense of self and makes your guilt even worse. Crucially, note that when individuality is the crux of the debate, it's very easy for their sides to tell you, you ought to do A, B, C, D things because these are in your own interest. On the other hand, when the sense of self doesn't matter, but crucially, when they're also much, it's also much more difficult for religious leaders to also assert themselves as positions of authority, because they are individual human beings, some people who are fallible, and who really don't mean anything in the grand scheme of things. I think it's significantly easier for us to resist oppression. I think that this is the most important impact in the debate. And the reason for this is because I really think that actions and things are often outside of our control. Like, yes, one person hurting me is quite bad, but people could hurt me or help me for a billion other reasons. Honestly, happiness fundamentally is governed by my own state of mind and how I interpret things as good and as bad. And for those reasons, having this mentality of low stress and being at one with the world is much more important. Before I go any further, I'll take CG. > POI: Yeah, so in reality, on both sides, people kind of know that life is quite a lot about luck. Don't you think that these factors will be worked in, in the way in which religion consoles on our side? Sadly, I don't think that's the case. The reason for this is because religion is often about being up there being a higher power, right? So like, luck doesn't exist a lot of the time on Gov, because the idea is that like, things happen for a reason. And what has made this happen? Sure, maybe there are similar conceptions of fate on up, but it's the idea that things have happened for a reason, but this has nothing to do with me, because I am but an insignificant ant. And I think that for those reasons, it's much better for like notions of fate to be detached from your sense of self and what's happening around you. Okay, finally, then on actions to others, right? So we told you like to be told that you're matter very, very much intrinsically means that we tell people selfishness is good. And the reason for this is because yes, everyone is important, but people are subjective. I don't have epistemic access to Greg's happiness and harms, and he doesn't have access to mine. So oftentimes, we get overwhelmed by our own pain and suffering, and I'm trying to prove that at all costs. The problem with this is that different people have different levels of power and ability to make themselves better or worse off, which means that if everyone is trying to do what they perceive as the right thing, at the cost of other people, you end up reinforcing social hierarchies and making those with the capacity to do so even more powerful. To be clear, this has driven a lot of harm and suffering in the past, because when people disagree, you need to harm you do the suffering, and you justify that by saying, I'm doing what God wants me to do, or I'm making this person better off. For all those reasons, nature is great, people suck, happy to oppose.
CG · GovernmentThe real question in this debate is how both these conceptions of religion interact with the individual's fundamental identity and their ability to live the good life. OG's failure in this debate is in explaining why people can never access the narrative of rejecting the self in a way that makes their life better. All their arguments start from the premise of their own lived experience, i.e. these people were born into a life that taught them that the individual experience matters, consequently they convert into a religion that doesn't, and this is what creates the consequent harms because they cannot make their existing beliefs compatible with not caring about the individual. It doesn't explain why someone born into this religion in a society, in a family, in an environment that tries to socialize you out of individualism would have the same harmful experience if they never had a chance to learn about why the value of individualism matters in the first place. I'm gonna fill up this gap by starting from the premise of biology. Humans are biologically wired to be, hardwired to be individualistic, to care about the individual experience. The main reason for this is actually what OO says in the dying minutes of their case, because it is epistemically impossible to access other conceptions of a lived experience. What the next life might look like is not available to you. What heaven looks like is not available to you. All you have is your own lived experience and your own emotions, your own feelings, your own reactions. That's the only thing you can hold on to in this life. This is why Japanese pilots who were socialized in a world and were told that their lives don't matter at all because they have a greater cause, that individual suffering is unimportant and that's why you should be a kamikaze pilot, struggled like fuck to internalize their experience. Their diaries reveal their deep anger and frustration at this system because societies that have attempted to deny this individual experience have always faced an undercurrent of deep emotion, deep guilt, and the inability to conform to what a society is telling you to conform to. I've proven consequently that even if you were born into a world that socializes you into denying the self, it's incredibly hard to live by the specific doctrine that something like Buddhism exposes. The consequent impact is really important, that religions that offer the core tenet of rejecting the self causes cognitive dissonance against the individual experience. You are told that you are wrong for feeling emotions that are otherwise normal to feel. This puts you in a position where you're forced to struggle with this all your life. Any feeling of jealousy, of guilt, of suffering, of deprivation will be incredibly damaging to you when you tie salvation to not feeling things that you're biologically supposed to feel. Why is this the case? First mechanism, fear. If you cannot access heaven because you feel human emotions, that's really bad. It's a really big fucking harm if you care about religion. Because if you do, then the fear of not being good enough to get the reward from that religion is really, really fucking shag. Especially when they tell you that in Buddhism that you'll be reincarnated in a cockroach if you really do feel fear, sadness, if you really do feel happiness, if you really do feel jealousy. That is the kind of fear that you impose onto individuals. And the important distinction here is on our side, maybe like these are things that you can actually do. You can choose to be more empathetic as a person. You can love thy neighbor. You know what you can't do? You can't deny your hunger. You can't deny your suffering. That creates far more fear in the individual that follows this religion insofar as they are unable to actualize the ability to get that salvation in your sight. When we acknowledge your pain, we tell you that here are ways that you can get through this pain. Here are ways that you can get through this suffering because your experience must matter. And that is why we care about helping you and giving you advice as an individual for how to deal with this. Now I know I always want to say that, always want to say, but Dion, surely your Buddhist venerable monks don't give a fuck if you're gay, but Christianity really gives a fuck if you're gay. My main claim here is that the incentive of religious leaders and institutions are symmetric. Because if you're a religious leader, your actual motivation is control, i.e. your power comes from your ability to exert control over the demographic that you are controlling, which could be a majority in a country like Myanmar, for example, like India, etc. This means that you need to be able to have the power to create rules and to assert your authority through rules because as a leader, your ability, your authority comes from that capacity to create rules in the first place. What this means is that mechanisms to assert control over the individual will evolve on either side anyway. They said no, no, no, no, it's about your connection to God. The connection to God tells you or asserts this control. It's not bad, it's just realistically just what your priest or your monk tells you to do as an individual. So insofar as there's always going to be an incentive to control the individual, this harm from OO is entirely symmetric in the debate. Before I move on, sure, OO. > POI: On your side, it is also difficult to do the Christian things because, for instance, they often want you to be oppressed because that's beneficial. The difference is that in Buddhism, if you don't do the Buddhist thing, you can't be punished because your actions are not a path to salvation. So you're much less stressed about not being the perfect Buddhist. Whoa, your actions are still a part of your salvation. If you feel heavy emotion, you are a person that cannot divorce yourself from like, you know, all of that stuff. The problem here is you cannot access Nirvana. It's literally inbuilt into Buddhist doctrine. I don't know what you're talking about. The key difference, therefore, is in the way that this type of control interacts with people and their human experience. That's what uniquely CG brings to the table. That's why religions are so harmful insofar as they constantly force you to deny yourself and puts you in a position where you're likely to experience lots of active harm, lots of active fear for your inability to do so. The next thing I want to tell you is that the recognition of self encourages you to validate your own feelings and use those feelings as a basis for decision-making. That is the basis of agency, i.e. that telling you that you have agency over your life, how you feel ought to be, how you make decisions is something that uniquely happens only on our side. Why is this important? Because religion is good, as OG claims, but it's not good for everybody. And I think that the ability to leave the religion is also fundamentally important if you so choose, if you realize that religion is no longer good for you. But to the extent that we know that religion is bad for some people, it is our side where people are taught in a way that enables and empowers them to leave if they so wish. Because you tell the individual that your feeling like your feeling of sadness when you're in this religion is valid, i.e. the fact that you should care more about the individual gives you the autonomy or the ability to leave that religion, it empowers you to do so. On their side, what happens is that you're told that if you're sad or you're depressed or you're angry at religion, those feelings don't matter. And it is that kind of denial that makes you more likely to be forced to stay in that religion in the long term. If religion is bad for some people, I think that's a harm that we avoid. Consequently, CG.
CO · OppositionWe believe that metric on which you're doing this day to be coercion. But unlike all who say priest will coerce you will explain to you one why your family will coerce you and will crack down on you when you're doing certain and secondly, why greater society in the community will also coerce you based upon this sort of thing. Well, let's just establish what we agree on in this particular case. On their on their side, when they're defending, there's basically material connections to your process to getting into heaven. So there must be some kind of objective things that you must hold a very job, not drinking alcohol, praying five times a day, going to church Sunday will be starting on our site, there could be this sort of thing. This is version one, or but it's not necessarily connected to going into heaven, or there is nothing at all. These are the two versions of this debate will prove to you that on their side, necessarily, the mechanisms are much more toxic and much worse. Let's get into how your parents were most likely religious will think in this sort of case. Notice your parents because they love you, because they have irrational thoughts. And you will necessarily care about your children, but also not children, other people as well. But we think this mainly has impacted terms of children. Notice there is extreme fear in your head, when, how do you say going into heaven is connected with material action and disorders. So you care about your child, for example, going to church, your care about your child wearing hijab, and all these type of things, etc. But notice, this fear is irrational, because you will never have certainty as to how much is the necessary probability or necessary proximity for you to do this in this particular case. So even if your child is technically doing this, you will still think there is more, you will still think there is greater capacity for you to do it in this particular case. Notice that the cost is extremely big in this sort of case, getting into hell is very problematic, very bad thing for you to do in this in this particular case. So what is likely to be the case because you're irrational, and because the cost is big. This is when parents are likely to do bad things towards their child, like for example, to crack down on them in this particular thing, to spy on them, if for example, they're gay, or they're reading things that they're not reading, to take them to church, necessarily in this sort of case to force them to have bad relationships with them in this particular, in this particular, in this particular case, like, for example, also other things, like, for example, banning your Harry Potter book and stealing it away, because it's the devil's thing, and these type of things, right? Why is this so bad, right? Firstly, just on a psychological level, think about this, you're in certain cases, just your parents without hitting you, right? This is a very bad thing towards the child, it's likely to create a big trauma, because how do you say your parents scream that you in this particular case, you have a hard time, etc. But in certain cases, we think that this may lead to the parent beating you up, in this particular case, a direct physical harm. Secondly, it harms the relationships of both sides, both the parent and the child, because the child will remember this abuse that it has gone through, because the child will necessarily feel bad and have, and obviously not be able to love the parent in this particular case, etc. Why on the comparative this does not happen? Because this is a very strong incentive that pushes you in this sort of strong irrationality in this particular case, because the measurement of hell is infinite, right? And the measurement of hell is also infinite in this particular case. So this way, you're pushed towards doing this particular case. On the comparative, yes, maybe some parents will still be bad on our side of the house. But firstly, parents have incentive to be rational towards their child, you know, to not damage their relationship in this particular case, to not go into scandalous things, etc. But secondly, they're less likely to be, how do you say, very problematic about you skipping church on Sunday, or you reading Harry Potter and these particular things, which is not directly tied with a simple behavior in this particular case, in this in this in this sort of thing. So they no longer have to do all these bad things towards their children, because the benefit is not that big in this particular case. Why is this a stronger mechanism than all in here is very particular, all explains that priests will do this in this particular case, but priests do not have infinite coercive capacity from you, right in this particular case, or maybe they do. And sometimes we agree that their mechanism lands them, it's probably going to be obsolete, they'll get in this particular case, but parents have infinite coercive capacity of you, you live with them in this particular case, in many of these cases, these are the strongest authority figure that you have, who have control of your life, who can crack down, go into your room, and see all these sorts of things, who can pressure you to tell you that you are doing bad things, and you are being a wrongful, how do you say, a wrongful, sinful child in this particular case, in this sort of thing. So the extent of which our mechanism coerces people is way stronger than their mechanism coercing people in this sort of case. Not CG also responds to them in this, so their response may deal with all, but does not deal with our mechanism. This is first mechanism in this sort of case. Second mechanism is that it will greatly toxify the community in this sort of case. What do people do when there is, how do you say, a bunch of norms that exist in Dorothy? They like to virtue signal, because they like to feel important in these sorts of cases. So in many of these cases, these people will say, ah, this is the correct way to do, or I went to church this many times, etc. But coercing, they do the opposite. They are also likely to stigmatise behaviour that is not a particular case. They are likely to talk about, ah, Sarah's daughter did not come to church in this particular case. This is very bad in this sort of way. Tom's child does not wear the hijab in this particular case. So because it is toxified, and people will talk about this necessarily, this will lead to, how do you say, worse communitarian behaviours in this sort of case. People will not be able to have a particular trust between each other. So this is impacted two ways. Firstly, any benefit that you're getting from a community, like for example, collective reaction, mental health problems, it is likely to happen when there are things that, how do you say, can create the drama in this particular case. You as average informed voter can feel it, because you lived through the drama. But secondly, and this is very important, is that people feel worse when they're doing this sort of thing, right? People feel harder when, how do you say, it is talked about, people talk behind their backs, it is bad in this sort of case. So it coerces you even more in this particular case. Again, this is a stronger mechanism than priests, because community is far larger and far bigger, and it harms you in this particular case. Before I get into, how do you say, final points of impact, OG. > POI: Doesn't the doctrine of rejecting the self empower coercive and abusive parents to tell their kids they matter less and should conform even more? Dude, I have no idea why I have to defend reject yourself. I have no idea why I have to defend the most scandalous version of this sort of thing, or basically what the info slide says, which is, just don't care about what happens in the material world right now, right now. You give no structural reason why we have to defend the most scandalous version of this particular case. We give structural reasons as to why this is the case, because you want to work through signal, because you will be uncertain based upon these sorts of things. So this is why we beat you in the comparative in this sort of case, but I will beat you more when I'm getting into this sort of case. Why is this the most important example? Because how do you say happiness or relative experiences, these types of things? I'm not sure what, what does this mean? Honestly, like maybe I'm not a religious person and that's why this is the case, but tangible impacts. Like for example, you're having a bad relationship with your parents. Like for example, you're getting hurt, abuse, and disorder. You're getting gaslighted in all these processes. These are very important, tangible harms, and in many cases are irreversible, right? To work it through this sort of thing to happen. This is why people have experiential problems. This is why people are awkward in many of these cases. This is how it harms your capacity, for example, to get a job, to find a girlfriend, to do all these things and progress in life. One final response towards the CG case. CG basically case, there is a natural push for you to care about individualism and it won't happen on our side. The missing link that does not exist in their case is why do we have to do this in the most stupidest way possible? Like the society will most likely accept individualism anyway in this sort of case. They haven't proved that this must be in the most scandalous way. They have this logical gap and they can't fill it in. Because we have the strongest mechanism of coercion, we put you the biggest impact, CO.
CG · GovernmentI want to center this whipped speech around two framing contributions that I think closing government made. I'm going to go into extensions there, but I think these frames do sweep the other three teams in the debate. I'm going for the first framing. First, that there's a recognition of what a lived experience of reject self looks like from young uniquely on our side of the house. And I think this is important because this actually one deals with openings, outframes openings argument on access. Because the reality is most people don't like go and pick religion like you're picking fruits at a market, right? The reality is most of us are born into religion and therefore live with that. So I don't think this access frame is that realistic. What this points out is that the starting point of religion is fundamentally distinct because it's about the values you grew up with from young, but also the processes of indoctrination. And this actually deals with the CEO's claim that they don't have to deal with the worst iteration. One, I don't think it's actually the worst iteration. I think it's a reality of a religion that many people live with, especially in Southeast Asia. But secondly, I also point out that this is about the processes by which you get people from the starting point of being like the biological child that is born to become someone who denies the world around you and genuinely believes in their own temporality, right? These indoctrination processes from young, like meditation, like shaving your head, because in Laos, for example, it's a general social expectation that every child is going to be a monk for one or two years. The ability, the fact that harm to self is part of many religious practices, like running across cold in Singapore. All of these mean that the starting point is fundamentally different. It's that frame that is more realistic than even the optims gave for their own argumentation that makes Dion's arguments really, really important. Because what Dion points out is that all of these indoctrination processes are necessarily insufficient. That is response that never comes up from member of, right? Because the reality is that he gives the example of kamikaze pilots, for example, where even the extraordinary coercive power of Shinto religion was not able to deny the fundamental self. And the reasons for this are given, right? Things like for the lived experience that only you are going to go through. Things like the sensation of pain that is so inherent that you just can't socialize the majority of people out of those particular narratives. Or the fact that at points where your religious faith gets weaker, then those sensations of pain that hurt your ability to exist in the epistemic bubble that is attempted to be created by religion just meet like bricks, and therefore that pain becomes something you suffer and you feel you're unable to deal with. That's why OG in a reasonable op scenario doesn't work. But more than that frame, what we tell you about in Dion is the extreme extent to which this inability to have your internal emotional life, which OG deals with in line-by-line fashion, like one line of fashion, doesn't affect, it isn't reality. First, he tells you that these expectations are biologically impossible for the reasons I've given you. But second, he points out that this is about the means of counseling and the primacy of finding immediate solutions. So this is not just about finding God as OO claims. That's, I think, a very far-reaching thing and not everybody prioritizes. But it's about the starting points by which you engage in that discussion or counseling from your priest. The fact that, for example, priests and parents are likely to start by focusing on your problems versus a world in which you are shamed for feeling these problems in the first place. You are told that you shouldn't feel this because there are better things out there because you should go and look at nature, for example. That starting point of counseling was the distinction that we pointed out made people significantly sadder and significantly harder to wrap their head around what they were told to behave and told to believe on that side of the house that created deep cognitive dissonance, which we thought that for the most vulnerable individuals was critical because these were the individuals who needed to feel like there was somewhere to go to at a point when all seemed lost, at a point when they are depressed, at a point where they don't think they can move on. This is what, like, the ability to have a voice that you can epistemically access rather than feel guilty about was unique to Dion. But secondly, Dion gives you another argument that CEO just doesn't deal with, which is the capacity to leave. And he points out that this requires you to center your own experiences because until you are willing to look at your own experiences for what they are and value them for your feelings at a time, that's the only point at which you can square them against the religious rhetoric you're being told. Ask, am I happy? Is there a better alternative for me? Because that requires you to care about yourself more than the social structures and forces around you. This is important and it deals with always in our meditation and nature because the reality is we already have a fairly inter-religious context, right? So, like, to some extent, if meditation and nature help, people can already solve excess debt. What's important is the primary, the first actor they go to, which is what Dion tells you. But secondly, people can opt out also, right? But that's exclusive on our side to move to meditation and nature, which you can't do on all sides of the house for the reason that Dion gives and no one responds to. Secondly, second big flip, religion is not about theory but about practice. The important thing we pointed out is that religion has to control and will always have structures of control for some reasons. First, that they need money. Secondly, that they tend to need political power and favor in order to have laws that allow them to succeed within and spread themselves within those particular countries. But third also, the reality that synthetization tends to mean that it intersects with local beliefs and local norms that are imposed by politically powerful. Further to that, note that hierarchy is inherent in any religion, especially when non-materialism matters. People who are more non-materialist because their monks, for example, are higher in the hierarchy. I recognize that I'm not over-claiming and saying things are worse on that side, but that's because I think intellectually the debate just doesn't allow for it. But what this proves is that whatever the text is, you are still going to have mechanisms of control. Like how reincarnation links to the idea of interconnectedness to the rest of the world, that therefore means you can become different animals, for example. And the idea that you should be fundamentally be right or wrong in this world, that people tend to accept in this world and in the meta-universe as a whole. This means we accept OO's reality of control, also means that OG is playing margins and only CG actually is able to watch this particular debate. OO. > POI: Independent of the most extreme examples like kamikaze pilots and child monks, the pressure is overwhelming for a hundred other reasons. Why would self-rejecting religions punish believers for selfish impulses if you don't actually matter? Because what you are told is that ability to be self-rejecting brings you closer to Nirvana and makes you a better person. That is why. You are still debating this by the standards of Abrahamic faiths and what they deem to be right and wrong. That's completely different in a religion that is self-rejecting. CO make two arguments that I think are already dealt with by this, by the way, because they assume that there is less coercive power that then affects parents. So the same rebuttal to OO kills them. But they also say that parents will hurt the child. The reality is things like temporality and Zen are framed as prerequisites to being good, which means that it's parallel because the same incentive structure exists. But also I think suffering is seen as legitimate on that side of the house and part and parcel of what you go through because that physical suffering is meant to detach you from the self. So more suffering is enabled on that side of the house. This is symmetric. Same with the community thing because the biological frame we pointed out deals with them as well. The reality that wanting to feel good about yourself and the fact that your conception of self exists inherently and is to some extent comparative to other people, those are inherent. And because those are inherent, consequently, it is likely that the comparison still exists. It's likely that wanting to be better than your neighbor still exists, which means that those harms still exist. The only real win in this debate, in a world where religion and the structures and social structures of religion will make so many other things symmetric, is the way in which we tell people to feel about themselves. That's what we propose.
CO · OppositionI just want to flag that in order to get this far, and this is 100% not a joke, after we broke 26th, Roman and I turned religious in order to access the necessary power to get this far. So we have a bit of spec knowledge about Protestant Christianism and the benefits that it can bring you by telling you to reject yourself. Firstly, engagement with closing governments, then engagement with Topkap and explaining why coercion is most important in the debate. Firstly, they say being individualistic is a good thing. The first response to this is no shit. This is why a lot of people will still be individualistic. They never explain why religion is the one thing most coercive in society that either determines if people are going to be individualistic or not going to be individualistic. There are many reasons why people would still be individualistic anyways. Their internal pushes as closing government outline narratives of capitalism and of all of these sorts of things that still tell you to be individualistic. What does this then mean? If a large part of society is still individualistic, then the ability to feel bad that you yourself are not, or to critique others, to shame them, and all of these sorts of things, is comparatively lesser because this is not such a wide accepted norm. But notice the problem. On our side, this feeds into the religion and people who are individualistic anyways because of other parts of society, this now compounds on them and they're far more likely to judge you, far more likely to experience this as something they need to do, as a duty they have to ask you, to critique you, because the things they do are necessarily important in this sort of way. So there is obviously for this on their side, there isn't on our side. But secondly, religion is simply less coercive. And here's what I want to flag. If it is true that you want to be individualistic so bad, you always justify to yourself that being individualistic is actually a good thing, that it is moral, or any of these sorts of things. How then would you feel bad if society judges you, if they tell you that they are not okay? Society is far more likely to judge you on our side than on theirs. Why aren't they likely to judge you on our side, which is something that our incentives are symmetrical? Because parents don't want to fuck up their relationship with their child, because people are often far away from you, not close to you from your society, don't have as big of an engagement to you, and simply do not care. The problem of their side is too old. Your mom now is willing to trade off your relationship with you, because she feels that if she does not do it, you will go to hell, which is an infinitely bigger issue. But secondly, people in your society now feel it as an internal duty to do this, to virtue signal, because they feel as if their own experiences are important. I will never explain why comparatively religions would not coerce you. This explains why you would not be reacting this sort of way. Secondly, they say incentive for religion to coerce you is symmetrical. This could be true, but it's response to opening opposition, who say priests and all of these sorts of things will coerce you, because the incentive of your mom is not controlled. Your mom is not an empire builder. Your mom is just a bitch. She does this for irrational reasons. She does this because of irrational beliefs and faith and all of these things. Even if the religion has an incentive to be coercive, the religion cannot make your mom be coercive if your mom doesn't want to, but we prove that your mom will want to. And this is very important to opening opposition. Your mom is far more coercive. She meets you way more often, talks to you way more often, people from your society as well, but also she has the far greater ability to harm you, to fuck up her relationship with you, and to make your life comparatively worse. So we respond to both of the pushes closing government make, and now we can move on to top up. Firstly, why is happiness a bullshit metric outweighing a large part of stuff in the debate? Three things. One, it is uncertain. Some people may like for you to tell them, oh no, you don't matter. Other people may like for you to tell them, yes, you do matter. It highly depends on what your values are, on how you've been raised, on all of these sorts of things. Neither team can claim this as a thing on their side. Also, secondly, there are many other things which lead to unhappiness in your life or potential things that could happen. I'm uncertain as to why this one thing will affect your hormones in this sort of way. But thirdly, and very importantly, it's based on coercion, because if doing something that you like makes you happy, then presumably having the greatest freedom to do what you like makes you the happiest. At the point where we prove that society will judge you less for doing things that you like, for potentially moving away from religion, for being gay, for any of these sorts of things, then you get comparatively more ability to do the things that you're happy at, meaning that this is a comparatively less important metric. Now, on to coercion. What do propositions say about coercion? They say two things. The first is they will still force you to do things because they tell you, you do not matter, therefore you should not be individualistic. Again, guess, but two asymmetries on this. They no longer feel that this is a duty they have, and also they no longer feel that if they do not do this, you will go to hell. So people are substantially less likely to do it. Let's say there is an even-if comparative. Notice that it's much worse to be coerced to do something than to be coerced to do nothing. Because even if you're coerced to do nothing, you say, yeah, maybe you don't get to access the things that make you happy, but at least you don't do things that make you unhappy. You don't do actions that make you sad in this sort of way, like marrying a woman or disgusting things like this that are very gross to me in this sort of way. But also, secondly, closing governments say, at the point where your feelings are valued as very important, you'll be allowed to leave. They say feelings that you may want to leave the religion. I want to give credit, opening opposition parentheses. Your feelings may be considered important, but they are not good feelings in this sort of way. So people still care that you have those feelings, but they will not react positively. They'll not be like, oh yeah, bro, this is very good that you want to leave your religion while it's tough. You'll be like, no, no, no, you think this, you will go to hell. And then all of the coercive things that we talk about kick in, because this is the most important thing. This is the dress rehearsal for heaven in this sort of way. So people are far more likely to force you and to wreck you at a point where you compare to bind to certain things. Before I go on, opening government. > POI: We already explained the reason why people don't believe internally indoctrinated worldviews of religious meaning, and that is because it denies them the validation of their suffering. Can you please respond? But some people like this. Some people don't like this. Some people would like to think that there's something greater and that their failures do not matter. Other people would be mad that their successes do not matter, because even people have failures, people have successes. Most people would like to think that their successes matter and that their failures do not matter. And then it just comes down to what people think one or the other. You cannot prove that each group is individually greater at the point where we prove more freedom. We prove that more people can enter religion, however they are, or they can engage with religion, however they are, without being pushed away in this sort of way. So if accessibility is what you value, then we get comparatively more accessibility because you're not coerced to exit at a point where you have bad day experiences in this sort of way. Why is this the most important thing? One, note that this wrecks opening government, because opening government say, oh, this will be coerced to do things like harm other people. If people did not have incentive to harm other people, we proved that you would be unable to coerce them in this sort of way, because we proved that A, your interest to coerce them is comparatively lesser, but B, the effect that you have on them and the actions they can take in the real world are comparatively lesser. Also, secondly, note that this weaponizes all, and I'll do one final way with opening opposition scheme. Opening opposition scheme is only about people who are already in religion, but notice, there are kids who grow up and just their parents are religious in this sort of way, right, and they don't get to interact with the priests and the rabbis and all of these things that you coerce them, but we still impact those people, because even if they symmetrically would not be within religion, they are now hated, they have terrible relationships, their relationships fall apart in this sort of way. So even on that basic level, our impact is comparatively greater, we explain why this is most important to us.
empate bp_223 · This House Would ban the use of advanced analytics in political campaigns.
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): This House Would ban the use of advanced analytics in political campaigns.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OG,OO) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=223, label gold.csv = "OG,OO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained superior structural consistency and successfully engaged with the core mechanism of the motion, whereas DEBATEDOR_A struggled with fragmented arguments and failed to provide a robust rebuttal to the opposition's points on information gaps and political incentives.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentWe place a variety of existing restrictions on political campaigns when they threaten the ability to subvert the will of the populace or increase radically the amount of inequality such that it is not a true election. How will we ban analytics, specifically advanced analytics? First of all, just as a note, we will use these specific forms of banning to prove that it is very, very difficult to do, or if they can still do it, their impact is small and extremely limited. And a wholesale ban is the only way to realistically regulate these things. So there are two main methods of banning. Number one is we will ban contracting with tech consultancy firms and do audits on the capabilities of your employees, as well as the campaign teams of the politicians themselves. So it's very hard to develop insights with large data sets in order to use it. Secondly, though, we will also track their expenditures. So in the same way that we track any political campaigns, political budget, we will ban them from using targeted advertising through proxy. So for example, they can't use Facebook for campaigns. So even if they have these insights, they can't be productively used to target people and they can't be used on a wide scale because if they did, obviously we'd be able to track them. We will also work with corporations such that even if we can't get all the tech consultancy firms, we will get platforms to cut off certain APIs to use a certain feature such that we can't use those tech firms. Briefly, why is this impossible to regulate without a wholesale ban? And by the way, we're also willing to defend the world where it's properly regulated and that's still inherently bad, but just the fact that it is impossible to regulate it makes it worthy of a ban itself. There are five reasons. One, the line is impossible to define. The use of selective regulation for what is or isn't polarizing can be taken advantage of by the incumbent party increasing the amount of inequality and the amount of loss of parity in that election. Two, parity is almost impossible since inequality means that social media will sell it to the highest bidder. Proprietary data sets and algorithms have an incentive to exclude political parties that won't support them. Hence, this gets an increasing amount of control in use in the political scene. Thirdly, fiat is on our side since while public understanding of individual regulations is weak, there is a widespread understanding that generally use of AI to manipulate people is bad. That's why there's a very, very large push against Cambridge Analytica as a whole, but not so much push for a specific form of regulation. Four, its use in advance also improves its ability to evade regulation by becoming increasingly lifelike and imitate humans. Hence, the only way for us to stop it would be to stop them from contracting in the first place or to stop their widespread use on social media. And fifthly, is that the truth is that reliable indicators are just not there. When political campaigns pay out to build better language-generating models, scientists and talent goes away from the truthful net because it could take their job and goes into making these models better and better. We have three arguments in this speech. One, AI impedes access to democratization in three ways. Number one, its use allows it to make widespread propaganda with AI being able to optimize for the palatability of individuals, as well as being indistinguishable from other humans, essentially being able to fabricate social consensus out of thin air. Number two, moreover, fake information also allows it to have the ability to fool fact-checkers such that it is difficult for you to be able to distinguish true information from fake information. Remember, democracy is only important insofar as you're able to determine that the facts that you are debating on or the truths or the platforms you're debating on will actually be what happens in the real world when you elect a candidate. And a matter of fact is, is that when you have advanced analytics to be able to generate these insights such that it is maximally convincing, but doesn't all have to be true, then you have the capacity to fool people and fool fact-checkers additionally. Thirdly, is that output massively increases, which improves our ability to shatter and fracture the ability for people to come to a consensus and just generally know things. Because the fact that you have AI that can generate these things autonomously, you can substantially reduce the quality of political discussion by flooding the internet with cheap, human-adjacent work that makes it difficult for people to come to consensus on common facts and even just be able to do things like make facts wholesale out of thin air. The source of these things is the political motivation and your ability to profit from them by being able to get a return of investment once you get into election and once you get into office. Seriously, we stopped this by making it very, very expensive for them to do so or impossible for them to do so on a wide scale. You should care about this outcome and this argument because the moment that we stopped doing it, number one, we stopped the widespread theft of people's taxes and their ability to benefit from society by making sure that people can't just easily lie about the kind of democracy that you have. But number two is that you also reduce a very, very large barrier to be able to participate in that democracy, which means that it's just simply easier for you to get with your voice heard and have important policy be passed down. But number three is that we also reduce barriers to entry for other political parties because now to be able to play in the same field, they don't have to pay billions out the ass in order to convince consultancy firms to go to them, which means we also improve the amount of political candidates available as well as increase the amount of available political platforms such that people have a better array of choices in order for them to avail of democracy. That's the first argument. Argument number two, fractionalization. We have learned a great deal about AI and human emotion and that the most reliable and strong emotion AI can use to get votes is anger, fear, and riling up your old base. The problem is that AI doesn't just know you better, it can personalize it specifically to you. And when the ability to cater to each individual granularly is there, messages are more likely to get divisive rather than unifying. When Trump campaigned in 2016, he used extensive analytics and machine learning models to send messages to more vulnerable individuals to drum up hate about their particular issues because they could do this. The more you can personalize messages, the easier it is for you to authorize people safely without fearing that this could get to them potentially. Moreover, it's impossible or difficult to just target a few people on our side, which means that you have to cater more broadly to a wider audience. And hence, messages that prioritize one group over the other lose voter basis, which means on our side, you're more likely to get unifying messages and one that's able to unite people. What are the harms of allowing a democracy that may potentially be representative, but is increasingly polarized and increasingly fractionalized? There are three harms. One, you polarize people, which means that they are less likely to come to consensus and agree on common things, which means that regardless of who wins an election, the wins are more marginal and less people are happy and represented for any given election. Two, it polarizes people in such a way that they feel unsafe to vote, they feel unsafe to go out on the streets, which means overall their access to democracy is impeded. And number three is that there is a direct increase in hate crimes because of the increasing inflow of facts that makes you feel like violence is acceptable against minorities. This is a large, generalized and wide-scale harm that happens as a direct result of the ability for you to rile up your voter base in order for you to get guaranteed votes, but at the same time, use these guaranteed votes to be able to harm people in the end. Before I move on to the third and final argument about how we envision democracy, I'd like to take a POI from CO. > POI: Trump would obviously have an incentive to otherize people without advanced analytics because it's a way to mobilize his base. Yeah, well, there are three, obviously, responses to this. Number one is that it's trivially harder for them to do so because it's harder for him to know the exact issues each individual voter resonates with, but it's easier for him to come up with a message of unity that everyone can agree with. Number two, obviously, it is substantially more costly. He would lose way less voters, for example, way more black voters, for example, if they knew that he was otherizing them specifically. And number three, right, again, it's just a matter of capacity. Finally, how do we envision democracy? We consider it to be an arms race between the ability for people to suss out what politicians are trying to do and politicians to lie to people. The problem is that you massively improve the ability on politicians on their side of the fence to sell you things that won't actually help you, but you believe will help you because democracy is only valuable in its ability to aggregate preference. The massing to the point, what happens with advanced analytics is their ability to manufacture this preference. This connects people's fears, anxieties, and so much more in a way, in a scale and a capacity that with many things that did not personally benefit them. So for example, white American workers did not benefit from immigration bans. Building a wall did not solve immigration crises, but people believe that they would, which means the strength of AI and the use of algorithms is equivalent effectively to a gun or a form of coercion or persistently lying to people with the ability to do that because it has the capacity to be recurring, which means you're constantly exposed to an idea that you are primed to accept. And because it is addicting, because it makes you explore more ideas, it uses the rabbit hole to recommend you more and more content that will radicalize you even further. These are not preferences initially. They are driven and convinced to believe these things and would have not believed these things otherwise. We think democracy becomes a sham the moment you allow it into its hearth. For these reasons, advanced analytics has no place in a modern democracy. Affirm.
OO · OppositionPanel, that Trump campaign that David mentioned had four categories for how they would advertise to black voters in Florida. The first one was there's no hope, don't bother. The second one was dissuade them from voting for Hillary. The third one was you can potentially win these people over. And the fourth was rally the troops. Crucially, because this debate is not this house would ban political campaigns or even this house would ban the use of basic models. This is about advanced analytics. We say they only get the dissuasion. They only get the no hope. We actually try to win people over. The question of this debate is not whether or not you want ads. It's what ads you want in political campaigns. And there's no crucial things about the status quo currently, because we don't say this necessarily favors the elite because there are different fractions within the elite who want different changes in society. People who have different industries would need to either expand or contract, meaning you either want to uphold the status quo or you want to change it, meaning different kinds of political parties hugely get huge funding. This is why in America, despite the Republicans being the party of big business, the Democrats actually will often get more funding and fundraisers. Crucially then, because of this elite opposition, most people have huge access to funds that can access this kind of technology. But moreover, things like active disinformation in advertising is already probably going to be banned very soon anyway, because of the huge pushes against it in most instances. But in other countries, unlike, say, America, the shame of being caught out lying in a political campaign can be hugely politically disastrous, creating a cooling effect on doing it in the first place. But also things like these platforms in and of themselves, libel laws, and false advertising laws, means it's already not that phenomenon across most of the world. What is the metric in this debate? We say, who gets people's preferences actualized the most within democracy? Why is this the metric? Because A, the state as in its existence is reliant on oppressing you each and every day, making you follow its laws and threatening you with violence if you don't do so. Therefore, it actively takes your agency away. And the only way which it can certainly repay that is by giving you agency control back over the state, retrospectively. Because things like benefits, what actually will help you in life can often be uncertain because you don't know what people want. But secondly, note that preferences and what people say they want actually directs them towards benefit in life. Because oftentimes, say for example, if you are someone who doesn't like handouts, you may not vote left-wing, even if it's the best for you, because you won't find it fulfilling to be on benefits. Crucially, then we say preferences within democracy is one of the most important in terms of people living the good life on the ground. One big point in the speech about uncovering and activating preferences, and we get far better advertising on our side. There are four burdens in this. The power of this technology, the capacity to find unhidden preferences, what changes minds, we say it's persuasion, not illusion, and why parties try to expand their base as opposed to shrink it. But even if a burden where that's good, then the benefits. What is the power of this technology? We say it has the capacity to find things about you, to ways that you may vote, deep values you hold that suggest you should vote for a different party to who you currently do, which you aren't even aware of as yourself as an individual. Because crucially, people's socialization is such that it's hard to find the self. Deep introspection about what I hold truly valuable is something very, very hard. And these deep values and virtues are what you then use to transpose onto broader political issues, seeing what I find fulfilling, what I think is correct and moral within a democracy. Crucially then, because this is very hard to do, you have to defer to those around you. This looks like, say, guys not ever watching chick flicks because they think, oh, that's not what guys do, even though they'd actually really fucking enjoy them, they should probably watch Clueless. Crucially then, you defer to those around you. The power of this technology overcomes that though, because A, there's a huge, huge body of data which only advanced analytics has the power to process. Crucially then, you can use trends. You can see the way that other people have changed historically. The fact that people realize their preferences as they get older and older is somewhat true in the status quo, but we're able to activate that in an earlier age and show people their true preferences earlier, getting more represented in democracy, because you use these huge trends, this huge data, to process how people are likely to change. B, you're able to analyze things like temperament, things which have correlations and causations to the way that people vote or are likely to vote in the future. You find out what deep values people have, whether or not they think loyalty or these kind of different basic virtues is what they see as most important, or whether or not they truly do care about other people or if they are self-centered. These kinds of things are heuristics for political values at the top level, and you're only able to find them out through deep, deep analysis of an entire person's whole body of data. Crucially then, though, because it is what determines that, when you have that analysis, you're able to find out what people are likely to believe in the future, what their true values are, what their true preferences are, even though they do not realize themselves, yes, because of their socialization. Second burden, what changes people's minds? We say it is persuasion, not illusion, and this crucially just takes out everything opening government said, because the simple premise here, if you are inclined to believe something, that is easier to convince you of than something you are not inclined to believe. So for example, if you were all, say, globeheads and I told you the earth is flat, you'll say, fuck off, but if you think maybe that these, say, elite lie to you in certain instances, I can appeal to certain key values to make you believe, hey, maybe the Democratic Party doesn't have the interest of Latino voters in mind, these kinds of things. Why is this easier? Because A, you don't have to change people's minds, you just show people what they already believe in and of themselves, so you're not convincing someone of anything, you're actually just making them realize things, which is obviously a lower mental burden for people to do. But B, it's subtle. Because people don't want to believe that they were wrong, they don't want to be caught off guard and think, oh, I was wrong, I'm having my mind changed. So you have to do things in ways where you say to them, this is what you already think, you appeal to preexisting values. And C, the idea that you are able to do those values versus going against common knowledge. People have conceptions of what is objectively true within the status quo, what descriptions of the world are, but subjective values, these kinds of things, you're able to persuade people with, whereas active illusion requires lying about the truth, lying about the objectivity of the world, which lets you do things like fact checkers, bringing in people, just trusting you as a political party, these kinds of things. Before I move on to the last burden, yeah, ANU. > POI: When Trump sends his most sexist messages to men and he's most racist to white people, how are people not from those groups meant to make educated decisions when they never actually see the ... Because on your side, he sends those messages to all men and all white people. On our side, you realize that is not the hidden preferences of some people. That is not the socialization of the group. That is the socialization of the group as a whole. That's not how each individual's true preferences are. So we get less of that polarization, less of that stuff. That's the crucial premise here. B, sorry, C, why do parties try to expand their base as opposed to shrinking others? Because A, if you went over more voters and you get more bases, you're obviously just anti-fragile. If you use one group, you have others. So you're more likely to survive in the long-term as a political party. But B, efficiency and competition. Obviously, it's easier to, rather than try to persuade some swing voter and dissuade another Democrat voter, if you're the Republican party, you can flip a Democrat. That's two for the price of one, essentially. So it's obviously more efficient than different interests. But even if that's not true, why is things like dissuasion good in itself? Because if no party suits you, you should know that. You should be able to complain. You can say this democracy is a sham. We say you should not vote for people who do not represent your interests. But crucially then, even if you don't explicitly complain, the models will see your frustration. And then another party who also has access to this technology is likely to cater to preferences in the future. What are the benefits of all this? It means A, we get a more accurate democracy, which is good in and of itself because we're weighing at the top of the speech with the metric setting. But B, you get proper catering to voters. You realize that certain voters do care about certain social values or do care about climate change. And you get more action because crucially, you want to fulfill what you promised the voters so they don't think, ah, you didn't actually do what you said. You don't actually hold the values that I think you do. I'm not gonna vote for you again. So you have to fulfill your captain promises. But C, you get things like formally disenfranchised groups out voting because you appeal to preferences which they didn't realize they had. You make them realize maybe I should vote in this democracy. We think this is a good in and of itself, but has a limitless amount of benefits. Thank you.
OG · GovernmentSo I think the winning clash on opening half is to determine are they more likely to manufacture preference or aggregate preference? Because if we prove they are more likely to manufacture preference, we win the debate. So why are they more likely to do this? Because they say that, oh, you want to cater to a white base, you want to really get to know your constituents, et cetera. I want to know that these are not usually exclusive kinds of incentives. And therefore, actually, absent the knowledge of individuals' preferences and being able to access them at a whim's notice, it is much more likely they're going to actively seek out and try to know their preferences in order to win an election. But what changes on their side of the house? And why is it that you are much more likely to manufacture preference? Firstly, this allows you to win on the extremes, i.e. people like Trump did not want to cater to such a white base. They wanted to divide people and have such an extreme and passionate base. And the reason this is a strategy that works is to note the nature of artificial intelligence in being able to create passion rather than necessarily catering to such a broad demographic for three reasons. Number one is it's much more emotional and personal. And therefore, the first time you feel like a politician is finally going to listen to you rather than this being a product of algorithms that were directly designed for you. Secondly is that it's more addicting. You're more likely to enter this rabbit hole of such a specific amount of beliefs and information that you cannot be convinced is wrong because you've been in these kinds of groups for years and years. But more likely, thirdly, they push you into echo chambers like Facebook groups, like Patriots for America that is a specifically notable Trump group that is much more likely to make you believe and hear that you are correct, et cetera. Why is this strategic with respect to extremes? Because you cannot win in numbers on extremes, but you can win on passion. You can rely on a 51% because even if you cater to a broad demographic, you cannot assure that they're going to show up in election time. And notice, for an extreme base, you also can't assure that they will show up in an election time unless you are able to rile them up so significantly like Trump was able to do that people were willing to not only vote in elections, but also storm the Capitol. And that is uniquely the capacity of artificial intelligence to cater to you as an individual human being and tell you to be angry, to be mad, to be feisty, and they cannot claim will happen on our side as well. But secondly, oftentimes you manufacture preference to justify past failure. When you want to convince people that the material reality they live in is actually different, you are more likely to do that when the material reality is bad and you are the reason for it. So rather than convincing people that we have to have a new response to COVID, a lot of COVID denialism came at the fact when people were so sick of all the lockdowns and an inefficient government response. And therefore, the way in which you do that is to try and hide all the real facts or at least to a significant enough degree that they would not be able, or rather they would be able to actually doubt the science. The reason that doesn't work on our side of the house is because it's much less addicting. It's much less personal. It's much more likely to hear everyone else because everyone is hearing the same message due to the lack of depersonalization. It makes it more likely to be prone to rebuttals from the other side, more likely that it's not going to be as easy to convince people of these different things. Next, why is it then that this beats opening opposition? Because they just say that you're going to aggregate preference. We think that it's much more likely to manufacture preference. First, even if you think it is still equal in likelihood, which I do not think so after both David and I's speeches, I think when you have a political system that is going to reward the evil use of these kinds of algorithms, because they will have the most emotional and passionate individuals, they are much more likely to come to the top. Even when some people use this in a good manner to aggregate preference, they are far more likely to lose out to the people that try and manufacture preference as a consequence. But secondly, is that I want to ask what a preference is, because what I'm saying here is that oftentimes they convince you that your material reality is not real and that you should be okay with it and accept it because of an emotional preference that you might have, that you're angry and you want to be able to reflect that anger by building a wall, by ensuring that America will be great again, et cetera. There are a couple of reasons this is worse. Firstly, is that even if you have a 51% majority that is going to have their preferences extremely aggregated, the likelihood is because of the division and the nature of that division, that only incredibly personal and anger riling kinds of artificial intelligence can create. It is much more likely that for the 49% that are unrepresented, America is not just one that doesn't fully represent them, it is actively bad for them because you have created such an environment of wanting to punish the group that did not vote for the same individuals. But secondly, is that a lot of these people have end goals in mind, i.e. they want to get out of poverty, they want jobs. And I can't blame people who are simply victims of systems and disinformation for wanting better material realities. However, when they are convinced that that's not the case, it is much more likely they pursue solutions where there's an end in mind, but the means by achieving that end is not going to be accurate, i.e. they get a wall rather than actually ensuring that jobs come back to America. And instead what has happened is the jobs have left America more and more so because of the wall, because of the immigration response, et cetera. And as a consequence, it does not reflect their material reality, but it's much more likely to benefit them in nature. But secondly, I think the POI from CEO is uncomparative. They just say, ah, Trump's going to lose regardless. Not only are you less able to do this to such a great extent, but the problem is contradiction, i.e. what Trump did was he told the rich individuals in Wall Street that people are going to steal your money, that they're going to try and get you out. You have to vote for me, I will save you. At the same time, he catered to an incredibly poor base of uneducated white Americans and said you have to swap Wall Street, you have to take their money back, et cetera. These kinds of contradictions are easy to spot when they are so widely publicized, when they cater to every single group and it is done through TV, through messages, et cetera. But if there are subtle kinds of articles, informations, ways to cater to you, it's so difficult to spot all these contradictions. And I'm only using the most explicit one as an example because it's easy to understand. There are many that are far more subtle that are more difficult to understand. And I think those are incredibly difficult to call out. CO. > POI: There are costs to using misinformation even if you target it well. The media still finds out eventually and people reveal these preferences on social media. Presumably this means that once you have better access to people's real preferences, you prefer to give them positive reasons to vote for you rather than cheap misinformation. Exactly. So I first want to say, absent this, it's a much better counterfactual. When you don't know people's preferences, you're more likely to want to build a representative government of many groups of people that represent different regions. Because absent people trusting that you know their preferences, you will defer to people that actually do. Or you're more likely to create campaigns that are wider scope in nature and geographic in nature rather than ones where you can simply change the minds of those people in those different geographic locations. But I want to note that the POI from Max is that there are significant costs to this, which means that the people best able to allay those costs and achieve like rather afford the huge database that are needed. The incredibly expensive kinds of people you have to hire for this are the elite or the ruling parties or the ones that are the wealthiest. And what that means is, in the same way we can ban things or enforce things like public campaign financing and not have private campaigns. I think this is similar in principle because allowing people to have more choices is better able at aggregating preference when people can actually make different decisions rather than having the wealthiest campaign spenders rise to the top because it's a strong and powerful mechanism. All the mechanism that Max says are ones that do not work for the poorest parties or rather for the richest parties, but will work definitely for the poorest ones. I'm very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionI think government are trying to have four different debates at once. Let's be clear on what the actual comparative is, what the motion calls for us to defend and what the motion calls for us to ban. Check your phones. It is specifically about the use of advanced analytics in political campaigns. Note, you have the incentive and capacity for the elite to want to maintain their power anyway, so they will use whatever tools are available to them outside of the spamming. What does this mean? First, this means that the elite will be able to use the tools that are available to them outside of the spamming. Second, this means that the elite What does this mean? Firstly, is you still have artificial intelligence doing mass generation of political advertisements because it's not using advanced analytics to determine what those advertisements are. It's just making as much as possible. It's language writing or AI. Secondly, you still get targeted advertising, but it's a little bit more blunt. So you send your black voter, your black voter advertisement rather than something which is specifically targeting their specific needs and wants. Notably, this oftentimes is built up in rigid social biases about what you think a particular group wants or what you think will be persuasive towards them. This means the deputy prime minister example of Wall Street voters versus regular voters getting different advertisements is absolutely not comparative. Thirdly, you still use simple models and analytics about what is the most persuasive thing towards people in general or a particular group of people. The difference is that it's not personalized towards an individual, right? The world is massively dystopian on either side of the house. So let's compare top half now. Opening government. What are the claims that they make? Firstly, they say your output massively increases. Notably, this is absolutely not comparative because of the things I've just said where AI can still do a huge amount of increasing output. Secondly, they say it's easier to fool fact checkers because of the amount of increase in advertising. Note, this is hung on the same premise that you massively increase the degree to which you're doing these things. You can still have disseminated messages. You can still have AI making 5,000 different kinds of advertisements and sending them to the people that you think you want to do. The difference is the advanced analytics about what makes up those advertisements and who they're sending them to you. Thirdly, they say increases widespread propaganda. Note again, this is hung on the previous claim too because it's about the scale rather than what's in the actual message itself. Fourthly, they say there's a higher barrier to entry here because it's expensive. Notably, this isn't really comparative either. Even with the ban, you would still have the most amount of capital for conventional advertising and conventional targeted advertising going towards those with the most power within society. But note the comparative here because we explained to you there's a lower barrier to entry for doing things like unlocking previously locked away voter bases, which is to say under the status quo until like the 2016 election, like black Democrats were absolutely fucked because the Democratic Party knew that they could always rely on their votes and the Republicans knew that they could never access them, which means they never got things like schools built in their districts, proper healthcare, actual catering towards their needs. Now that there is the fear from the Democrats that targeted advertising from the Republican Party could unlock this voter base or could engage with them or could persuade them, that's when they actually had to start catering towards their things, passing policies about defunding the police, all those other things that you've got on our side of the house that you do not get on their side of the house. Let's weigh up these two groups then, right? The increase in political parties from opening government versus on our side when we have increased actualization and preferences. Firstly, we propose to you that you get at least some choice, right? Because if you get more political parties on their side, it doesn't actually really matter if those parties aren't catering towards people in society. Secondly, get better preference aggregation for all people, right? So the Republicans are also catering towards their existing voter base on a better level now. Notably like most political campaigns are like local campaigns, right? What this actually looks like in the real world panel is that you realize that your voter base actually doesn't care about this hospital as much as they care about building this road in this area. That's what the majority of this kind of policy is going to look like. Thirdly, also like a lot of big tech is quite liberal because there are young people in general who tend towards being a little bit more liberal, meaning they're not always going to fund the institutionally powerful actors. They're also going to fund left-wing parties and just in general, other parties as well. But also you have philanthropists and elites who are able to fund smaller political parties, getting into these kinds of domains in the first place. So on a comparative of their preferences, it seems that opening government has very little. What is the remaining claim from opening government and how are we going to win it? The remaining claim, and this is where the case ship happens in DPM when they realize that their actual counterfactual doesn't really work, is the idea that you're going to focus on manufacturing preferences versus catering towards preferences. So let's run through that now and why it's more likely that our side is the more plausible. The first thing they say is that, aha, anger is really useful in terms of, as a tool of rallying people up. Notably, this is not comparative because if you already know that anger is the most persuasive thing, that's what you put in all your messaging. The comparative is on our side when we're able to determine that for some people, anger is not the best tool for riling them up, but things like hope for a better future, persuasion along the lines of helping out your neighbor and that kind of thing, we can get that uniquely on our side of the house because their side has to be more rigid and dogmatic about what they're engaging with in these kinds of political campaigns. Nor would we then, misinformation is still going to be used on either side of the house, but we would portray to you that on our side of the house, it's easier to do things like catering to preferences because look at the comparative here. On their side of the house, they must both persuade you that the world is not what you think it is and then also persuade you to vote for you. On our side of the house, we just need to persuade you to vote for you. We say that when you can cater to individual preferences, maybe things that they did not even realize yet, that is far more easy to do when you have this kinds of analytics because it means that you can access what opening governments say, the idea that someone is truly listening to you for the first time, truly speaking on your behalf, et cetera. When you do not have the ability to properly do that for most people, that's when you have to rely more on misinformation because you do not have the necessary tools available for you to determine that kind of thing. Before I move on, opening government. is there any reason why you think you might be winning the top half? > POI: So the problem I have here is not only do you never prove the capacity here, which we prove is mutually exclusive, like the whole point is that we don't give an account on the advanced analytics to know the best way to avoid auditing. Just because you think sometimes politicians can be good, doesn't mean you should give them the tools to lie to us. No, but like if your claim there is that you need to regulate it because it can't be regulated, most like human life can't probably be regulated. Like that's not a claim towards why it should be banned. If your idea is that like, oh, it's difficult to audit this, you can't tell what people are doing. Again, that's not comparative. We're using large scale, artificially intelligent generated AIs to like create political campaigns. Like that element of the case is not comparative either. The comparative thing in the context of this debate is the comparative between whether you allow voters or like campaigns to look at what an individual voter's preferences are outside of their social biases, which oftentimes people aren't even aware of, as Jack points out to you, and weigh on that basis, or whether you have to use blunt instruments on their side of the house, like relying on a particular like black voter or like a female voter to do particular things. Inherently on their side of the house, targeted advertising is much worse because it only cares to what you socially believe that that group should be engaging with, rather than what actually that group of individuals might actually want. So how do we weigh up this debate in terms of what we bring you in opening opposition? We put forward to you a very simple claim that gets very weak responses from opening government. The claim here is that when you're able to tap into individual's preferences, their deep lying preferences, that is the thing that is most persuasive towards them because they feel like they're being truly listened to. Opening government agreed with this in their own mechanization, so they can't walk back on it. In those instances, that's what you do. You unlock voter bases who you didn't previously have. You get more people engaging the political platform and you get better policy overall insofar as these promises translate into policy in most instances. On their side of the house, they absolutely must stand over blanket policies, which defer to the lowest common denominator of things like anger, of things like misinformation, of things like drumming up hate because they have no other tools available to them to determine what it is that people want. It's a very simple case from opening opposition that's very persuasive because it pertains to the most proximate consideration of this debate, which is who gets more preferences actualized in the political realm. Therefore, we've gone through this debate and we beg you to oppose.
CG · GovernmentThe way that we're going to win this debate is that we're going to talk through the nuance of all the other political actors and all the others involved in the space of utilizing this technology that create truly horrific outcomes for people that opening half has completely ignored. I'm going to address three main things. Firstly, I'm going to talk through privacy. Secondly, I'm going to talk about cost and political access. And lastly, I'm going to talk about accountability regarding legislation and things that are openly missed. So firstly, on this notion of privacy, we think that it's incredibly important to note that the way opening half set up this debate is that corporations are going to be taking a consultant and these things are going to be involved in this process. And they're going to be have to build massive data files on how people vote, right? Because we don't think you can just predict what someone's most core interest is or what things they most fundamentally care about or how to make the most effective data building platform with just like a little bit of information. You have to be going and trying to collect as much as you possibly can. Are these people sympathetic to gay people? Are they sympathetic to immigrants? Are they sympathetic towards things like climate change? That is not just a little bit of information that a large amount of a political file building around them. Notably, we think the companies that are going to be contracted the most by governments or political parties or the ones that are likely to be engaged with the most are the ones that do this the best and most comprehensively. We now need to have a race to the top in terms of companies trying to get the best representation of you by collecting more and more data. We think that this means things like partnerships with groups like Facebook and Google because they can offer shit tons of money to those companies in order to get access to third party data that they already sell because a political party is going to pay them even more if they can present this really comprehensive file. What is this data and what is it likely to look like? Because opening half doesn't really give us any conception of this. We think this looks like, you know, the photos that you're contained in if you're like, you know, traveling a lot or those kinds of things, maybe you can be classified as, you know, slightly wealthier and they can continue in that way. Looks at the groups you are. Are you in like a gay support group because one of your friends is? Are you liking posts that Amnesty International is putting out and so therefore more likely to vote for causes that are very pro-refugee? It also might look at things like things your schools go to because if you send your kids to a private school rather than a public school, you might be a little bit more concerned about the quality of education and those things to regard with that. What that ends up with is data that is incredibly fucked up that looks at things like the percentage likelihood of how gay you are and how sympathetic you're going to be on like, you know, mentions of a ruling that refers to like anti-homosexuality laws or things like that. What tax bracket you're in, what you look up, all those kinds of things. We think this is deeply problematic for a couple of reasons. Firstly, and briefly to principle privacy level, people just don't really consent to this. We think it's beyond the fairness you can send you by using Facebook and Google for people to compile like an Omni tab on you. But secondly, we think that there is an incredible vulnerability of data leaks, right? Because, you know, at the same rate that technology and cybersecurity is increasing, so too is things like hacking, trying to get data into these things. We think that when like collapses of like the NHS's hospital infrastructure have occurred in notorious cyber attacks, we don't think it's okay for an opposition team to get up and just say, we can guard against it, right? Any data that you collect is susceptible to, you know, exposure to leaks. That is why bank accounts get leaked all the time and put up on places like the dark web. We think a couple of things occur for this at an individual level. We think that there is an increased susceptibility to individuals of crime for the things that are leaked. If you're able to build up a comprehensive view of like how people interact their lives, when they go to their house based on like things like location data, what school their kids go to or things like that, that allows for more things like even things like kidnapping to be involved in this. We also think there's likely to be like backlash from companies or doxing and things like that. Because if a company that you're working for has quite a strong stance against like gay people in parts of the world that isn't particularly well regulated or where public figures have their addresses exposed or like, you know, minorities are exposed in times that hate speech is likely to be amped up as our opening explains it is. We think all those things put a lot of individuals at risk from other individuals within this. But the third and perhaps the most important thing to note is the abuse by government. Because notably they can either seize or the government is literally a political party that has access to all this information. Which means that all this data isn't just relevant to the people you think you can win over in the campaign but it's the demographics matter for all the policy and decisions that you make after but you still have access to all of it within this. Which means, you know, if you're looking at like say US context, it means you can flag to the authority if someone has looked up abortion access in the past or audit plan C that puts you on a watch list that if you ever need to access it again in the future or makes it look like you are more supportive of those kinds of things. We think this is particularly bad for groups such as minorities or any group that the state wishes to oppress. Particularly the more, the weaker the democracy you get the more ability for authoritarianism to seep through the more just active discrimination a state engages in. We think that that is much more likely to be fucked. Notably that the increased investment or because of the competition incentive of parties with religions in this technology and that race to top by companies means this data is so much more comprehensive than it could ever exist in any other thing. That is incredibly fucked. Before I go on, I'll take opening opposition. > POI: Yeah, this is very, very basic data which does not require advanced analytics to use and which governments, policymakers, corporations and parties all already buy anyway. This isn't private anymore. This is the 21st century. Yeah, so that didn't listen at all to me in my analysis as to why companies have an incentive to race to the top because the better the data file you build the better accuracy you have in elections which have noticeably had poor polling in the past. The better all those things you can do the more political parties are likely to pay for it. I gave very clear reasons as to why that is not true. Second thing I wanted to talk about is cost and political access. We've already had a bit in this debate one of the major flaws in campaigning at present is money because visibility is incredibly essential where there's a lot of apathy and political systems particularly where you have non-compulsory voting, right? But we think that this isn't just about increasing like the campaigning gap that exists in the status quo and this is how we get over that opening government is that the cost uniquely hurts grassroots movements, right? Because notably they often require a far more direct and personal connection as their way of campaigning and trying to get out and get that visibility that's so important to have people actually turn up to the polls for you. You require volunteers. It's the only way for visibility where you don't have massive sums of money to throw all these kinds of things. Notably massive election parties often are only able to use like massive ads that are able to get widespread reach. We think this competes with a lot of grassroots movements that are often run by like groups that are historically disadvantaged in society or come from like more progressive backgrounds. This isn't just saying progress is good this is saying that having more candidates of a different variety is quite good in this debate. And we think they have a far less lack of success and a far less lack of buy-in by volunteers when they've been directly competed on on their ability to connect with individuals. Last thing I'm gonna talk about is lobby groups where we think there's more political actors than just this. We think that lobby groups have certain political interests such as mining companies that are incredibly wealthy compared to like the equivalent like grassroots more progressive thing also probably going to have some kind of access to these kinds of things. And when we think that, when a subset of people who would view a political party's advertisements more critically but not another thing, we think that they don't react in the same way and they don't have the same election laws imposed on them. They can probably get away with even more of the polarization stuff. What's important to note at this is that privacy is an incredibly important thing in this debate that only leaves people in massive danger. That is why we're so proud to propose.
CO · OppositionWe're gonna be talking about three primary things on closing opposition. Firstly, a far better explanation than our opening about why there are massive information gaps that parties have under the status quo. Secondly, why this information gaps lead to an over concentration of attention on swing states and how we bridge that gap. And finally, on how we advantage smaller parties. Before that, I have a couple of responses On data leaks, this is likely to be highly regulated. People are horrified of data leaks. They don't want corporations to get their data. They're scared of things like Cambridge Analytica, meaning that A, they're likely to push for state regulation of these systems. But number two, companies want to internally regulate themselves to avoid things like data leaks in order to avoid defection from political parties to purchase the tech of other companies instead. On their claim about now you're going to see people who are Googling abortion, first of this is about an aggregation of metadata. I don't think it's necessarily clear that, you know, the individual Google searches that every person is making. But secondly, if states or companies wanted to be oppressive, they still have access to this information on the cloud regardless. Meaning that if people are going to be scared that chilling effect, our first major extension is better for reasons that are opening about why there are information gaps under the status quo. O, only really says like deep emotions. It's kind of assertive why parties cannot access people's emotional tendencies under the status quo. The actual reason is that parties have massive resource constraints and investigating all invaluable information about voter demographics is extremely expensive. Resource constraints is a very intuitive premise. They only have so many donations. They need to pay their staff within the party. They need to pay to run ads. They need to pay to lobby. They need to pay to organize things like rallies. And otherwise these kinds of things are very expensive. Firstly, door-to-door knocking over extremely wide areas often involves paying staff, especially when there's inefficient volunteers. And it's often just not feasible if you're not a regionally based party to actually do this in all constituencies. Secondly, there's just an infinite number of policy areas to try and learn and discover from other people. And thirdly, trying to understand nuance preferences is often less searching for the party than the guaranteed impacts of trying to mobilize voters when you already have. I mean, given that they have other expenses, their marginal tipping point often resorts away from actually learning valuable things about voters. Therefore, if you think that O's impact about like campaigning to people more accurately is important, we better ultimately mechanize that claim. Given that there's resource constraints, what OG says to clash with this is basically, it doesn't really matter because now parties are going to do really bad things like try and manufacture your preferences and send contradictory information to voters, especially when it comes to polarization. I have two responses to this. Firstly, sending contradictory messages to voters is a bad political strategy because then both groups are going to be pissed when it comes to broken promises. Obviously, if you have contradictory promises, you're unable to fulfill both. So if you do that, you're going to increase backlash from the group that you actually lied to. Secondly though, other comparative, I'm just not sure that saying publicly hateful things rather than polarizing underground is actually a better strategy. Figures with cults of personalities doing racism, sexism, and homophobia normalize those things in political discourse to a much larger extent. I think that we prove that under both sides of the house, parties will have an incentive to manufacture preferences. On both worlds, we're structurally proved that by the information that they have access to to manufacture preferences is information that is substantially worse. Our second extension that is by limited information leads to an over concentration on swing states. When parties do not have enough info, the safest campaign strategy becomes doubling down on swing states and highly contested areas. The reason for this is a capacity issue. On both sides of the house, you have the idealistic incentive to campaign in a higher number of areas because digging into perceived state seats on the other side is more advantageous to expand the tent of your party into the longterm. However, now you need to have the financial capacity to learn things about voters that are not in swing states. You just have to swallow the fixed cost of purchasing a machine to rapidly have access to information about a very, very wide group of voters. So under our side, you look into the demographics of a far more expansive group for the same fixed cost. I think that therefore, parties are gonna be more likely to crack slowly into the safe seats of the other side and to actually investigate these voters, especially because under the status quo, they're often wrong about how safe seats actually are for other parties. They're always using lagging data based on past information at a certain point in time because you have no empirical way to actually update that kind of data. So perhaps an area could be a swing state, but you're assuming that it's a safe seat for the other party. And if you're basically just letting them have that seat. We also believe that it's more possible under our side of the house to actually crack safe seats to a large extent when you have access to more intel about voter demographics in other constituencies. I think that it's good for parties to try and crack safe seats more for a few reasons. The first is that under the status quo, swing states just arbitrarily get more resources because more campaign promises go there and you try to entice them more in the campaigning promises. This is often a non-utilitarian ways, i.e. protectionist tariffs in manufacturing suites in swing state areas, even if this harms other voting demographics that you could ultimately cater to and is giving them a lot of white elephant projects. They're often just a waste of time and a waste of resources. But secondly, there's just a better way to facilitate people's right to vote and right to access information because you get more campaigning in areas where people are previously neglected, not giving information to at all. I think in top half, it's pretty unclear whether on OO you get more accurate info and on OG you manufacture preferences. Logically prior to that is actually paying attention to a higher group of voters in the first place. Before I talk about smaller parties, we'll take OG. > POI: Racist messages have more emotional power with more information and are less likely to be corrected and lose you popularity. Yes, Trump still does this on our side, but he also ... No, no, no. Racist messages don't have more power with more information. I don't get this. You know that people are racist. You're just going to resort to the same stereotypes. The Mexican immigrants are criminals. We need to build a wall to keep them out. I'm not sure why it takes a rocket scientist with perfectly accurate information to just say racist things. How do we advantage smaller parties? Both, under both sides of the house, parties obviously want this. The problem is that it's really expensive for all the reasons that I gave to adequately gather info under the status quo. You have to hire a lot of people. You have to hire fancy analysts. You have to like, you can still hire analysts on both sides. Those analysts just don't have the same kind of advanced data schemes. An advantage is larger parties more because you have more volunteers who engage in things like door knocking. So smaller regionally based parties are pretty screwed. Why is this tech probably going to be afforded by smaller parties? First, you have a fixed cost versus to a long run expensive cost. Yes, like it might be like quite expensive at first. We can just like convince other people in the party. You know, we have to have this one-time expense. Then you get good tech into the longterm versus the continual cost every single campaign of having to try and hire a higher number of people, which is quite infeasible. Secondly, though, the tech is just unlikely to be that expensive. It's not like only one company has this tech. It's patented and it's really fancy. A lot of analytic data is used by myriad of corporations under the status quo. When it comes to things like actuaries using this and banks and all of that stuff, it's just like AI evaluation mechanisms to scan large groups of data that a bunch of industries are tapping into. Meaning that there is corporate competition, a variety of companies selling this data, which exerts standard pressure on prices. So big companies, big parties, sorry, always have more info on their side. Whereas we level the playing field by decreasing the barriers to entry for small parties to use tech. And even if this tech is marginally worse than the tech that big parties have, given that underlying algorithms will just help with information gathering, it's likely to be more similar. Helping smaller parties is hugely, hugely important because large parties are often complacent and do not adequately cater to preferences. They often assume that they're safe groups of voters, often old institutionalists within the party. So often it's too Big Ten to actually cater toward anyone's preferences. Smaller parties help bridge this gap by directly catering to things that people want, like more environmental or pro-feminist policies and challenge the establishment by posing a meaningful threat to their electoral power to force bigger parties to adopt their base to become more representative. Extremely proud to stand in CO.
CG · GovernmentDealing briefly with the CO's extension about swing seats, then talking about access, people's reaction to this information, and finally, why we win on privacy alone. Firstly, dealing with CO's extension on swing seats. I think the first thing to note is that the idea that parties only focus on seats they think they can win, that haven't swung in the past, is empirically untrue in the status quo. I think parties are continually going to look at ways that they think potentially seats might swing now that they haven't in the past. So for example, states like Ohio swing in like the 2016 election when they haven't previously for a period of really long time. I think that's because parties still are likely to look at different ways they can get a comparative advantage. But the second thing is to say that in this status quo, you're still likely to try and focus on everyone anyway, because you have a national coherent message that people look to, whereas that doesn't exist on the government side, opposition side, to nearly the same degree. Finally, I think you also have parties that have the likely same belief that swing seats just have people who are easier to convince in the first place. So for example, Republicans are trying to likely to look at Democrats in seats that are traditionally swing seats as opposed to California Democrats, because they think they ultimately might be more receptive to the Republican ideal. But notably, what I'm going to prove to you in the rest of this speech is this disproportionately benefits certain groups of people and not others. So even if you think that swing seats are going to be targeted less and countries are going to be targeted as a whole, then it's obviously a really bad thing if it only disproportionately promotes populism, for example. Okay, secondly, on access. What Harry told you in his speech that this uniquely locks out grassroots movement and CEO's second part of their extension is kind of responsive to this. The first is that the thing they kind of say is it's really expensive to kind of campaign in a wide direction in the status quo, but when you have competition for this information, it's likely to be cheap. The first thing to note is that it's not inherently really expensive to campaign in the status quo. A lot of grassroots movements, in particular left-wing grassroots movements, rely on large volunteer bases in order to make their things happen. So it's not nearly difficult to the degree that government wants to tell you. But the second thing to note here is this is unlikely to be cheap because of competition. This is incredibly valuable corporate product that these companies are selling. You could have a contract with the Republican Party for millions of dollars, essentially, because that is how valuable it is to them, right? Is it big parties that set the price in this instance, not the small parties? And obviously they have an incentive to lock the small parties out. So they're likely to make contracts, for example, with companies that means they cannot sell this data to smaller groups. And because it's such a big undertaking, it's likely to be incredibly expensive for these companies in the first place to provide that data. So they're unlikely to do it for cheap. We get over opening opposition here, right? Because we explain why the amount, the groups of people you lock out is disproportionate. They say it's expensive, but we tell you the people with the most money in politics are often on the right wing because they have the corporate interest to keep things like mining going and to keep policies that promote corporate interests up. So it is disproportionately, for example, right-wing lobbyist groups or right-wing parties that have access to this data. Obviously, big left-wing parties will have access to this data as well, but it is smaller left-wing parties and left-wing grassroots movements that don't get this data in the future and are significantly less electorally successful because they have to continue to do things that are not targeted while everyone else has that targeted information. That is why access is so much worse and we win the debate on that alone because obviously it means you have less representative democracy here. Secondly, on reaction to this and dealing with stuff that both opening and closing opposition tell us about media scrutiny. I think what we have to note here is that a lot of media scrutiny on like incorrect facts and statements right now that parties have said is led by people being angry, right? So conservative voters don't call out conservative parties for having incorrect facts because it ultimately benefits them. They're called out when these ads are on national TV and voters that disagree with them bring those to their national electoral commission. But no, parties are now able to bypass that and make sure their misinformation only goes to people who won't tolerate it, right? I think this is important because your enemies seem a whole lot less bad and people who are against your interests when the only things they tell you make them seem kind of good. So for example, I am probably less likely to think poorly of the conservative party in Australia even though they do really fucked up shit. If they only give me ads about how good they've been on the environment in the past three years, and that means I'm significantly less likely to try and fact check them for certain claims or I'm even less likely to see those claims in the first place. This response to the stuff that opening opposition told you about misinformation existing on both sides, obviously it does. It is much more visible under their side of the house than outside of the house and under the side of the house where parties are able to find it. Now dealing with opening opposition stuff about looking at people's preferences, I think they kind of implicitly note to you throughout their speeches that values are the kind of things that people find convincing, not facts, which is really important because Trump tries really hard to win voters still and he tries really hard to win the white man. Whereas instead of the status quo, he kind of moderates his racism, right? Because obviously it isn't palatable to everyone. What he does now is incredibly racist towards the people that they have found enjoy racism and to people who do not, they try and get the empathetic white man by making him be more empathetic to American farmers, thereby meaning that he doesn't support policies on immigration, right? That is incredibly important because when you talk about looking at preferences, you have to know they're bypassing people's, sorry, values. They're bypassing people's rationality and helping people actually vote for things they disagree with. No, that's probably disproportionately helpful for the right wing because people who are already racist are unlikely to be convinced by pleas to be more empathetic, but people who are empathetic can be convinced by pleas that suggests they should be empathetic towards different people. We also win on this thing about reaction alone because Harry tells you that people think of this information far less critically when they're not from political parties. Things like lobbying groups exist and people are less likely to evaluate the information that they get from those parties critically, which means this misinformation is likely to be even more powerful when it's particularly targeted. I'm gonna go into privacy instead, but before I do, I'll tuck it away from opening. > POI: Delta privacy is low and small parties are likely economically locked out either way, but both of these things are only important because they let people control their own lives, which we get better by unlocking disenfranchised voters and better actualising preferences. One, you don't like allow disenfranchised voters to access their preferences any better when you're trying to exploit their emotions. Two, small parties are not like locked out in the status quo and can do things that are effective political campaigning for free. They cannot do that when the bigger parties have this comparative advantage on cost. Okay, on privacy, opening opposition characterises this debate as these people knowing about your true values. How the fuck do they determine this without trolling through everything you have done on the internet for an incredibly long period of time? Otherwise, that's kind of the thing that opening opposition relies on here. So if you believe that, you have to believe this is incredibly invasive. Political and parties have an incentive to find the most information possible because that is going to be their comparative advantage to winning these elections. Note, they don't even have to make a partnership with a tech company, right? They control your publicly available information on your Facebook and your Instagram. They have a whole little pile of data that AI analyses to find out who you truly are. But we also tell you they're likely to lobby Google and Facebook. It is so much money that is incredibly likely that these tech companies do sell it to them and probably do so in an underground way to avoid criticism. But no, this data has to be held for a period of time and it is unlikely to be anonymous because they are directly tying this data about you to trying to campaign to you. What does this mean? First is we are much more vulnerable to data leaks, right? This is the literal most valuable data in the world, obviously for international groups that want to interfere with domestic politics, but also just for corporations wanting to advertise. Closing opposition says there'll be regulation, but obviously government information is already incredibly valuable and people get it hacked anyway. But the second thing is to say that if these things do get hacked, these groups are just likely to hide it in the first place so we don't even know that it happens. But the second thing here is to note that this doesn't even rely on hacking. Governments in many countries are often political parties. In countries that don't have strong anti-corruption laws, this gives them access to data that they never had before in a way to control your preferences that uniquely benefits them and uniquely benefits enforcement of rules. This is debate winning in of its own, so proud to propose.
CO · OppositionI'm gonna talk about four things. First, why OG is wrong about the new marginal incentives for contradictions and racism. Two, why the CG extension is just very low impact. Third, extraneous responses. And fourth, extensive weighing against what OOM is. First, why is OG wrong? I think they make two very problematic assumptions. Number one, that there are very few costs to parties using contradictions and aggressively racist messaging, or that those costs can be overcome using personalized messaging. I'll deal with their first argument. You're better at targeting people's internal emotions, and therefore, as a result, you're able to shift their preferences in some meaningful way. First of all, I think the front half just ultimately deadlocks on the question of whether people have these hidden magical preferences that OO says, or whether you could invent new preferences for them as OG says. They're awfully unspecific about how this occurs. OO counter-asserts that they're like in their psyche somewhere deep in there. I think the better way to deal with this clash is the question is, do you use this for anger? Under OG's own characterization, parties already know that anger is the most powerful and primal emotion, quote DPM. This means that you're going to get populists like Trump in either world being electorally successful by using the stuff, especially in the status quo. The difference is now the establishment, or at the very least small parties who aren't racist and literally anyone else other than angry right-wing populists are vastly better at tuning into people's emotions. So in a world where you would like to get these outcomes in non-constructive ways, other parties are able to tap into people's preferences. The important implication here is that OO just says, more disenfranchised voters vote and people feel more politically engaged. Total assertion. Our response is a valuable electoral strategy for some parties to get specifically advantaged by a randomness, like having access to people's emotions in better ways. Now all parties do. So there's better electoral competition. Next thing they say, you're better at micro-targeting racism and using contradictory messages. And their framing is like in the status quo, Trump has to broadcast being racist to everyone and he doesn't like this. He wants to do hidden racism. I have a couple of responses. Number one, I think OO probably sufficiently marginalized his claim already. Lots of people have internal racism they don't know about and it's not gonna be necessarily visible to people on social media. So I think in a lot of cases, there is a preference in general for populist racist politicians to want this stuff to be public because more people pick up on it. Look what Trump did in Florida, for example, with weaponizing Latinos against new immigrants and black Americans. Second of all, there are costs to doing these things. Even if you micro-target really well, all it takes is one person leaking this to the media or people starting to talk about it on social media and other parties noticing and reposting their ads. Like look, Democratic campaign literally did this to Trump. They found the racist stuff he was spreading to different groups and they pointed out the contradictions. So the point is that this is costly, even if it becomes marginally easier to do it. This means it won't be used in a lot of cases and is not very impactful. I think the last thing is, Naomi already points out, if you contradict in your first campaign and then you get elected, you have to break that promise at some point. And we know for a bunch of like very obvious illustrations that voters very, very heavily dislike politicians breaching promises because it's a very clear thing that voters see tangibly. This is not gonna happen. They say that elite parties are able to successfully use this stuff more. Number one, this is just an outright contradiction from OG. They say the angry populace use this more because anger. Now they say elite parties use this stuff more. If anything, they should just counteract. The elite parties can get people to know people's emotions more so too can the populace. Second of all, Naomi's extension implicitly clashes. She points out why the resource constraint to scaling a campaign and getting volunteers in all kinds of districts is one that has increasing marginal cost at every point. But technology is comparatively a fixed cost. Yes, it takes a lot of money to get. Yes, it takes a lot of resources, but once you have it, you have it. And the maintenance costs over time are far lower than every campaign having to rescale. So once you have this, it scales in similar ways for all parties versus volunteers scaling with general like popularity, established patronage networks, et cetera. Last of all, OG has some unique content on bots, which they dropped in DPM when they realized it didn't work. But I do just wanna point out that bots are fully non-comparative. A, the motion is explicitly about the use in campaigns, not about the use by Russian AI bots, which are gonna exist in either world. And number two, the types of technology you need for these bots do not require advanced analytics as OO points out. So here's the issue with OO. OO does a lot of great work at this point in the debate to say, OG does not debate on the right margin. OG is not expressly engaging with all the material on advanced analytics uniquely because there are still blunt instruments in the status quo. The issue is OO just marginalizes their own case to a massive extent here too, because they don't prove beyond saying you have access to people's emotions. Why this should matter if the blunt messages can work reasonably well. In fact, in their own ref, they say people are already gonna use anger. So presumably OO doesn't actually get to prove that people have some meaningful access to emotions that's unique. I'll get more on OO later. First, I just wanna wipe out CG. Number one, data leaks, symmetrical. If anything, they get less bad when there's more high stakes info. And when there are more actors who are dedicated to not having this info leaks, you spend more money on data security and there's more competition in this market as parties begin to use it. I also think there are large marginal incentives to hack Facebook for lots of money, regardless to ransom political parties, et cetera, which means this is broadly not comparative. They add that lobbyists can use this stuff too for some reason. I mean, this seems like a point for us. This seems like a reason why if you ban political parties using this stuff during campaigns, but you let the lobbyists still use it outside of campaigns, then they go to parties and they're like, look at this polling we got about why these voters specifically want this. So this seems like a reason just for us. If you ban it for the comparatively good guys like political parties, but you don't for corporations and lobbyists, then this seems to flip. Last, they say there are lots of incentives to target a lot of areas in politics. This is only mitigatory, right? This says sometimes the swing steeps change, but the point is that in general, specific regions are advantaged over time, even if it changes slightly on the margins. OG. > POI: The reason that it's more strategic to cater to a broad base without AA rather than dividing them is because you can't assure you rile up emotions effectively, and it is too risky to be blunt. All in all, it just ignores all the preemption we've given, and it just kind of assumes they're right about the anger comparative. So if it's that you're catering to a broad base because you have uncertainty, I mean, parties have ideologies, right? They're limited and constrained in terms of who they can broadly persuade. The point is that certain parties are gonna have random comparative advantages at accessing people's emotions, which means they're electorally successful compared to all parties having similar resources that relating to people, meaning they can positively explain using the same relatable language what their policies are. This flips disinfo from opening government, which is the most important thing. Right now, you use disinformation because it gets the anger. OG agrees that anger is the most powerful thing. In our world, you're better accessing people's preferences, and you have more resources. This means that you are less likely to need to resort to misinfo, which has costs of getting called out, and you can actually explain why your positive reasons work. Why over OO? OO is never clear on whether parties use a tech to provide accurate info or try to manufacture different preferences. We break that deadlock. Number two, we point out why small parties can use this, therefore beating OG in terms of their elitism stuff and actually explaining why this is useful for politics in terms of more areas getting political resources and more parties getting political resources compared to the randomness of the status quo. And finally, in terms of the OO material on disenfranchised voters, I don't know why OG isn't right that they can get people not to vote. So OO doesn't prove this claim. We explicitly weigh over this by explaining the campaign incentives, whereas OO is mitigatory to the point where it harms their own case. For all those reasons, proud to take the debate.
empate bp_232 · The House Regrets the dominance of left/liberal views at universities.
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): The House Regrets the dominance of left/liberal views at universities.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (OO,CG) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=232, label gold.csv = "OO,CG".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a consistent focus on the functional utility of liberal dominance in universities (social mobility, protest movements, and protection of marginalized groups). DEBATEDOR_A relied heavily on anecdotal evidence and personal narrative, failing to provide a robust structural rebuttal to the tangible benefits of inclusive campus environments.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentThe world of opening and closing opposition is a world where academia is seen exclusively as the domain of the left. And the consequence of that is that it has led to substantial opposition towards academia and has weakened its place in society. But more to that, it's also led to the right increasingly not relying on well-founded views, well-documented views, well-proven views. Because the source of those views and the source of the legitimacy of those views has been stripped away from them from politics. I'm going to do three things in this speech. Firstly, briefly on set-up. Secondly, on opposition to academia. And thirdly, on what this does to discourse and research. Firstly, on set-up. Three notes on set-up. Firstly, what does the status quo look like? We think the status quo looks like a dominance among academics, among curriculum, among students, and amongst the general output of universities. Which is to say, that dominance has permeated through all of universities. There aren't healthy pockets of conservatives. There aren't particular factions of conservatives that have sway, that have a voice. They don't have any capacity to push back against the leftist sway. Secondly, what does the counterfactual look like? We think the most probable counterfactual in this debate is a diverse and healthy mix of political views that exist. That is not only because it's very difficult to form a dominant majority from any other particular position, given that the helpful rise of leftism has been somewhat of an accident. But it's also because each of those groups has strong incentives to make sure that their voices are heard. So you would imagine that in a vacuum, the likely absence of dominant leftism leads to a mix of more healthy political views. We think it's extraordinarily unlikely to look like a dominance of right-wing views. But moreover, we also think that even if you believe it looks like a dominance of right-wing views, those right-wing views are unlikely to look like the most vivid, the most aggressive views. Why is that the case? Two reasons. Firstly, because we think the context of universities is not conducive to those views, because they have to be demonstrated to have some basis in reality, to have some proof behind them. And those views factually do not. Secondly, we also think that the context of differing political views all having to clash against one another typically weeds out the most extreme, the most radical views, which is why the most likely counterfactual, even the most favorable one for these guys, doesn't look like bigotry having its place in academia. But the third and final note I can set up there with me is that leftism and liberalism, much to many debaters' dismay, is not an a priori good in this debate. It's not assumed that leftism and liberalism is what we ought to be standing behind in this debate. And it's incumbent upon this opposition bench to explain to you that things like individualism, things like reasonable, sensible, progressive policy done through conservative lenses, doesn't have significant value and shouldn't be what we care about in this debate. Before I move on, closing. > POI: If the right-wing can moderate the most extreme versions of their own views, why couldn't the left-wing do it as well? The left-wing doesn't do it in the status quo for the simple reason they have no incentive to moderate. When you have complete dominance, there's no reason to moderate behind. The only incentive is to keep proliferating views. But more to the point, the capacity to moderate is limited when those opposing views aren't brought to the fore like they would in our world. So, what does that mean? That means that this debate is primarily about why a healthy mix of political views on university campuses leads to benefits. Which leads me to my first point of constructive. Opposition to academia in the status quo. The reality is that the status quo is not one where everyone buys into academia. Both from a structural political level, but also on the ground with respect to how people view the research and the policy outcomes that come out of university. That is primarily because around 50% of the world views academia exclusively as the domain of left-wing elites. People they are fundamentally oppositional to. Let's explain why that's the case. The first reason is that there are a series of parties that have strong political objectives to delegitimize universities. That is the right-wing. Why is that the case? That's the case because when the left has dominance over universities, it means the output of those universities becomes threatening to the right. Either because it's producing more left-wing students that undermine their voter base. Or, to the point, it produces more left-wing policy outcomes which undermines the right. It's very hard to make a justification for why we ought not vote for climate change when all university academics say that we should vote for climate change policy. Unless you're able to say that universities are corrupt, left-wing, nonsense, high-falutin places that we should have paid no heed to. And that means powerful institutions like right-wing media run by Rupert Burden or right-wing politicians that dominate half of the political discourse across the world have strong incentives to constantly reduce the effectiveness of universities. And they have two tools to do so. The first of which is undermining it through discourse by suggesting that we ought not pay any heed to it. And the second of which is to directly, politically attack it. By defunding universities. By making it more difficult to access universities. By promoting alternate pathways through life and suggesting that universities ought not be something that we should engage with. And the consequence of that has been that around the world, despite attendance rising in universities, funding hasn't risen for universities. And universities have increasingly had less and less effect on the political domain. But secondly, we would suggest that even to the extent that you don't believe that structurally they're being politically harmed, the cultural buy-in for universities diminished significantly. Which means the research that's being produced from universities, people on the ground from the right, don't buy into it. They don't think we should pay any heed to it. They don't think it should be something that's considered in the first place. What are the two impacts of this? Firstly, research and well-founded opinions have significantly less sway in the opposition world. That's important because in this debate, irrespective of the political position of the ordinary intelligent voter, you would have to suggest that well-founded opinions, opinions that have been subject to the marketplace of ideas and the willing down to that which actually has impact on our society, should take precedence. Because the context to a side opposition is that even if you believe that the left is still informed by academia, the right increasingly isn't. And the right still is going to be in power 50% of the time. And we would prefer that that 50% of the time, they're basing their policies on things that we know will have the impacts that they want, that we know will have the impacts that are desirable in society. But secondly, we would suggest that there's harmfulness debate for universities to be funded less. We would suggest that there's an a priori good for people to be more educated, for development to increase, for globally, for us to have more capacity to do good through the mechanism of universities. That's only possible in a world where they're well-funded. Our world solves this problem by not only aligning the interests of all parts of the political sphere towards universities being funded and supported, given that they only stand to benefit now, but also by reducing the capacity to attack universities by suggesting that universities are no longer the left-wing domain. There's no rhetorical sway that they're able to thrust over the left now. Finally, and Dan will expand on this more in depth with me, what do we think the effect of research and discourse is? Notably, side opposition has to defend a world where political views are being formed in a non-critical echo chamber. Sure, the Marxists might criticize the Leninists, but that doesn't lead to an actually thoroughly reputed opinion. It's only in our world where research from all swathes of universities is able to be actually checked and actually balanced. Side government is the side that stands behind political views being formed in a coherent way rather than an absurd way, which is what side opposition has to stand behind. Thank you.
OO · OppositionAcknowledging the structural injustice at the core of society is critical to rendering education as accessible and empowering to its students as possible. A couple of things in the speech. First, what is the alternative? Then reputation, then two constructive arguments. First, on why liberalism and progressivism is something that good and why that spreads to society. And second, on why the dominance of left and liberal views on campus has made it far more inclusive and far more accessible as a space. First of all, in terms of the alternative, the absence of these narratives requires increased conservative presence at the expense of liberals. And the reason is that information and access to more views and education, et cetera, often corresponds to adopting more and more left and liberal-leaning views because you've had access to more experiences and views and the different experiences of other people. So that means they actively have to suppress the hiring of quality and intelligent, left-leaning academics. That means more conservatives exist among administrationals, for example. We think this massively increases conflict and the degree to which administration fails to function for university means more white people getting hired, for example. These are all structural problems in the way that universities are set up in their world. That being said, let's do some reputation first. Their first claim is that this dominance looks complete and it is blanketed in the way that it exists. There are a couple of things to note. One, there is diversity within the left itself, that there are varying views and varying extents to which people are left-leaning. And you probably know this because there are probably differences in the types of people, no thank you, that meet on campus and the extent to which they are left-leaning. But also they claim that there is just not a minority of right-wing people is just untrue. It is alive. It does exist at Princeton, for example. We see it all the time. Finally, it is not conducive to these views. I just don't think that it is true that conservatives can't exist. The reason being, for example, even if you are very, very radical, it is very easy to produce something, get tenure, and then begin expressing your radical views, at the very worst case on our side. In terms of opposition to academia, this is just straight scapegoating from their side. It is not true that if it were the case that academia was less left-leaning, that the right-wing would no longer have an incentive because of the oil lobby, for example, to say that climate change isn't happening and we shouldn't suppress that industry. This is just one way that this is happening, but I still think that to the extent that the left is pushing for climate change activism within the Democratic Party, for example, that that impact still materializes. But even in a moderate world, their claim on Biden doesn't work, the reason being that polarization still exists in other spheres of society. So which material gets your attention, for example? Is it the right-wing or the left-wing academia that is expressed on Fox News, for example, and which is expressed on CNN? That suggests that this is just perhaps the diversity of academia being produced at their best, but that doesn't change the way in which those active chambers exist. First argument, no thanks, on why liberalism and progressivism is good. It is true that sometimes the campus left seems to go too far, but broadly we think they are positive. And the reason is, going too far is usually a mischaracterization. It is what Fox News says is happening on campus, but it isn't actually accurate. The reason being that it is usually a set of students that just agree on the way to solve an issue. But more than that, there is a diversity of left policies, which means that there is a moderating effect on campus in terms of the way that people express their views and the way in which that manifests and the extent of protest and student activism. Why then is progressivism good, responding to the criticism from government that we need to improve this? One, it recognizes structural injustice in society, which fundamentally does exist. Things like slavery, for example, the fact that society is deeply unjust and seeking to resolve this is something that is positive. But it is also important because these injustices exist in a way that is critical for universities, right? It recognizes the way that these injustices have affected access to education and to universities. It is important because recognizing those inequities means that you acknowledge that different people have varying degrees of access and that allows for people to realize their privilege and engage in that. Second, I think that the left and the way it exists on campus, no thank you, is self-critical. And the reason is the left-leaning policies and the way that discourse manifests on campus is often about targeting the extent to which privilege exists. People aren't defensive when being confronted with their privilege. The reason being, A, there is humility, but B, because people in positions of power at university become increasingly representative of minorities in a world where it is left-leaning, which means that the people that are telling you that you ought to be acknowledging your privilege are people that you fundamentally respect. That suggests that the types of discourse and academia that is produced on our side is just more representative and acknowledges structural injustice in society, which is important. Second, progressivism convinces society writ large, and this is important. We concede that, as they suggest, there might be some backlash, but broadly speaking, we think that the extent to which left-leaning dominance exists on campus has actually produced a positive trend toward the broader embrace of progressivism and the left. How does this happen? One, I think that increased scrutiny actually shifts the over to the window that exists when talking about campus. The reason being that media continues to report and identify the ways in which the left is protesting on campus, for example, or student activism that occurs. These things, even when they are on the broader, further end of the left spectrum, end up representing views and beginning to normalize them. People find them more and more normal as they go to university, and so these views that are already considered good are things that can slowly be accepted by society. But second, at home, students start talking with their parents. So can conservatism in the house, it means that people in your family, for example, become more sympathetic to these things, and that is better. I'll take closing. > POI: What are your reasons as to why you believe that on your side, for some reason, the right or conservative views will dominate? I didn't say that. I just said that they exist in campus and that it is bad. Okay, second argument on minorities. The dominance of left-liberal views on campus represents the rise of inclusion on campus. There are a couple of things to note here. First, I think that, broadly speaking, progressivism does target minorities in the types of rhetoric and policies that it promotes. So that is acknowledging societal injustice, for example. It is things like supporting affirmative action. These are things that are critically targeted at minorities that are left out of the majority and the injustice that exists in society. So that suggests, in and of itself, the types of views and the types of policies that are being supported by people on campus are inclusive to a greater degree. But second, I think that, structurally speaking, on average, minorities are more likely to be left-leaning than the average person. The reason being that experiences that they have faced, things like often coming from low-income backgrounds, for example, as a result of societal injustice, means that you are probably more willing and more accepting of things like broader welfare services. This implies two things, for example. One, it means that you get better affirmative action programs and other sets of redistributive policies. This is important because it proves that there are a diversity of perspectives and experiences that are represented in academia. So it is not just academia from the white person, for example, but it is from all sets of society and minorities as well. Second, it suggests that minorities existing in campus is the function or is what enabled dominance in the first place. It is that universities slowly began accepting more and more people of color and that that is why that dominance happened in the first place. So societal trend toward acceptance enabled the dominance of the left to occur in the first place. So regretting this narrative, so regretting their acceptance on campus and their inclusion in these spaces to begin with. On that basis, oppose.
OG · GovernmentI want to start by addressing opening opposition's justification for why progressivism is an a priori good. Because we explain, head prime minister, that if you are not convinced of this fact, then dominance is neither strategic for the reasons we explain, nor acceptable in the fact that it drowns out other perspectives and does not provide a healthy balance of perspectives. Their claim is that progressivism is better because it helps minorities, it helps other ranges of oppressed peoples. They claim that since progressivism is a result of diversity, in order to regret the dominance of that progressivism, we need to regret that diversity. But there are four problems with this argument. The first is that they fail to prove why dominance is necessary for people to be protected, for people to develop compassion, for people to develop empathy, for people to engage in other perspectives. And that also explains why their meta trick doesn't function correctly. Because you can still have a diverse campus without liberals or leftists dominating it. Plenty of minorities are conservative. Plenty of minorities are free to experience their own perspectives. And they do not provide real reason to think otherwise. The second problem is they don't explain why conservatism cannot help minorities as well. And we would point out that even if they give you a reason to think progressivism might be preferable to conservatism, the burden they need to meet is that conservatism is not helpful, it is not valuable, or it is so much worse that it is not worth representing on campus. And we explain to you that things like diversity can be valuable in markets. We explain to you that individualism can be a helpful way for oppressed people to raise themselves up, or to hold onto hope, or to organise their ambitions. For this team to explain to you that that level of diversity is not valuable ideologically, they need to do much more to explain that conservatism is not helpful. Thirdly, we point out that there is a diminishing return on dominance of left or liberal views. That is, at the point where the primary debate on campus is between Trotskyists and Leninists, it's unclear that any of that discourse is helpful. We explain to you, as Prime Minister, that in order for leftism to succeed, in order for liberals to be effective at achieving their political ends, they need to not be effective at defeating people more radical or more fringe than them, but effective at explaining to the average person why their views are valuable, why progressivism is helpful. And the current level of dominance does not endow anyone with those skills. There's a diminishing return there. But the final and most important thing I want to add here is that our case also explains to you why, even if you think progressivism is better than conservatism, so much so that it is not worth valuing something like ideological diversity, we not only make that progressivism more effective when campuses are more diverse, but we also make conservatism less toxic. I'm going to move on to the second part of my speech which addresses that, which is the effect on research and the effect on discourse when campuses are more diverse. There are two important mechanisms to note here. The first is that we provide a much broader marketplace of ideas on campuses, which is valuable in and of itself, before analyzing exactly how it works out. That is for three reasons. Firstly, it's for the reason that we force individuals to interrogate their views more closely, which is valuable because it helps them form more precise views, it helps them form well-informed views, it helps them engage more deeply with the arguments that they claim to make. Short question. > POI: Conservatism has been dominant in academia for the past 300 to 400 years. What makes you think that's suddenly going to go away under your side? Um, conservatism hasn't been valuable for the past 300 to 400 years. Society might have been more conservative, so from the current perspective, it looks like academia was dominated by conservatives, but that's not the same as what you're claiming. We give you reasons to think that a mix of views is a far more likely result, and in fact, the very analysis you're hoping it gives, which explains that campuses have got more diverse from an IGPOL perspective, explains why it's likely to be a mix of views. Secondly, we point out that individuals have to justify their views more in an environment where they're not supported by individuals who have the exact same views as them, and that's a valuable set of skills for individuals to be trained in as part of their education. You're less likely to be required to justify the premises of your ideas, i.e. why diversity is good, or why redistribution is fair, in an environment where those things aren't being challenged. And thirdly, we would just point out that the presence of conservative views can sometimes be valuable for individuals to engage in. That is, as we've talked about at length, notions of individualism, of personal ambition, can be helpful. But secondly, and on top of that, we point out that individuals are forced to communicate those ideas more effectively, and learn skills which are more relevant to them, even politically, going forward. That is, at the moment, university discourse is not at all reflective of what happens in society. Progressives are not tested in their ability to convince the median voter, they're tested in their ability to form a coalition between the Trotskyist on campus and the Leninist. And we point out it's far more valuable, even if we think that progressivism is the only important thing in this debate, to train people, you know, to engage in discourse and argument which is more relevant to society as a whole. Can people still hear me? Okay, that has three impacts in this debate. The first is that right-wing policy and discourse improves as well. That is, when conservatives have a place on campus, they are more likely to base more of their claims in research. That is, under their world, conservatives do not have a place in universities. They are not represented in research. It's hard for them to find factual basis for their claims. And that's what leads to extremism. That's what leads to misinformation. And we explain why those problems are much less likely to happen when they're represented on campus. Secondly, academia is more likely to have a pronounced impact on society. When people are, both students and researchers, are engaging in problems which are more reflective of society, you're more likely to get, like, an actual impact on society. Because people are seeing the views which are relevant to them debated and discussed, not just more fringe, left-wing, and liberal ones. And thirdly, we point out that simply the quality of your education is stronger in an environment where you are forced to engage with a greater degree, like a greater variety of views, and question the premises which you operate on. Even if you're convinced that conservatism is so harmful or so invaluable that it should not be represented on campus very much, we explain to you the reasons that it needs to be there for progressivism to flourish. Some additional rebuttal. The first claim they make to opening opposition base is opposition to climate change would exist anyway in response to the argument we give. But there are three problems with that. Firstly, we point out, no, not everything has a lobby behind it. For instance, research on something like racial disparity might be more likely to fall on people who are listening if there is no, like, kind of politicization. Secondly, we point out that you're less likely to have denialism in the first place, and conservatism isn't forced to completely ditch universities and ignore them, you know, wholesale, which is what we explained to Prime Minister. And finally, we point out the capacity to ditch universities, to characterize them as extremists, is much less in an environment where universities are not seen as the sole domain of leftism or liberalism. So even if the incentive exists, it's much less likely to happen. The only other meaningful claim they make is diversity within the left exists, and conservatives exist. Firstly, diversity within the left isn't always useful. They operate on the same premises. Second, conservatives are often marginalized, because the left tends to oppose trade-offs. And thirdly, we point out it's about perception. The thing we explained to you at Prime Minister is universities are marginalized when they're deceived to be dominated by the left and liberals. Even if they avoid that reality, that perception is still terminal for their case. For those reasons, we have to go.
OO · OppositionBeing misgendered or being forced to use a bathroom that doesn't match your gender identity ruins your day and makes it impossible for you to go to classes. It destroys your confidence and your quality of life. The reason why dominance is necessary is because pre-existing social structures crush minorities and make it impossible to access the privileges that university confers upon us. At today's university, 9% of the student body is Hispanic, despite them constituting 30% of the population of the surrounding city of New Orleans. At Princeton, the percentage of black students in the university sits below 15%, despite the fact that they make up about 30% of the population of New Jersey. The issue is, on their side, that there is no correction for the systemic class injustices that exist in society today. We are willing to trade off benefits to discourse or to academia, as long as right here, right now, formal students in universities are currently feeding a press who would, on their side, feel like they do not have a place in these halls of prestige, feel like they can have a home here, and as long as we can make sure that we increase social mobility by helping them access this. Three clashes in today's debate. The first thing I want to do is talk about the quality of discourse, because that's the majority of the advocacy from side 00. Their claim here is that it becomes impossible to challenge views because there's no challenge to your views. It then means that children do not learn how to justify their opinions, and this makes them less persuasive. Their analysis is not actually unique to universities, but rather to echo chambers in general, and I think that this idea that people all around have the same opinion is way more true and more a function of geographic and demographic functions than anything else. If I go to a school in Manhattan, for example, and I'm surrounded by other children who are from suburban neighborhoods with WASP parents, then it's the case that I will have some degrees from them because my parents will be the same gaze, because I've used the same social media, because I looked at the same influencers, or because I just experienced the same kind of economic circumstances and priorities in my life. The issue then is that they have people who come from this position of ideological gridlock already, and universities are way, way, way better for this for two reasons. One, because kids come from all sorts of different backgrounds and disagree on issues intrinsically. It's absurd for them to say that liberalism is all exactly the same because they're just cherry-picking examples to say that liberalism is all about intellectual, and liberalism is all about theories. For example, Marxists and Leninists and Trotskyists. The average STEM kid does not know who Lenin is. They do not understand the difference between Marx, Lenin, and Trotsky. I think this is not the case. The priority that is placed by leftist universities is rather on issues of social justice and class and race. Before I go any further, I'll take a closing. > POI: Yeah, so far you've been talking about things that liberal judges like, like progressivism and stuff like that. Why don't you talk about the communist idea, socialist idea, and these type of things that are also propagated in universities that are dangerous for people? So, the 20 seconds I had just said explain why liberalism in universities focuses on ideas of social justice as opposed to these intellectual ideas. The second thing I want to say, though, is that it's also misleading for them to say that conservatism is all about individualism and that this is mutually exclusive, the brand of leftism that exists on campus. Very simply because it is true that this appeals to people and they don't associate it with conservatism to such a large extent. So, as I was saying, people come from all walks of life and their upbringing and their religion and their parents influences their opinion more than the university does. Over the course of your time at school, you talk to each other and you come to a consensus to a large extent where you become persuaded on some issues. It's disingenuous for them to say that because people agree that you don't therefore diverge across your opinions, very simply because the point of education is to understand why the things you're doing are true. Like, if a professor just shoves CRT down your throat and tells you this is objective truth without explaining why, the class gets like three-star reviews and no one comes back again. People want to understand why. People want to understand the different objective, the different perspective, and this has just become a fundamental truth of academia and a fundamental of teaching in the classroom. So, for those reasons, I think that transferring liberalism from something that exists exclusively in social media among young people in wealthy communities to something that exists in academia means that discourse and justification is better, not worse. The second clash I have to talk about then is on polarization and social progress because they say that the harm is that there's a demonization of universities that de-legitimizes academia. So, I just want to call bullshit on this issue because the idea that people, that right-wingers all see universities as dens of corruption that are dominated by the left is incredibly extreme. First of all, because honestly, academics intrinsically have a ton of authority. Jordan Peterson is called a professor because everyone has a respect for academia. But second of all, it's also the case that this narrative runs counter to the majority of right-wingers, especially people in positions of influence. It might exist for some extremists, but the average person still perceives university as a source of prestige and social mobility. Like, you will know someone in your family who went to school, and that will be an achievement which you celebrate, not which you condemn because their income is higher afterwards. But also, the majority of politicians went to university. The impact of this, then, is that the narrative of rejection of liberalism in university does not look like a wholesale rejection of academia, but rather a claim that the rise of liberalism in universities is bad, and that there's, like, shit just being perpetuated by it. Therefore, there is no rejection of objective truth such as climate change is happening as a result of this trend, and the condemnation of universities as a perpetrator of harmful abuse is something that would exist on either side of the house. So, OO gets no offensive advocacy on the idea of polarisation. Finally, then, on why it's the case that dominance of liberal abuse is necessary for protecting students on campus, for two reasons. The first thing is, liberalism and progressivism, and making sure that people feel included, does not require 50% in order for things to pass. It requires an absolute majority because it requires you to change structures that already exist in school. And more aggressive affirmative action programs, for example, mean that awarded trustees or people who, like, analyse children, are less able to get into schools. You must be able to defeat their interests in order to achieve these action policies. But second of all, because it only takes 20% of the student body, or 40% more, in order to make someone feel unwelcome. For example, if it's the case that conservatives feel like it is just very, very easy to criticise someone for being transgender, then transgender kids cannot attend school. For these reasons, very happy to embrace liberalism.
CG · GovernmentAs a right-wing debater who spent six years debating with all of you, running all of these stupid socialist cases, I am incredibly proud to propose this motion. What we will prove to you in extension is that this necessarily polarises societies and makes left-wingers more far-left, supporting things like communist policies, belittling madmen like Bernie Sanders, and the right-wing to become even more radicalised in this particular case. We will also frame you, why this is necessarily more balanced in our psych house, with better reasons than opening government, but that in the end. Why does polarisation happen? Notice there are two groups of people here. On the first extension, people who do not have predisposed beliefs. Why are these groups of people very likely? When people go into universities, they're usually newcomers, so they didn't have much experience communicating with people, they didn't necessarily think that much about politics, their brains are usually low. But secondly, professors have authority bias towards them because of their titles, because they're rhetorically persuasive, because they can control discussions and pick and choose what particular things to talk about, similar to how persuasive a debater can pick and choose evidence to talk in this particular case. So they're likely to skew this sort of thing. The bottom line is, they're specifically susceptible to being brainwashed by this sort of thing. Notice this four-year process, where these students go into these particular things and are taught about these theories, and are taught about this sort of thing, and the discussion is likely to be limited. I will analyse this a bit later, because it's a right compassion at all, but just to get the impact in. These people, after going through this process, are likely to support things like high taxes, likely to support things like radical distribution, socialism, all of these particular things, etc. And they have to defend these policies of these particular views, because their inherent spectrum of left and liberalism do not get them to get away with this. These things are bad, because they're counter to the actual things that they care about, because they stop jobs from coming in in this particular case, because they create corruption in these sorts of cases, and lazy people who exist on welfare in this sort of case. No, no, no. The nuances, to a certain extent, we can support this, but not to the full crazy extent as they talk about on their side of the house. The response we hear is, there is a diversity of political opinions and liberal opinions. I call bullshit on this particular thing, for four structural reasons. Firstly, they do not doubt fundamentals of liberalism in this particular case, like socialism is always good, like abortion being always good, even though abortion is a fairly debatable issue in our society, and in fact could be an argument that you're killing people. But secondly, they collectively agree that the other side is bad. That low taxes are always necessarily bad, and that guns should always be banned, and people who own guns should be in this particular case. And you know how this is annoying? Sometimes they make jokes about this particular thing. Ah, we're not like a redneck from Alabama or something like that in this particular case, etc. But let's give more structural reasons to this. First, you're likely to virtue-signal during the discussions in order to obviously signal that you are liberal in this particular case. This process is both a process to a professor or to a student, because you want your students to like you, and because you want to show them that you are most liberal in this particular case. You are, obviously, the favorite one who supports the actualists, but also student to professor. So, because students have an incentive to basically say, what was the word first? If the professors ask, I'm sorry, myself, they necessarily would want to say that yes, they support this particular area, or yes, liberalism is good, or yes, abortion should always be legal in this particular case. But you know what's the second thing? There is no voice to counter these opinions, because you feel ashamed to say that you're right-wing, because you feel ashamed to do this. Similar to how right-wing debaters feel ashamed to wrong-write in this particular case. So there is no counter-gallancy mechanism towards this. It always aggregates to the farthest edges of these particular cases. The bottom line is that you have a total amount of population brainwashed into these crazy ideas. They do not have counter-voices in their head when these people go out. They vote for crazy people like Bernie Sanders. They vote for people who will back up your country and do these particular things, which causes instability. But what happens to the right-wingers? And this is the important thing. And let's directly compare with the opening government. Their mechanism is top-down, as to what the politicians will say based on this argument. But I have no idea if I'm receiving money from oil companies, why I won't deny climate change in any way, why I won't destroy a thing in this particular case. I will split the bottom up. I will split up the process of what right-wing students go through in this particular case. Firstly, you feel ashamed for speaking out your opinions as if you can't speak in this particular case. You feel anger in this particular one because you feel silenced. Because your personal identity is being attacked as someone who believes in this sort of thing. This is a grueling process that takes four years in your university where you have to go every day and you have to do this. But second, you feel ashamed that you can't be who you are. You feel ashamed for believing that maybe a portion is wrong in this particular case. That something is wrong with you that you believe that you should be able to carry on in this particular case. That you cannot speak out freely. That you cannot argue with your professor. But this is the third thing. You have a horrible experience in your universities because you will not go talk to your professor after class in this particular case because you feel like you won't do this sort of thing. Because your professor actively controls your brains and has active strongman mechanisms to break you in this particular case. And when they go out of university they are likely to feel bad. Even if they could be sensible people. To be more susceptible to writing rhetoric. To find more appeal and more closure into this particular case. And to demonize the other side. To say, yes, you are smart, please. I've been to university. But this process also impacts other writing people who you talk to who didn't necessarily go to this university and perpetuate the stereotype that these are left in this particular case. So these people get further to the right. Supporting things like no abortion laws whatsoever. Total gun control. And you have what situation is America in this particular case. Before I get to call this better on our side of the house. Yeah. > POI: These people are the same people who tell me I am a mentally ill sexual predator because I am transgender. No, no, no. This is the nuance here. Let's be honest here. Right-wingers are not all pricks but you make them crazy on their side of the house. This is the important thing. Now, why is this better? I'll prove balance in a second. You have more discussion in this particular case which leads to contact theory. You are less likely to demonize the other side and to think they are genuine when they are all freely openly talking about this particular case and you can do a story. And this means this discussion cannot be perfect but it's a basic way for these left-wingers and right-wingers to agree on common facts in this particular case and to not be susceptible to this rhetoric once they get out of university. Why is this a likely characterization? Such a civil rights movement in the United States they have it irrespective of academia such as for example rise of middle class people getting rich in this particular case being when you are rich or middle class you are less susceptible to rationalist rhetoric or how do you say us versus them devices in this particular case so you are not likely to be transphobic, racist in all these particular cases you are probabilistically less likely without these particular things but also it's like technology lowers the amount of religion that exists in our society. I know this doesn't flip them but it proves to you that to a sufficient extent you will be able to gain most of your protections from minorities but do you know what minorities won't be protected when Donald Trump is in power because he radicalized the right to this extent and after that you get a socialist Bernie Sanders in this particular case. I have never been prouder to propose.
CO · OppositionIn the Philippines the horrific reign of the Marcos regime was only toppled because universities were brave because universities were courageous enough to be left wing to be liberal to dominate and to construct a lot of the horrible conservative ideologies that existed in the very first place in Hong Kong the umbrella movement and the protest against the extradition bill only existed because universities were a liberal hub for people to be able to critique not only the regime of China but the regime of accountability the regime of people that were constantly in power and had already benefited from conservatism in the very first place the extension coming from closing opposition will be very simple we think that even the most extreme versions of liberalism the most extreme versions of progressivism only improve, only become a representative of the realities of society because universities allowed them to be and universities allowed them to be dominant and secondly because this is what bleeds into protest movements that improve society address societal inequality and keep our powers in check and keep them afraid of the youth two extensions coming from closing opposition first, why is it that the most extreme form of liberal values only exist in the dominance of liberalism within these universities and why do they improve and secondly why is this bleeding to protest movements that ensures our societies are not only equitable but constantly improved let's go to the first extension why are liberal values when dominant continuously improve only in universities the problem with the government bench push is that they only said that liberalism is not inherently good and closing government gave a really wacko jacko extension of Bernie Sanders bad and everybody will vote for Bernie Sanders but notice that opening opposition shied away from this burden they were afraid of taking on the burden that a lot of these extreme values can be beneficial for society and only got the low hanging fruit of minorities we're going to give you the story that the notions of socialism and radical redistribution are only checked and balanced and only improved in universities because of the pressure of the academia because of the pressure of legitimacy why do these ideologies grow within universities and why are they constantly evolving, one, we think we're going to spend a lot of time opening government mechanisms because of the pressure to be well founded the pressure to have academically rigorous research, the pressure to be able to be published and to ensure that your classes are not only fair but are more critical and more accurate representation to society that's why we're more likely to generate things such as what is a fair tax what is an equitable immigration policy what is an equitable form of policing that is necessary to guarantee the security of society while also minimizing the prejudice against racial minorities in the very first place, but secondly we think that it is the dominance of liberalism that allows the proposition of these ideas not only by professors in the academia but by students, by people that are outside of the school, that want to be researched and that want to prepare up and want to partner up with a lot of these universities that's how we constantly improve a lot of the radical policies that ensure that not only minorities get benefited with opening opposition only wanted but the general society, but the general notion of society and the lowest common denominator person, because liberalism is not just about diversity, it is about benefiting the most amount of people while hurting the least amount of people in the very first place this is how our ideas evolve, this is how they get turned into classes, this is how they get turned into research that ensures that they're actually practical and implementable within society and not just airy-fairy notions of philosophy that people debate over in prestigious competitions such as this. Thirdly, I think a lot of the pluralism that only exists on our side allows us to speak up against the structures of authority that's how we are able to speak up against professors contrary to what closing government says notice that a lot of professors who teach things like government, political philosophy and economics tend to learn from their students, and that only happens in society or a liberal-dominated value system, because that understands that every value system, every opinion is equal and more importantly legitimate. That's why students not only feel more empowered on our side, like what opening opposition said, but secondly, a lot of their ideas are implemented into policy implemented into discussion, and that's why it's incredibly good. That's how we beat government bench, even if it is true that liberalism is not inherently good, even if it's true that it sometimes leads to bad policies. It is only corrected, it is only improved, it is only well researched on our side, where there's the courage to stand up to be liberal, the courage to say that maybe we should back the rich more maybe we should let more immigrants in even if there might be some increase in power in the very first place. But more importantly, we beat opening opposition because we don't shy away from the burden and show that sometimes the most extreme versions of liberalism are good, but they're only good if they're checked and balanced within these institutions Let's go to the second example. Before I move on, sure, opening. > POI: Both sides have a faction of socialists that can go out and protest or advocate, don't the outside that equips that faction with the skills to justify their beliefs and speak to the average reasonable person? No, you have to justify your beliefs on our side, you have to be able to speak to the average reasonable person, because I believe in university everyone is taught how to write, everyone is taught how to communicate, everyone is forced to do those cringy presentations to the most reasonable or the lowest common denominator person. Let's go to the second extension. Why do universities lead to crucial protest movements that help improve society regardless of their political ideas? Opening government's argument here is that we need a broad marketplace of ideas and we need well-founded facts. And opening opposition's clash in this is a little bit weird, because they said that we want to focus on structural injustices and somehow universities' diversity somehow fixes that. We're going to argue that the combination of dominance of liberalism of universities and the existence of these universities provides the necessary conditions for a lot of these protest movements. Why is this the case? One, on either side of the house, the conservative elite, the conservatives that run Fox News, that campaign that climate change is not real, that fund corporations like Shell to be able to enrich themselves, still go to these universities. What that then means is that A, we get their valid opinion on a lot of the discussions that exist, because often times these are people of privilege, that are not just not afraid to speak out, but incredibly proud of their opinion. But it is only the dominance of this liberal movement that allows an equal and fair discussion between a person at this point of the Princeton Democrats and a person that is funded by a lot of conservative politicians in the very first place. But secondly, this is where we actually get the contact theory, because this is only the instances where a lot of people can collectivize, join organizations such as the debate, join organizations such as, for example, minority group movements, that not only fund communities, but start protest movements that spread out into society. That's where we start protest movements that are A, harder to crack down, because the conservative politicians in these regimes do not want to crack down into schools of their children, but B, more importantly, have all of the legitimacy, because it is harder for conservatives to critique the top universities in the world if their own children are in it in the very first place. That is why we get more effective protest movements, more legitimate protest movements. Even if all government says that this is somehow misconstrued as elitist, it is fine, because this elitism is what grants them the freedom to say that I have well-founded facts, that my protest movement is legitimate, my protest movement is well-founded on research and all of the like, and that's how more people join into these things. Universities start the protest movements that change society. Universities start the protest movements that ensure that we can hold the most powerful individuals accountable, irregardless of their political views. For all these reasons and more, the motion forms.
CG · GovernmentSo, when I go into the debate round, unless there is judges here, most of the time what I do is I tell all the liberal bullshit that you want me to hear, and I got a pretty good idea to get to the Open Semifinals without actually believing most of the things that I've been saying to you all of this time. Why is this important? It is important because it's the exact same mechanism that occurs in these university lectures, in these activism groups, in these particular conversations. So, you see, because I want to get into that diversity, I start faking and hiding my actual particular political views, because I know the admission commission is not going to let me in if I say something conservative, because they don't care about these things, because nobody pushes for these particular opinions to be represented in the lecture for you to have all political views and things like that. So, when I go into universities, if I believe those particular things, or even if, let's say, I don't believe them, but I would like to become part of the Republican Party someday because I get a lot of influence and things like that, and the Republican Party is powerful on both sides of the house, basically, I just don't engage with you. I don't talk about my actual opinions. What does that mean? It means that you don't get to hear my actual opinion and engage with the platform, but it also means that there is no actual things like that. So, I lose the ability to actually, like, when I'm in university, maybe go to that different lecture that is a little bit left-wing, and actually hear their opinions, because I know that the minute I walk in, my different opinion is never going to be even acknowledged. Nobody's even going to talk about it. Why is this important? Because I lose the opportunity to hear people's stories of, like, engaged people from minority groups and things like that, that actually have structural problems. Especially if, like, look, and this is important, because these educated conservatives on our side of the house are the only people who can actively change how the conservatism in the future is viewed. And actually make sure that on both sides of the house, we accept at least the same facts, so we can work on from there. So, if I never engage with people that give me more reasons to believe, and actually believe that it's important for me to protect climate change, or it's important to have some minority rights, or some minority votes in universities and stuff, it's much, much less likely for me to do those things when I actually become a politician, but not also a politician. Any person in power in society. Because, look, people who go out of these universities, like Harvard, Princeton, and things like that, these are the people who are going to become the next CEOs, the next media hosts, the next people with, like, disproportionate power in society to change opinions, because they are pretty, they are very well educated, they know how to say the beautiful words, they're EPL, and they have huge persuasion to them, which is extremely important. And they can use that persuasion, sometimes for the good sides, but let me tell you how they get out of this place. I even believe some of them are conservatives as well. They're going to go to their company, because they have been feeling like an outcast, and somebody that their opinions were rejected all of these times are likely going to be more radicalized, and say these people don't deserve anything. Because every person that advocates for, like, let's say African-American rights or things like that is radical. They don't see the middle point, so let's not engage with them at all. Let's paint them as somebody who we don't care about. Let's not cater to these people as a political party. Let's diminish them, demonize their opinions and things like that much more, and these are the people in control. Or if you're a CEO, let them get a job in the first place. And then a lot of these things. I think this on its own deals with a lot of what's coming from opposing opposition in terms of what is actually going to be the opinions of that. Liberalism and the dominance of something definitely doesn't mean that all these other opinions that still exist in the media are completely educated. Otherwise, what you have had in the last 20 years is more and more people that are younger are less or more conservative. But I think it's still 50-50 to a lot of degrees, especially if we see conservative people actually rising to power. So I think the important thing is to actually make sure that at least we agree on the basic stuff. How does this look like? I think it's basically like, look, maybe, in the short term, we'll have less of the most inclusive policies, like bathrooms and things like that. But, look, we don't have these things in society. If you go to Alabama, if you go to a lot of European places, you don't have gender minorities bathrooms. This is the problem. The only way to achieve a lot of the things that we have on their side of the house is good liberal policies, or at least some of them. Like, we all agree that climate change is an issue on both sides. Some of the usual things that they've done. Or we agree that minimum wage is important for poverty groups. Or even in reverse, we agree that sometimes overspending is bad. Sometimes stimulus checks are better over stimulus. On both sides of the house, in order to achieve some middle ground, where more people are actually benefiting and at least the most radical versions of radical opinions are removed, is when we get this particular change in society through actually making sure that both sides of the house are engaged with these particular things. They know what the other side is talking about. It's less likely for them to demonize it, especially in the future, especially the people who have the most say and power in these particular institutions. Before we continue, opening. > POI: So you and Ruben are pretty big brain, or able to maintain eccentric beliefs. But isn't that brainwashing mech that Ruben's extension is about more effective than discourse when it comes to impersonating the average person? Look, the problem is that you don't have better discourse on your side of the house. I'm telling you there is a mechanism where this gets better on some particular issues. I think that's overall better because more people are this. If the fucking Republicans agree that climate change actually exists, at least we can have some type of policies that accommodate to a certain extent. We limit fracking to a certain extent even if we don't completely remove it, which is much better than what is happening currently on your side of the house. I think a lot of the inclusivity things that come from them are directly reported by Ruben. I think of social movements, the last thing that I'm going to say is that social movements need to engage people of both political spectrums in order to achieve the critical mass that they need to make active changes in society, which we only get on our side of the house if you don't demonize the other side because you've been an outcast your whole time. I think finally all of this, a lot of good pushes as to why people are still going to go to universities. We explained to you that they will and the problem is not that they're going to completely distrust the data and things that we do like that, but it's more about the mechanism of how we actually achieve them believing and engaging with probable things on the other side of the house, which is far more likely because I don't think people are going to distrust actual data information, but they are far more likely to accept it and talk about it to their political constituencies, which is what we need in this round. Very fucking happy to stand for all the conservative debaters out there.
CO · OppositionEvery other team in this round is debating on the margins. Even on either side of the world, there's probably going to be some level of polarization. There's still going to be some level of discussion between different parties. There's still going to be some level of research. I don't think any team in this round actually proves what the margin of their change is. And on closing opposition, we're here to say that we're here to talk about what specifically is unique about colleges and I think it is the ability to push protest movements forward. I think that puts us above most other teams in the round. Not only because it is something that is unique to what is specific about colleges, but also because of the fact that the margin of change is so large. That is when social movements are successful, when protest movements are successful, it doesn't change just the people who are engaged in that particular discourse. It makes the world a better place for every single person. We think that's the meaningful difference in the round. I want to talk about why protest movements are important and why closing government's response is insufficient. I think there are two broad maybe implicit responses coming from closing government. Closing government first makes the claim, why do you actually need dominance of liberalism in order to push forward these protest movements? The reason is very simple. In order for protest movements to be successful, you require two things. The first is, you need to cross a particular threshold of attention. Obviously, if more individuals are engaged in that protest movement, that means that it's more likely to cross the threshold such that the protest movement gets traction in the first place. Secondly, the reason why protest movements are oftentimes unsuccessful is because you do not necessarily have the resources, you do not have the same backing within it, and that necessarily means that universities are a necessary way of doing so. Another possible criticism from closing government, which they actually didn't say, but I'm just going to build one for them, is closing government may make the argument that says, oh, but what if these movements fail? Our claim is that failure is oftentimes inherent to protest movements, but over time they become more successful. In the instances in which they do become successful, we think it makes the society a better place. I don't think anyone in this room would dispute the fact that Chinese dominance within Hong Kong is a good thing. I don't think anyone would dispute the fact that things like the oppression or corrupt government is a bad thing. We think that those are the things that people are more likely to coalesce over, and that necessarily means that you need universities to be able to do this, and Mattie gave you the evidence as to why that is the case. I've only given you the way as to why that is round winning. I want to then talk about the rest of the round now. But before I go on, I'll take opening. > POI: Our material explains that left and liberal dominance means mistrust of universities, conservative misinformation in response, which is the reason why your protests are by and large ineffective. I think Mattie gave you the response that says that mistrust cannot happen as much as any other organization. It is much easier to mistrust a climate change organization as opposed to the very colleges that literally people like Trump and literally anyone who's in power went to, so I don't think this argument has a lot of weight in the round anymore. I'm going to then respond to closing government. The first thing I want to note on closing government is I think their case is very interesting. Closing government makes a claim that says the vast majority of people who come from privileged institutions like colleges are eventually going to gain a lot of power, but at the same time they make the claim that people are oftentimes coming in with a blank slate. If this claim is true, we would rather these people be brainwashed such that they support things that are better for society because in the absence of that, they are only going to enrich their own wealth. If 80% of the people at Harvard are on the left and they tend to become more powerful within society, we absolutely support that. Secondly, I think closing government is actually not explaining why liberal policies are bad. They just say higher taxes create unemployment, like literally why? They don't actually explain why that is the case. I actually want to give you some reasons as to why their claims are actually economic bullshit. The first is that I think governments are oftentimes better at using money than corporations because the money that is used by governments take into account the aggregation of preferences of all individuals as opposed to just the shareholders, which necessarily means that it's better for society. Secondly, they say radical redistribution is bad. I don't know if they've heard about the concept of decreasing marginal utility, but even if they have some beliefs that say, oh, some people use money really poorly, the $500 that goes to someone who's really poor is far more impactful than the $500 that goes to someone who's really rich. So they needed to prove why leftist policies are bad. I don't think they've done that in the round. Thirdly, their argument on brainwashing necessarily cuts both ways because if you look at their mechanisms, there's power dynamics between professors and students. You guys also have power dynamics between professors and students. They make claims that say you're going to listen to the loudest student. You're also going to listen to the loudest student, which on your side is probably going to be the white, privileged, rich man who's at one of these institutions. I don't think they've proved the margin of their argument. What then is the difference in the round, though? I think what Biden tells you is that liberalism fundamentally relies on an acceptance of other ideas, that there is pluralism, whereas conservatism doesn't necessarily do that. Because in order to push for some kind of change in society, you need to be accepting of the fact that there are diverse ways to change society, and pluralism necessarily is the basis for liberalism. That means that professors and other students are going to be more accepting of other people's ideas. We actually flip a lot of their impasses. The final thing that they say is that right-wing people are going to go crazy, and they're going to do really weird things. The problem is, one, this is intentional with their own argument that just those people enter with a blank slate, so it's unclear how many people are going to go this much crazier. But secondly, if their claim is if you tell individuals anything with an academic basis, people are not going to believe you anymore. Presumably, you're still going to have academic research, you're still going to have people trying to convince other people of their ideas. And hence, their argument doesn't stand. This is an argument against having any kind of interaction between people with different political ideologies. I say it's bullshit. Finally, let's talk about opening government. I think opening government unfortunately does not have much left standing in the round. Opening government's main push is the idea that there's going to be an opposition to academia. One, Maddie's exception beat this material very directly. But secondly, even if this argument is true, as every other team in the round has successfully recognized, the margin is very, very small. It's unclear why other radical movements will not be the reason as to why the left is criticized. It's unclear why other forms of research is the reason why the left won't be criticized. Finally, opening government talks a lot about research and why people are just going to propagate their ideas without any kind of reason. I don't think they've actually read any economics papers. Even those that are read richly by leftist individuals have very good research, have very good data, have very good standing. I don't think they deal with the reality that we are living. Ultimately, this debate is a question about how much change universities have the power to create in society. We say that it is only on closing opposition that you can create active change in the world that destroys the kinds of oppressive structures that people live under. We're extremely proud to stand on closing opposition.
empate bp_233 · The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, ex...
✗ erro
Motion (tema debatido): The House Believes that the IMF removing all conditions on these loans, except for explicit anti corruption provisions, is preferable to the recent conditions to developing countries.

Gabarito do painel humano: DRAW — Painel humano: vencedores mistos (CG,CO) - 1 time Gov + 1 time Opp ganharam = empate no julgamento 1v1
Fonte: painéis de juízes certificados WUDC/EUDC/NAUDC, via PanelBench (Liang et al., ACL 2024). bp_id=233, label gold.csv = "CG,CO".
Vereditos do ARBITER por trial antibias · role-swap
T1: OPP T2: OPP T3: OPP T4: OPP
Voto majoritário: OPP (4/4) · consistência entre trials: 100%
Raciocínio do juiz (Trial 1):
DEBATEDOR_B maintained a superior level of clash, consistently grounding their arguments in economic mechanisms and directly challenging the opposition's premises. DEBATEDOR_A relied heavily on abstract assertions and failed to provide a robust mechanism for how developing countries would manage economic crises without the IMF's conditional framework.
Transcrição completa — formato British Parliamentary (8 falas)
OG · GovernmentThe stance of opening government is simple. This policy gives us the unique opportunity to take away all of the bad conditions attached to IMF loans in this debate. These are things like austerity measures, opening up free markets and other funds to come in and out from people, local funds, and those sorts of things. Four-part case from opening government then. The first part is that the IMF currently imposes really bad conditions going along with these loans. Yes, sometimes these kinds of things are necessary, sometimes they need a bit of austerity, but we're going to explain to you why the conditions that the IMF imposes here are going to be particularly bad, necessarily, in the predominant amount of cases. The first reason for this is that the IMF is dominated by economists, and people study those kinds of deals, which means that they have fundamentally been trained to prioritise certain kinds of metrics over others. So things like the unemployment rate, the inflation rate, the amount of government debt that you have, instead of the real impact that this has on people. Whether you're able to buy food and water, whether you're able to fertilise your crops so that they grow and you earn an income, the amount of poverty within your country and so on. Empirically, if we look at the European Central Bank, we've had a decade since the 2008 financial crisis, and throughout this decade they were pushing austerity, even though Spain had a 27% unemployment rate, because that is what they believed in, and they thought that getting our government debt was the priority, instead of ensuring that people had jobs and food and so on. The second reason is that we think these institutions are fundamentally dominated by the West. They're predominantly funded by states like the US, the EU, etc., who have their own interests in expanding their economies, develop trade that they have, and so on. They want to break into these markets and earn more for their economies. But thirdly, even if this is not the case, we still have China and other kinds of actors acting in this kind of place, we think that this is even worse, because the only unifying interest of all of these countries is to get their industries into these developing countries that have economic crises, which means that they force a high degree of opening up of their markets so that their cheap products can flood them there. You're never able to complete the end, that is really bad. What's the significance of this contribution to debate? Because on the top of this debate, OGCAP has already established that the IMF is going to impose bad conditions in the vast majority of cases. If CG wants to rely on the IMF being bad, they're reliant on this recognition that with this legalisation that we've provided in this debate, and you have to prepare an OGCAP for it. Part two. While austerity is really bad and destroys people's lives, this is something that the government has to defend in this debate and to impose side effects, which are usually things like government deficits. Why do we think this is something that is imposed in a large amount of cases? Because lots of economists think that this is important, they see this as necessary in order for their loans to be paid back in the future, there's a perception that countries like Spain or whatever, or the pigs of the EU etc, that these are lazy countries, lazy governments who don't crack down on social welfare programs and are this vision as the good German. Why do we think that austerity is really bad in these kinds of cases? I think it critically undermines government, especially when it comes to cases of economic crisis. Because when you have an economic crisis, you have a decrease in tax revenues, because the economy isn't producing as much, you have a higher degree of unemployment. But also, via automatic stabilisers, you also have a higher degree of expenditures, because you have to pay for more unemployment benefits, subsidies to businesses, and so on, and all of those sort of things. At this most critical moment, where your tax revenues are going down, and your expenditures are going up, when you're in post-austerity conditions, you mean that the state has to cut critical services that people rely on. These are things like fuel and food subsidies, as I mentioned, meaning that people aren't necessarily able to afford their most basic needs, and we think that's horrible. And I think these are really important things to individuals. But also, if they talk about economic recovery, this is also so much worse for economic recovery, because when you start cutting services and government expenditure and confidence in the economy, and people aren't able necessarily to spend as much anymore, then that also impacts the ability at which your economy is able to recover going into the future and provide better lives for people. Part three. Why free markets and opening up is really, really bad. I think this is something that we have to stand behind in this debate, because the input slide says things like market-based economic policies, so things like free trade, reduction of tariffs, not allowing protectionism anymore, but also things like market-based interest rates, which means now your interest rates have to be set on the global market, and because you're in an economy in crisis, you're not as cost-worthy, and the rates are going to be higher, as opposed to what you're able to do on GovEdge, where you're able to do things like state-run banks offering lower and subsidised interest rates to make it more profitable and more affordable for your businesses to take up loans. Why is this really important? Because I think there's two parts to this. First of all, in terms of international trade, it's just, as a small economy in crisis, it is incredibly difficult for you to compete with other bigger economies around the world. So if you're a small country that's trying to set up a manufacturing sector or those kind of things, you're unlikely to be able to do this yourself, especially in a time of crisis, because your economy is struggling. That's when American and Chinese firms are likely to come in and take up production and exploit your resources and buy up your businesses, because they're now able to do so with less international regulation. And now, suddenly, the benefits of that economic growth are not being kept within your country, but necessarily moved to other kinds of places. It means you're less able to protect developing and infant industries that might be more successful going into the future, exploiting comparative advantages, noting that in a time of economic crisis, you're specifically vulnerable to not being able to produce or having economic problems in doing so. Before I move on, CO. > POI: Yeah many of these crises were inflationary. Why would inefficient inflationary expenditure on things like fuel subsidies to end the economic crises? I just don't think most of these economic crises are inflationary. Like, if we think back to COVID, the economic crisis was caused by the fact that people weren't necessarily able to go to work, or global economic confidence dropped, which meant people were spending less money. If we think to 2008, there was too little demand in the economy, because following the financial crash, people weren't willing to invest. We want lower interest rates so people can invest in these kinds of situations. And finally, even if we get slightly more inflation in our world, even if things will come out ever so slightly slowly, we think it's more important to prioritize the people who need the money the most. I don't care if inflation is 2% higher. I want people to have food and fuel so they can live their lives. But for them, why would countries are going to take these loans from the IMF instead of alternatives such as China that are necessarily going to be wiser this way? Notice that under the status quo, a lot of these conditions are quite unpopular. Things like austerity are unpopular because they have to cut government services like education, etc. And we've seen this in lots of situations. See how political discourse in Greece is often about, we don't want more bailouts because that's going to make our economy worse, and we aren't going to be able to pay for our social services anymore. What that means under the status quo is that countries who look at these terms that the IMF is offering them, and see that it's not very unfavourable, go instead to alternatives, primarily China, because it's the largest country that is able to offer large amounts of loans and money and those sorts of things, and also sees itself as having a role in this kind of action around the world. The change is that uniquely when the IMF doesn't impose all of these onerous conditions anymore, the IMF with no conditions becomes more attractive than China with some conditions. And the reason why this is really important is because you just think China is an incredibly bad actor when it comes to this kind of thing. Yes, it doesn't necessarily impose Western values onto you when it gives its kind of loans, but it imposes things like political cooperation and the ability for China to increase its influence in the area, uniquely because China does not make a distinction between economic and political policies. It sees the state as a unified whole that's furthering both its economic objectives overseas, but also its political objectives, which is why they make you sign up to regional PACs that they've set up, or allow their companies to build and pour and then take over as a military base, and those kinds of things. The IMF is a primarily economic institution with lots of other countries that are likely to check each other. I think we deliver much better lives for people, and we prevent countries from going to worse sources. Very proud to propose.
OO · OppositionThere were so many words in that previous speech, such as the truth, that it was actually quite staggering. Essentially, the characterization we get of the IMF is totally wrong. Obviously, the IMF increasingly is becoming an international institution that takes up its intake from a broad global base of factors. Yes, maybe they've gone to the West and studied there, but they're international. But also, I think, obviously, focusing on indicators about inflation and unemployment is a good thing, given that those are the primary terms of economic success, given that has been what has been agreed upon by the discipline as a whole. Look, I'm just going to be very basic in the speech. Firstly, characterizing what these countries have done, why they were actually fucked up in the first place, like we do to implementing these policies. Secondly, why they're unlikely to reform on their side of the house. And then thirdly, why even if these policies and conditions achieve nothing, the very signalling in front of itself is a good thing, but we're only signalling a case again, and it's going to be plus. So, firstly, why these countries have achieved default on their side of the house. Because obviously the way the IMF works, if there's a lender of last resort, right, essentially it doesn't fund development projects like things like the World Bank. Rather, it happens when a country is unable to pay back its debt. Yeah, sure. > POI: Just to have a clean debate, this motion is about the specific policies implemented in this recent economic crisis. Previous policies by the IMF apply on both sides of the debate. Fine. Okay. So how have these things, but there's a likely case in the future as well, because this is a motion that's going forward too, about how these crises have occurred. Well, potentially subsidies have led to problems insofar as they're universal, so they have to be done for everyone to lower a market price. Potentially national champions are incredibly inefficient and you're providing them subsidies so that's bad. Potentially your foreign reserves have declined because you're trying to prop up a particular interest rate in your countries, or you're trying to have a non-market-based interest rate setting. All of these things have led to these countries defaulting, and literally these are the likely cases of default in the future going forward. So obviously it's very good for the IMF to impose conditions that fix this. Now, the obvious question you're asking here from everyone's standpoint is that if these policies are good, why wouldn't governments do them? I think the reasons are actually obvious. The first is that in some cases governments have electoral incentives, right? So obviously these policies might be somewhat unpopular. Yes, austerity in the short term perhaps is seen as something unpopular. Yes, maybe shifting to a market base or cutting off subsidies, for example, will piss a lot of people off. Particularly given that these countries have electoral incentives, often they're unlikely or unwilling to bite the bullet to actually lead to long-term economic sovereignty. The other case that the IMF intervenes in are literal dictatorships that have limited feedback mechanisms. These are also obviously incredibly harmful given that they have limited degrees of knowledge perhaps. They don't have the best economy as hired. They aren't able to solve these problems. So therefore, in either scenario we say that basically the policies that the government is going to pass are continually bad. Why is market pricing mechanisms far better? We say that the market is able to price in, the market is able to price in the risk that these countries face to some extent, but also these countries have far more credibility as a result of the IMF bailing them out in the first place. Or at the very least, even if you forget the whole debate about interest rates and so on, we get rid of inefficient subsidies and that is a good thing in and of itself because obviously during a time of economic crisis when liquidity is low, pouring more and more money into a national champion that is unable to provide goods at a price that competes internationally is quite a stupid thing to do, right? Because it means that that has a giant opportunity cost for you and you're propping up a very inefficient company. But, even if these policies are neutral or whatever, why is the IMF including these things good? And here is where we make the signalling argument in and of itself. So on both sides now, you're unlikely once you default to some extent, at least in the short term, to get continued FDI and continued loans and so on from the government. But on our side we now have compliance with the IMF essentially to some degree dictating economic policies in these countries. And we say this in and of itself is likely to lead to massive credibility within them because the IMF is incredibly trusted. Often times members of the IMF have worked with the rest of governments or whatever and so on and have come back so they are the market makers within this. They have a good degree of economic credibility on the ground. But even if the debate is going forwards, the IMF has a credible record of past success. So for example, the Greek economy has actually been able to successfully recover after its bailout. Now I want to be clear here about why the signal of the IMF's timing policy is good in and of itself. And you know, people might think that signals don't matter in economics but that's actually why they're key. Imagine yourself sitting in like the New York Stock Exchange where you have a limited set of information coming from these countries. And then you get the information the IMF has come in and been able to provide policies that these countries actually need. That in and of itself is likely to reassure you and be like, oh yeah, these guys are now on a path to credibility and maybe it's worth funding them. And when they're able to comply with this in a one or two year period, that is when you get increasing degrees of this sort of funding so you're actually likely to get far better. Now, I want to here preempt the actual good government case in this debate, which is basically when you stand up and say that the IMF actually has more credibility, it actually lends to less people, i.e. it only lends to those countries which it's sure are going to be able to reform on their side of the house and implement some of these policies so it's more selective in its loans rather than lending to people who might abandon it. The first thing is I think this is a knife for opening government. But also I think that if the IMF would give less loans on their side of the house, that is actually bad because it means that more countries are cut off from IMF loans in general and that's when they turn to problematic alternatives like China, which opening government themselves have argued is an incredibly bad thing. That would be more investment in parts of the home they need to buy. But thirdly and crucially, the IMF is likely to overcorrect and not provide any funding at all. Actually, the reason is that there's always a risk of uncertainty now when you provide the loan because there's no guarantee that they're going to follow these policies. And given that the IMF is to some degree risk averse, it's likely to stop off all of its lending in general. But, even if the IMF is able to continue to give this loan, this is an even worse case for their side because what ends up happening, therefore, is that the IMF eventually in a second runs out of money, therefore, because there's no guarantee these countries are going to actually remain on a path of growth. Yeah. > POI: The electoral incentives and so on you described exist in literally any democratic system. Why is it that we see some countries fail and others don't? Yeah, so they agree in every democratic system. But, essentially there are external constraints, right? There are credible institutions in the best functioning democracies that mean that these countries don't collapse. You have this independent central bank setting market-based interest rates, which means that you're therefore able to succeed in the long term. That is what we get on asset power. And actually, that was good because that was my last mechanism, which is that now the institutions in this country have a mechanism to gain credibility because of certain market-based rates. So, for example, the way this happens is the IMF, in effect, creates a central bank to be able to determine, based on market-based forces, what the particular interest rate would be and what the loan should be. And so, therefore, you're able to develop. I.e. these countries with these policies are now put on the long-term credible path to growth, which is what their side of the house wants. At the end of this debate, I actually think this is a pretty clear and obvious win for our side. The IMF has some of the most talented and best economists in the world working for it. They are probably the people who are best able to ensure economic growth occurs. And even if not, the very credibility these countries gain from joining this policy in the first place is good. Very proud to oppose.
OG · GovernmentFirst I'm going to frame what the IMF looks like, then I'll respond to O.O., then I'll talk about why these conditions are really, really bad. So, firstly, what does the IMF look like? They basically say the IMF is very international because it involves a lot of very educated people from around the world. We frame that this probably looks like people who were educated in Western institutions, even if they come from different countries abroad. And the reason for that is twofold. Firstly, that Western institutions often tend to be the most well-funded areas in humanities like economics, but also the people who train the economists are probably from a time when there was more privilege for people from the West, which means there's an extent to bias there. The difference, then, is that Western economies and the ways that people are trained are at a different stage of development. Western economies often tend to be at a different stage of development, in the sense that they have a greater competitive advantage over other countries. So while protectionism might be bad if you're someplace like the U.S., because you can export all of your stuff around the world, it might be good for a country that's comparatively at a lower stage of development, but you don't necessarily understand that if you've been trained with a certain frame of mind, that protectionism is bad. But secondly, these economists often value things like security and the immediacy of getting loans repaid, as opposed to the long-term economic outlook of the country. That's just because they're employed by the IMF rather than by the countries they're giving loans to. They're prioritizing IMF's interests. This means things like when we're talking about austerity and cutting the jobs of government workers, even though you might be able to repay those loans back faster because now you've cut a bunch of your government deficit, the economy will be fucked later down the line, but you don't care if you're an IMF economist because you've still managed to get your money back. This shows that the incentives are bad. Let's then respond to OO. So the first thing on OO is that governments are unwilling to implement these policies themselves, so the IMF needs to come in. So they say dictatorships don't want to. Firstly, these dictatorships probably just go to China instead, which Andrew has explained is really bad. But secondly, if these policies were so great as OO characterized, dictatorships and weaker democracies probably have the most ability to implement these things if they wanted to and they thought it was good, because they can basically do whatever they want without a lot of accountability. So if they thought it was a good idea and somebody informed them it was a good idea, they probably would do that. Then they say it's not politically popular. Yes, Andrew has explained why a lot of these things are actively devastating people's ability to afford food and fuel. It's not politically popular because it fucked people over. That's probably a thing to rally about. Let me talk about IMF signaling and credibility. So firstly, the lender of last resort characterization, that of opening off, probably undermines this. In the sense that you don't necessarily go to the IMF because you think all of their policies are a really good idea, you do it because you're desperate for money and you will do whatever the IMF tells you to do. This means that if you end up following the conditions the IMF tries to impose on you, there's no additional credibility that's left to your economy, because it doesn't signal the IMF is making good decisions or that you're making good decisions, it just signals that you are really desperate for money and that's what the IMF is telling you to do. Secondly, though, we dispute the characterization that countries even trust what the IMF is trying to do in the first place. There are so many horror stories of IMF conditions going wrong in places like Haiti, Nigeria and Greece, where thousands of people were laid off, where people couldn't afford basic necessities, where that country was fucked for future economic prospects because they imposed all of these conditions. This means that, like, this undermines the credibility claim because countries don't actually believe in what the IMF is telling them a lot of the time. Thirdly, then, on their point about less funding. So, firstly, this relies on the assumption that in the absence of these conditions, countries will have a far less ability to repay loans, the IMF will give less loans. Andrews explained how when you get rid of things like fuel subsidies, when you create things like mass unemployment in the country, that actually harms economic growth, which hinders your ability to repay loans, which means that, like, that point is undermined. But secondly, the IMF is still likely to give loans anyways for a variety of reasons. Firstly, there are quotas for how much countries have to contribute to the IMF, there's still that pool of money they have to loan out. Secondly, if the IMF is seen as a lender of last resort and they don't lend to countries when they have no other options, then the IMF is going against its mandate and probably gets a lot of flack for that. Thirdly, the IMF can still make money and show success stories by lending to countries without these conditions, which means that it gains more from lending than from not lending because if they don't lend, they don't get any money at all. Finally, the IMF can't risk people going to other lenders, and so it is more likely to just not impose these conditions than to stop lending to countries altogether, which means that we are still able to get more. Sure. > POI: What happens when you lift fuel subsidies? When we lift fuel subsidies, so when we lift fuel subsidies, like, I don't know, you guys are going to have to explain that, we've explained why fuel subsidies are really good because people are able to get fuel. Let's then talk about why these conditions are very bad. So a couple of ideas that come from our side. Firstly, that austerity often harms the growth of your economy. So when you're trying to reduce government deficits by cutting a bunch of workers, people end up being unemployed, they buy less, later on this harms the growth of your economy. They respond here that these crises are inflationary, this creates more inflation. Yes, but the immediate concern here is people getting fed. So if people cannot buy food because you've lifted all the fertilizer subsidies, that's definitely a more immediate concern than any kind of inflation that's going on. Secondly, Andrew explains to you why free markets are not the best for the developing world. So protectionism, while it might not be important for the West, is often super important for a lot of different areas around the world, because you need things like subsidies in the wake of rising prices. You need the ability to, like, boost your exports by devaluing your currency so that other countries are more likely to buy your exports. You need things like the ability to manipulate interest rates independently of anything that a global central bank sets, because now you get people to spend and save more according to the individual needs of your country. The IMF imposing conditions on you gets rid of all of that, and it sets it according to what Western economists think is a good thing. Okay, moreover, this often causes things like civil unrest and strife. So when global prices go up, you often need subsidies to keep things affordable. But the problem here is that IMF conditions are often very politically unpopular. And this is an independent thing from economic growth, because when things are politically unpopular, even if they prove that it might be good for the long-term outlook of your economy, if people can't buy food and they can't buy fuel and they can't turn their lights on right now, that causes them to go out into the streets and protest and riot, which is what's going on in Haiti in the face of things like rising food prices. This means that oftentimes, even if they manage to prove that austerity might be good in the long run, it creates political strife now, which harms your country's ability to pay back loans. Because if people are going into the streets and rioting, like they aren't doing things like going to their jobs, if this political strife happens, it harms the government's ability to actually push policies that help people. It's an independent way for us to win the debate. We've proven, firstly, that the IMF is often biased and not in the interest of the developing world. We've proven that austerity and other conditions the IMF implements are bad, very bad conditions. Thank you.
OO · OppositionPanel, the medicine isn't nice, but the medicine is necessary. Because when you have a problem, opening government's solution is to just chuck money at it until the money runs out. If government's run out of money, let the IMF chuck money at it. If the IMF runs out of money, oh well, we're fucked. Our solution was far simpler. Yes, it requires paying. Yes, it requires a decrease in living standards. But it avoids what Aniket told you about. A far worse situation where governments spend so much of their foreign reserves on trying to prop up their currency and trying to manipulate interest rates that they have no money left. And bear in mind, because these are developing countries, they do not have the wealth of capital reserves of the UK or the USA. They can't, as CG alluded, just chuck money at it like all countries can do to prop up their currencies. That money will eventually run out. And crucially what I'm going to prove in this speech is that I've come to a direct trade-off of actually being honest as being all part of growth. And that this is the best way to get them onto that path. So let's talk about that growth story. How do countries actually develop? On the face of it, it's actually quite simple. You just sell stuff, you build up foreign reserves, and you use those foreign reserves, like the dollars that you've been able to get, to buy knowledge in capital from abroad that allows you to develop high-income industries that can provide good jobs to your people. Why is it that the conditions, or the absence of those conditions, that prevent this from happening? I think Anarchet conclusively proved that part of the least resistance for governments is not to follow these conditions. In fact, insofar as governments accept that these conditions are bad, they must support governments not fulfilling these conditions. But I think Anarchet gives you a few structural reasons why they don't do it. Such as the incentive to lower interest rates before an election so that you can get more economic growth. Such as your incompetence relative to the IMF and your lack of understanding of markets and systems. Such as the fact that you have political incentives not to put these policies in place in the first place. Why is this so damaging to getting on that growth that we talked about? Firstly, your foreign reserves aren't now being used to do things like buy that capital and to buy that knowledge from abroad, which will actually help you to develop. You're using it to try and artificially inflate and prop up your currency so that goods become cheaper in your country for a short period of time, for that specific electorate at that point in time, fucking over the youth in the future. And crucially what I would note here is that money is spent at the expense of your domestic industries because you're using it to prop up your currency and artificially make your currency more expensive so that goods abroad are cheaper, so that people in the here and now can have living standards, forgetting the fact that those people also need jobs now and in the future to be able to save and to be able to have a good life in the first place. But secondly, it's like an opportunity cost on your budget. Because with things like fuel subsidies, I think Anket is able to conclusively prove, and the BPM does not rebut this, why this costs a lot of money. You're literally manipulating your entire domestic market rate, that is every single barrel of oil that is sold in your country, every single piece of fertiliser has a market price which you must be able to manipulate. With the sheer volume of money that you're putting into this, that comes at a direct fiscal government trade-off of funding things that the World Bank and the IMF think are the best ways for development, things that I think are uncontroversial, like, I don't know, funding schools, funding education, funding human capital development, which would make your country more attractive for investment, because if you have people who can do more productive things, then companies are more likely to invest in your country, build those factories, because people know maths, they know English, they'll build up tourism. This is the path to development that they uniquely block. I have no idea why they would do that. What are the responses to this? They say, yeah, fuel subsidies help people to live. Sure, but free-falling currencies and not having enough foreign currency reserves to buy grain, like Sri Lanka's situation, it can't be far worse on all fronts, such as how bad youth unemployment is, such as the lack of savings of the middle class, such as people's living standards in the future. But secondly, note they say trade liberalisation is also in this debate. So if Gov says these goods are essential to the extent that they must be subsidised, surely international market competition for the importance of these goods would not be on our side anyway. Secondly, I want to talk about the IMF, because they say that they do things that care about things like inflation and employment rates. I would agree with a couple of reasons why inflation is good and why it's the most important thing in this debate. Number one, it protects investment. Any foreign direct investment that you get, or any internal investment, is not protected when inflation is high, because the value of that money goes down. That is what inflation is. So if I put in £1,000, it'll be worth £20 if your inflation is skyrocketing. We are able to stem that trend, which means you can be sure when you put in money it actually has value, which means you make long-term investments. This is why on the comparative, by the way, we're more likely to be able to fund things like long-term investments, like schools, hospitals and roads, because that currency is not massively eroding in value over time. It's the sheer volume of the inflation. Two, just on a normal level, it is things like being able to have confidence that the value of the savings that you put in as a mother on a market stall will actually hold value so that you can send your kids to school for the next ten years, so that they can be able to develop in the first place. And finally, I think those savings on their side are bad because they have no value in the first place. That is when you lose confidence in your economy, you start not doing things like paying taxes, and that is when you get the breakdown of your economy. Why is this more important than austerity? I'll take TG in a second. Firstly, economic growth works with economics. So yes, we get less economic growth, we might get more unemployment in the short term, but that means people accept lower wages, which means that people invest more in these countries because there's a cheaper environment in general, which means more growth. It works in a cycle. However, inflation spirals and can only be controlled by progressively harsher measures. That is when you get worse outbreaks of things like social disorder on their side. CG. > POI: If all that people want is to get free money and for politicians to make populist decisions, why is Liz Truss not an office runner? Sure, I think that some people have the capacity to be smart and make smart decisions. I think that electorates in some constituencies, in some situations, might make the economically prudent decision, but the comparative is that some people won't, some electorates won't. Ours is policies which are enforced on all of these countries, which means that all of these countries do this. No forces. If they accept that these policies are politically popular, then nighting their opening, we talk about social unrest and people being unhappy about not being able to eat and clean, so they need to resolve that before they can even access that case. Finally, clear it in CG about this recent shit of COVID, and COVID meaning that you don't need this policy in the first place. While this is a very narrow definition of the motion, which relies on a very clear and very bended assertion about what certain words in the motion mean, we know the plurality of cases. But secondly and more importantly, we think we've proven that these reforms are positive things for developing countries, full stop, regardless of the context, meaning that we still take the vast majority of cases. Finally, COVID was inflationary, which means that it falls under the subset of cases that we're talking about. The fact that supply chains were disrupted because people at home increased inflation because it was harder to get shit to people, so that shit costed more. People were pulled out of the workforce because they were ill, meaning you had to pay more wages for people, which means that there was inflation. Insofar as that is the case, our case still stands because it is good for government to lower their budget so that they don't have to exacerbate that inflationary spiral. Inflation kills savings, therefore inflation kills hope. The only way to ensure development is to ensure that you take the medicine. I'm proud to oppose.
CG · GovernmentI'll make one point in my speech. It's going to be better than anything I've said before, so it's going to win. I'll just start with one piece of weighing and one piece of rebuttal, and then I'll show you why we think that we don't want blanket policies on all countries, but rather tailored, specific policies that are good for the economic circumstances of each individual country, in which we will prove also why governments are likely to make good decisions on the counterfactual, filling in the link that OG Left and OO seem to challenge. Before that, one piece of weighing and one piece of rebuttal. Weighing. Andrew starts his speech by saying we're going to be contingent on their analysis on why the IMF makes bad decisions. You know why I'm so happy that takes him out of the debate? Because the InfoSci Bureau retells us what the decisions the IMF is going to make are. I don't think they've analysed any part of this, and this is why we think most of OG was in fact off the crash. If we just show concretely why the specific policies in this debate are often bad for countries, we are much better in showing why this will lead to bad decisions, as opposed to some abstract, there are differences between developing and developed countries, which don't ever link to why it means that these policies aren't also good for developing countries, like OO suggests. Secondly, response to OO. First of all, I want to point out, literally all of the OO material is contingent on one link, which is to say that governments are likely to make bad decisions, even when they know that it's bad. And I want to point out that they literally had just one reason for this being true, and that is electoral pressure. Governments are populist and they want to win more votes, even when it means giving people gifts. We come to the POI and ask them, why did the British people vote out this trust, who did give people gifts and was a populist and a bit of not very smart. We get the answer that some constituencies are smart and some constituencies are less. Putting aside that I don't personally think the British constituency is smarter than constituencies in developing countries, and I think many people can still see in their eyes when prices increase and there's an inflation, we have several reasons to think that specifically the populist case here is honestly quite good. A, we think that citizens, especially in times of crisis, where economic crisis is the main thing at headlines on the news, are very much aware of mismanagement by governments and do hold them accountable to this. Especially when inflation in particular is something that is very tangible and easy for me to see. I don't need to have complex understanding of macroeconomics to see that the prices are higher than they were a month ago, even though it's been just a month. So we think people are going to hold governments accountable to it for good reasons. Secondly, note how in many developing countries there actually isn't really much of a democracy, meaning that you are not held to many election processes where you care about immediately being elected and giving people gifts. But rather you actually have long-term incentives as a leader who is going to stay a leader for life or for many, many years, meaning that you do care about the success of your economy at large, even when it's temporarily unpopular. The rest of the rebuttal will be integrated. Let's get to the points. Firstly, why do we think oftentimes these policies are bad for governments? And I want to point out what our burden is. We don't have to prove that in all or even most cases these policies are bad for them. Only that in the cases that are changing by the motion it's bad for them. Because if we show that the government, in the case that these policies are good for them, would still opt for them voluntarily, we don't need the motion. Cool. What are the harms of these policies in some cases? A. We think that increased interest rates are very bad for business. This part OG already said. What did they not already say? We think that uniquely. A. Unemployment, which is something that comes as a result of the lack of businesses because it's harder to start a business when you need to take loans, which are much more expensive when you increase interest rates, are going to be more harmful to these countries than the direct harms of inflation. Reason being, inflation just means prices are higher. But to an extent, salaries are also higher. Not to the same extent sometimes. Difference being is, unemployment means zero salaries. And inflation would still happen even if just a bit less, meaning that the impact on people is worse. Secondly, long-term versus short-term. Inflation is a short-term crisis that will eventually end when shortages resolve, say when the war in Ukraine ends and we all have fuel again. As opposed to ruining the business structure in these countries, which means long-term implications because people lose jobs and you need to retrain them after a year out of the market, when you don't have businesses in the first place, etc. Thirdly, we think that some of them can actually use the current timing to use a comparative advantage. Because if they uniquely, the developing countries, don't increase interest rates or lower their currency level when other countries increase interest rates, it means that businesses have an increased incentive to move and shift into developing countries from the developed world, because this is a much friendlier business environment. And this is a unique advantage that they are losing. Secondly, obviously during a crisis of shortage of energy and food, subsidizing energy and food is uniquely important. It's approximated that about 30 million people in Africa are on the verge of famine right now because of lack of imported grains from Ukraine and other sources. This is something that can uniquely be solved only when governments make good decisions. Why do governments make good decisions on our side? A. Importantly, on both sides when they take IMF loans, the IMF can advise them. They have all of the expertise of a lot of places, they went to business schools and learned everything, because the IMF doesn't have to force them to just tell them what they should do if the problem is information. Secondly, because anti-corruption measures exist anyway, it means that governments will have to be transparent on both sides and justify to voters why they accept or don't accept IMF proposals. The IMF would post what they propose, it will be on the news, people will ask politicians why not accepting them, they will have to justify in this particular case. Thirdly, central banks do exist in many developing countries, and you know what else? The IMF anyway, on both sides of the debate, demands increased independence for central banks. This is not a unique policy in the infosite, this exists in any day. Opening. > POI: The UK voted out trust because the IMF criticised the trust plan set the UK markets into free fall. Thank you. Okay, just get into that. You know the funny thing? The IMF would criticise the political leaders for this on both sides of the debate. I literally just explained, information is not an issue. You can advise them anyway and you have to be transparent. Central banks also exist, independence of central banks would be demanded anyway. Further, we think that A, it is in the direct interest of these governments to have a successful and economically flourishing population, not just a population that would immediately vote for them for several reasons. A, to increase their relative power in the global arena, they want to attract businesses, they want to have economic growth. And this is something that gives them more power because later today they take taxes that they cannot, because they're elite friends and so on, so they do want people to overall be happy. But secondly, because they want in the long run to prevent unrest. It's not enough that people just immediately vote for you. If they're going to end up in mass protests like happened several times in Venezuela, because people were very unhappy with being starving, this is something that is bad and uncomfortable for politicians. They need to send them on retreat. It is very bad for their functionality. This means that they, again, have an interest for good economic policies. They will listen to the IMF when it's good for them. But in the cases that it isn't, we shouldn't force it. Thank you to propose.
CO · OppositionI want to make one observation in starting this speech, which is that opening government themselves provide the logic to explain why the IMF does not do these loans and these conditions in the deeply uncharitable ways that they describe, that is to say, prevent countries from doing literally any pandemic relief, because, as they know, it is in conflict with other blocs, other blocs like China, like ASEAN, etc. And what that means is I think that the government has to defend, as closing government correctly observes, these specific policies indicated in motion, which means that you're likely to get rid of policies specifically disliked by economists, things like immensely costly and inefficient fuel subsidies, rather than abandoning literally all pandemic relief. What I'm therefore going to prove for the rest of this speech is just to explain why these specific policies specified in motion respond very poorly to the specific context of COVID-19, noting also that the imperative for this debate is the removal of all conditions, something which I think closing government is insufficiently engaging with. Alright, firstly then, why these policies deal with the COVID crisis, or actually, why these countries deal with the COVID crisis poorly in the status quo. I want to note from the outset at this point, that this explains, I think, better than opening opposition does, why these states make mistakes, because I think it's pretty fair for closing government to be like, well, why don't these states just make correct decisions about their own economies? But I think this material explains why what appears to be a correct short-term decision ends up prolonging inflationary crises in ways we should know. So firstly, what is the nature of the crisis these states are facing? I would just note that it is extremely inflationary, like, empirically true, and that's for a couple of reasons. Firstly, it's because of an initial supply shock, but importantly, it is not transitory, like, even the Fed has admitted that, because following that, there are two dynamics that prolong inflation. Firstly, inflationary policies from governments who overreact to the initial supply shock flood the economy with money that then achieves less productivity. And then secondly, reduced trade volumes and COVID, which means that there is less productivity to chase with all that new money. And I think that this responds somewhat to closing government, who I think rely a little bit too much on this inflation being transitory. You can't just wait it out. It's still going. And so I think that that suggests that you need to engage with the specific context that we're engaging in. I would also note, I suppose, that this debate isn't just about one country. Like, there's a lot of countries who face inflationary crises, and that means I think you get things like a race to the bottom if they're controlling interest rates in order to attract corporations. You don't successfully attract companies to come do business in your country. You just have a below-efficient inflation. The second thing to say, then, is how the policies, like how these kind of policies, like fuel subsidies, like trying to artificially lower your exchange rate, how that affects these specific countries. The first thing to say is I think you likely get into inflationary spirals. And that's to say that things like subsidies, which I would like to note are huge, like countries like Mexico have spent literally 1% of their GDP on fuel subsidies over the last two years. They become decreasingly affordable over time. Like, as your economy gets worse, you are less able to continue to prop up those industries. What eventually has to happen then is you have to take those subsidies off and go into a massive supply shop that people were unable to adjust for. I think that that is probably pretty terrible. But additionally, you become decreasingly productive as the value of your currency, which goes down, becomes less appealing to investors. Like, there is less development occurring in your country, which means there is less productivity for all this money floating around to chase. Additionally, you become decreasingly able to pay back loans. Firstly, because loans are often denominated in USD and the US interest rate empirically has gone up hugely. But secondly, because given that your productivity falls, your currency becomes worthless. And that means that you now have to pay more back on your American loans. But also, it's more expensive for you to do so in your own currency. That, I think, means that you are a decreasingly trustworthy state to lend to as these crises go on. So that goes to suggest that these crises must be dealt with in the short run. It's not good enough to wait them out. They get worse over time. The second thing to say is that policies suggested by GovVeg are terrible in a number of ways. Firstly, they're hugely regressive and inefficient. Inflation, for instance, is terrible for poor people. I would note that a lot of poor people in developing countries are not hugely indebted because they have very little borrowing power, but they do have huge amounts of engagement with consumer markets. They have to buy products. And when those prices go up uncontrollably, they are the first on the chopping block. They're also vulnerable to cost-cutting. Their jobs are the first ones on the chopping block as well. Secondly, subsidies, et cetera, are deeply ineffective. They reward the people who consume, for instance, the most fuel. They're captured via windfalls by industry. Fuel companies just absorb those subsidies and do not pass them on to consumers. And as I've already explained, they're unsustainable. All of that means that these economies become incredibly unstable. And that is terrible for your reasons. Firstly, unions and trade relationships are less reliable. Secondly, it deters foreign direct investment because investors do not trust your economy to stand up. Thirdly, it means you have to engage in costly currency production that clearly is unsustainable. And fourthly, it harms democracy for the reasons that opening government observes. The final thing I would note is that this is really bad for the industries that we probably like. It is the industries that create growth that require investment. Rather than primary industries that like low exchange rates, we probably want to propagate in these countries. I would also finally note that fuel subsidies have put Latin American countries back literally like five years on climate commitments. I think this is probably pretty fucking bad for climate change as well. All of that goes to suggest that these specific policies that we're engaging with in this debate do not work and are just terrible. Terrible for these countries' economies. Before I move on to some stuff about corporate capture, I'm going to take opening. > POI: Reducing inflation sounds nice, but the question from OG is whether you'd prefer the EU doesn't subsidise fuel at all and lets poor people stuck at freeze this winter. I'm responsive to my intro. You can do transfers that help the poorest of people without sinking 1% of your GDP into terrible, environmentally destructive and unsustainable subsidies. Come on. Alright, why then does this empower corporate capture in a really terrible way? The claim here is really powerful because it explains how the policies they describe are likely to be done in bad and inequitable ways. But additionally, it explains why you actually don't go back to normal after a crisis clears because you undermine these governments in a structural sense. Firstly, where governments have the capacity to intervene to protect particular actors, for instance by artificially suppressing exchange rates, that creates huge dividends to corruption. It gives you as an oil company huge benefits if you can do corporate capture because that government is able to intervene on your behalf. If it's not up to the market, you simply, straightforwardly cannot do this. So this is a government that structurally empowers corporate capture that worsens corruption. The second thing to say is that in times of crisis, governments have a seemingly rational incentive to prop up their largest industries, but note that that entrenches those industries in the very governance of that country and makes it decreasingly hard to do things like roll back subsidies even where they're incredibly unsustainable and inefficient. And thirdly, I just want to note that the argument I've made about how this de-incentivises investment and de-incentivises growth worsens the corporate capture, like if it's the case that there is less crisis in tech development because the currency's gone down the chute and you're not considered a reliable country, that means your government is way more likely to prioritise industries like oil, industries like agriculture, which can then do corporate capture and prolong the very terrible economic conditions that I've described. At the end of this speech, I think it's very clear that Closing Opposition is the only team that's actually engaged with the actual context that these loans have occurred in and the actual economic policies which these countries have embarked on. So, so proud of them.
CG · GovernmentTwo things in this debate. First, can governments make good economic policy and make good decisions for themselves? And second, where we take away the competitive advantage of these developing countries that need this money the most. First of all, I want to point out something about Closing Government. What Closing Government analyses to you – Closing Opposition, okay – analyses to you is why an economic crisis is really, really bad for poor people. Look, we genuinely agree with this state. I agree that inflation and I agree that lack of productivity and I agree that all of this is bad. The question is, on which side of the debate do we manage to mitigate it more? I think that what they don't engage with is that we showed you the ways that these countries have to get out of this crisis or to mitigate it by – I'll tell you, by getting people to open more businesses in their country, by getting other investors in other countries to come into this country because of the comparative advantage of lower interest rates and the fact that the currency is currently lower, interest rates are going lower as well, meaning that they have to invest less to do things in this country and to buy exports from these countries because they're buying them in a currency that's lower value. That's exactly when these countries have a comparative advantage and the ability to get money or to get their economy back on their feet that they wouldn't otherwise. Even if on their side what they do is have less subsidies for oil and gas, they never show why that is enough to get them out of this economic crisis in the long run. Maybe it mitigates some of the damage that's happening right now, but we're the only team to show you an active way out. Without analyzing this, their case just doesn't stand. And notice that I genuinely think this is new material if it comes out in WIC, right? Because I have no ability to engage with the actual mechanisms for how they're going to get things different on the way out. What they can try and do is weigh less subsidies over more companies, but I think that because companies and because exports give you an immediate impact on people's lives because it gives them salaries and it gives the government more money in order to be able to do more things with immediately because of the exports and companies that are coming in, we think that the direct impact on people's lives is so much larger than maybe somewhere down the line less subsidies bringing benefit. Let's get into it now. Why do we think that governments are able to decide what their economic policy is? What happens on top half? Top half basically says sometimes these policies are good, sometimes these policies are bad. Opening government gives you several reasons why these policies could be good. Opening opposition gives you several reasons why these policies could be bad. What are the opposites? I don't know. What opening opposition then tries to do is say that governments are not going to make these decisions because it's unpopular. I think if I take that down, what does this do to the debate? In the cases where it's good policy, we think it's going to happen on either side of the debate, but what changes is whether we're forcing it upon countries when it's also bad. The reason they gave for this is populism and the fact that it's the path of least resistance and people don't know what they're doing. How do we answer this? First of all, their political reasons or incentives that they give are true for a normal political situation and not for economic crisis. We think that when there's an economic crisis, that's exactly when people want to see change. They want to understand what the government is going to do in order to fix this economic crisis right now. We think that is the point where people do think long-term and understand long-term implications because these discussions are being had about how to leave the economic crisis and discussions about inflation and discussions about interest rates is exactly when this kind of thing happens so people know it more. But also, they're more likely to listen to what the IMF is telling them to do and its advice because if they don't know, what they're going to default to is default to expertise, is default to people they think might do a better job in their government. People are going to be supportive of what the IMF wants to do. This means that all of the benefits on the upside happen in the cases they want it to happen. The times it doesn't happen, the times where it would cause harm, is where it doesn't happen on our side. Notice that all of these reasons engage significantly better than just the reason that opening government gave you where it might be good policy and they can do it whatever they want, significantly better than what opening government did with opening opposition. Also, last thing, note that the comparative on both sides is money, right? On both sides, they get money, the question is what they do with that money and on our side, we give them the ability to do what's best for their country. So, why do we take away the comparative advantage? What did opening government tell you? Opening government talked to you about basic needs and the government's ability to subsidize important things for the people. Oh, oh, rightfully attack them on this and say that when there is a default, when there is an economic crisis, the government isn't able to do those things anyways. That's why our addition is so significantly important because we give you the comparative and explain why on our side, the steps that you can take when you don't impose that policy and the natural processes that happen when you have a comparative advantage to other countries allows you to get more money, allows you to do things that make the economy better at the end of the day, meaning that the government has more ability to actually do the things and give the basic needs and maybe not subsidize the things that it wants to subsidize on our side, meaning that even in an economic crisis, it can do more than it would have been able to do on the other side. Opening opposition say that what happened is that subsidies is what caused a lot of this crisis in the first place and therefore if you continue to subsidize, that's going to be bad. Notice that literally this is an assertion. Look at your notes and if it doesn't analyze this at any point, he just says that a national champion is bad. I don't think that's true. I think that what likely happens is that these countries are dependent on other countries in order to help them with their economy because they're usually exported, because usually what they do is give cheap labor for other countries and what other countries are less likely to consume. That means they have less influx of money. It's not yet. What we show is why even if that's true on either side, comparatively on our side, you have more consumption from other countries and more of these other countries trying to help you because you have a comparative advantage. Now I will take closing if you have anything. > POI: Yeah, if it's true that countries just make decisions that are good for them, why is Texas currently spent 1% of its GDP on inefficient petrol subsidies? I think that maybe in some cases they will make bad, but we show you why it's more likely that they make good choices on our side. I don't have to defend no one ever making mistakes, just show you likelihood. That's why it's about a consumption crisis. That's why it's crucially important that we incentivize other countries and consumers from other countries to continue to consume our products even if it doesn't solve it entirely, it still shows a comparative advantage and why we get more money than we would otherwise. Why is this more important than anything else in this debate? Notice that A, we just think in the long run it means people get more money, both because of the things we showed you, but both because when we show you that countries are more likely to pay back their loans and more likely to show that their economy is growing as a result of this, that's when the IMF trusts more to give more countries things and has more money in the first place. But also we just think that it successfully pulls in companies or pulls in consumption that doesn't necessarily go away afterwards, so then it saves more time. Notice that this is logically prior to civil unrest, so when we show you the way to avoid civil unrest on our side, that is significantly better and shows you your ability to avoid bad alternatives like China in the long run as well and in the next economic crisis. Because we showed you the only way out, please vote CG.
CO · OppositionTwo parts to this speech. Firstly, proving why the IMF has greater incentives and capacity to impose conditions well. Secondly, why independent incentives, the specific conditions we are debating, are good. Firstly, who is the best at imposing these conditions? The first thing I'm going to do here is look at opening government. They say the IMF has bad incentives and the mechanisms here are one, it's run by wealthy neoliberal economists and economists care about getting money, they don't care about countries they're learning to. I just want to note that basically all of opening government's harms of subsidies being good, austerity being bad, rely on the benevolence of the IMF. And the reason for that is because it's true that austerity is sometimes good, sorry, sometimes bad, it's true that subsidies are sometimes good, but obviously that's not true all the time. Austerity can be good in times of hyperinflation. Subsidies often, as we explained to Nobel laureate Ellie, support zombie industries, stifle growth, and commit cronyism. That's bad. The question is then, is the IMF able to impose these conditions prudently where they are necessary? Ellie gives a reason of competition, which is conceded by opening government, that if China is supporting these states, clearly the IMF has an incentive to make those good. I'll give additional four reasons. The first is that the structure of the IMF is democratic, which is to say all states have a say. It is not just notoriously controlled by the US. Secondly, other blocs exist, like ASEAN, so states can pull out of the IMF so people know that. Thirdly, the IMF just improves through time on the basis of things like governmental or domestic pressure, on the basis of history and data that people can learn from. Look at the way that, for instance, I'd like to see heavily invested poor countries change from being pretty punitive in 1996 to way, way less punitive in 2006, giving Zambia a $4 billion bailout on the basis of that data, on the basis of that domestic pressure. Fifthly, I just want to say that the IMF has way more capacity to collect information than other actors do. That is why the opening government claim absolutely falls out. We then get the flip side of this from closing government, who say, well actually, here are some reasons why domestic governments are good. The first observation I want to make here is that this debate occurs for countries which make the mistakes. We're not dealing about average domestic governments, we're dealing about the domestic governments who are coming to the IMF because they are in an inflationary crisis. What do they say? They say use the countable, because citizens are aware of government mismanagement and inflation is tangible. The first reason this argument falls through is that people do feel economic hardship, they're right that inflation is tangible, but they don't explain why that means people have the specific information about particular policies or government decisions that would reduce that inflation, right? I think it's more likely in the worst case that people just don't have economic answers, they turn to populism, they vilify racial minorities as being the cause of their economic grievance. Or, more generously, people just demand hugely inflationary subsidies, that yes, are good in terms of giving them a bit of money, but massively worse than inflation over time. Secondly, often you're unable to hold non-democratic or imperfectly democratic governments to account, right? Elections don't work perfectly in many of these states. Thirdly, even in perfectly democratic states, elections occur every four years. Some people are one in two voters. It's incredibly unclear that you have that kind of power. The second claim they make is that governments themselves want growth and they want to prevent unrest. The first thing I note is that short-term growth obviously can be profitable for the government in power, or getting money from a corporation, for instance, helps you. I'm pleased that that's going for your economy overall. But secondly, I just note that empirically, governments have been bad at doing this. Note the observation at the top of this issue. And that's not necessarily because those governments are stupid or evil, it's because managing inflation is really hard. Like, the economic decisions are really difficult. It's important we outsource it to the IMF, who has way better capacity, way better information. I note that there's often short-term political pressure to do inflationary transfers in ways that have turned very bad. And you can obviously, if you're a state that requires this to prevent uprising of your people, prevent unrest in other, more pernicious ways. But the final thing is that our extension clearly responds to this, right? Because we explained why corporate capture is far, far worse. And that is the reason why even maybe initially good governments are worsened by the existence of these kind of subsidies that prop up these sorts of zombie industries that allow them to capture corporations. That absolutely falls through. I just want to note the importance of this rebuttal. It clearly gets us over opening up to people who say, well, our bad austerity is worth the trade-off in development. We say, you don't have to do that trade-off, right? Because the IMF imposes conditions well. Secondly, it clearly rebuts closing governments' claim with that issue. The final thing closing governments says is they're like, well, the IMF can just advise countries. Clearly a huge difference in scale. We would rather actually have good policies imposed. But secondly, if the IMF is so mullet at the lip as their opening suggests, I'm clearly going to advise these countries that they're not taking your vote. Second part of this, the agenda. Specific conditions being debated are good. Before that, yeah. > POI: Opbench needs countries to take nasty IMF medicine. If IMF conditions are so good, why do countries reject them or go to China? I just don't think it's true. Sorry. The response clearly is that governments sometimes have bad incentives, so they don't always want to take the loans. We think the loans are actively good for citizens, right? That's the claim being made. But also, I would just contest that countries hate the IMF as much as you're suggesting for all the reasons I've already given. So, what are the specific policies we're dealing with? We explained very clearly and with a huge amount of analytical depth at LE that IMF conditions give developing states a path out of the COVID crisis, which is necessarily inflationary, but their side makes inflation worse, and it just has a whole other range of harms. Things like fuel subsidies massively worsening conditions of climate change. That is obviously terrible. What responses do we expect to this? Firstly, closing government is like, well, you guys have no alternative. Firstly, even if we didn't, we're saying this makes inflation worse, so it's a harm you should be avoiding. Secondly, clearly you do have other policies that exist. We can support direct transfers to the poor as opposed to other inefficient subsidies. And I know that most economists support some degree of intervention. We think that happens on our side. The second claim from closing government is like, well, here are some reasons why the specific policies are good for developing states. They're like, firstly, increased interest rates harm businesses. I assume that's bad. I would note, firstly, that if inflation exists on either side, I guess increased interest rates are to some degree memorable. But more importantly, this is not true. Businesses are more scared of rising inflation than they are of rising interest rates because increased interest rates only defer to borrowing. But investors, if they don't believe that their money is going to be worth anything, aren't going to invest at all, which is why that's a comparatively greater harm. The second claim is like, well, inflation is short-term, so you shouldn't restructure businesses. Clearly we explain this as being a long-term issue and you should not have the kind of economic structure that makes you vulnerable to inflation in the first place. The final thing is like, well, food subsidies are good. I don't think this is specified by the interest rate, and clearly if people need money for food, we think those are kind of humanitarian measures that the IMF is not getting to stop countries from getting to. So this is incredibly important. We think that we explain that regardless of incentives, these policies are good. And the final thing that we explain again to no response is why this makes corporate capture worse. I know that that was prior to the clash about good or bad incentives. Right? We explained that even good governments are massively vulnerable to TNCs. The final thing I'll really quickly remind is a claim from OG that states will hate these conditions, then they go to China, and that's bad. Firstly, that suggests that there is a competition with the IMF, which undermines their first benefit. Secondly, it relies on people hating these conditions. We explain why not. Third, it just assumes a tipping point in terms of states being ported by China. Fourth, they assert without proving that China is bad. I think the BRI is pretty good in many ways. It clears the argument. Thank you.
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